THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 

GIFT  OF 


Kate  Gordon  Moore 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2008  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/centuryofamericaOOfost 


A  CENTUEY  OF 

AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY 

BEING  A  BRIEF  REVIEW  OF  THE 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS  OF 

THE  UNITED  STATES 

1776-1876 

BY 

JOHN  W.   FOSTER 


BOSTON   AND   NEW   YORK 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 

(Elbe  RitoccjBiiDe  prcsfi*,  CambciDoe 

1901 


COPYRIGHT,  1900,  BY  JOHN  W.  FOSTER 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


fsi 


c 


PREFACE. 


The  present  work  is  the  outgrowth  of  a  series  of 
lectures  delivered  in  the  School  of  Diplomacy  of  the 
Columbian  University.  Two  motives  have  influenced 
their  publication.  The  first  is  the  hope  of  the  author 
that  by  a  study  of  this  review  of  the  diplomatic  con- 
duct of  our  most  distinguished  statesmen,  the  young 
men  of  the  country  may  have  their  patriotism  quick- 
ened, and  be  inspired  with  a  new  zeal  to  assist  in 
maintaining  the  honorable  position  of  our  government 
in  its  foreign  relations.  Few  may  be  able  to  enter  the 
diplomatic  service,  but  every  citizen  may  exercise  an 
influence  in  so  shaping  our  foreign  policy  that  the 
government  shall  continue  to  occupy  a  worthy  position 
amonof  the  nations  of  the  earth.  The  other  motive  is 
the  belief  that,  in  view  of  the  recent  enlarged  political 
and  commercial  intercourse  of  the  United  States  with 
other  powers,  a  succinct  history  of  the  diplomatic 
affairs  of  the  government  from  its  foundation  would 
be  opportune,  and  that  it  might  be  useful  in  the  solu- 
tion of  the  questions  of  foreign  policy  now  so  urgently 
presented  to  the  American  people. 

It  has  been  deemed  best  not  to  include  a  review  of 


S'lSvJlO 


IV  PREFACE. 

the  events  of  the  last  quarter  of  a  century,  as  they  are 
yet  fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  present  generation. 
The  only  exception  to  this  course  is  found  in  the  sketch 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  in  Chapter  XII.  To  enable 
students  to  further  pursue  their  investigations  on  the 
topics  presented,  citations  are  given  of  authorities  or 
original  sources  of  information  on  most  important 
events.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  citations  of  treaties  of 
the  United  States  are  not  given,  for  the  reason  that 
they  all  appear  in  the  "  Treaties  and  Conventions  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  other  Powers "  (govern- 
ment edition  of  1889),  arranged  alphabetically  as  to 
countries  and  in  chronological  order.  It  is  regretted 
that  the  engagements  of  a  busy  professional  life  have 
prevented  the  author  from  treating  the  subjects  more 
exhaustively  or  from  giving  a  more  extended  list  of 
citations.  Acknowledg-ment  is  made  of  courtesies  ex- 
tended,  in  the  preparation  of  the  work,  by  Mr.  Andrew 
H.  Allen,  the  efficient  librarian  of  the  Department  of 
State. 

Washington,  September,  1900. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE   REVOLUTIONARY   PERIOD. 

State  of  international  law  in  1776 

Organization  of  the  diplomatic  service  of  the  Colonies 
Silas  Deane,  first  foreign  representative  .... 
Beaiimarchais  and  his  relation  to  the  Colonies 
Marquis  de  Lafayette  goes  to  America    .... 

Congress  drafts  a  treaty  with  France 

Benjamin  Franklin,  commissioner,  his  character  and  services 
Embarrassments  attending  colonial  representatives  in  Europe 
Negotiations  with  the  French  court  and  the  treaties  of  1778 
Reception  of  French  minister  by  Congress 
Franklin's  trouble  with  his  colleagues      .... 
Appointed  sole  minister  to  France 


1 
3 

9 
11 
17 
19 
22 
2C 
28 
32 
35 
39 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   TREATY   OF   PEACE   AND   INDEPENDENCE. 


The  relation  of  Spain  to  the  Colonies 41 

The  armed  neutrality  of  Northern  Europe 42 

Negotiations  with  Holland 43 

John  Adams's  trouble  with  Vergennes,  the  French  Minister  of  For- 
eign Affairs       . 43 

Adams's  success  in,  and  treaty  with  Holland 47 

The  American  diplomatic  representatives  in  Europe    ...  49 
The  great  object  of  their  labors  to  secure  recognition  of  independ- 

ence •  .  o- 

Initiation  by  Franklin  of  negotiations  with  Great  Britain    .         .  53 

Arrival  of  Jay  and  his  participation  in  the  negotiations  ...  69 


VI  CONTENTS. 

Complications  in  the  negotiations          ......  60 

Arrival  of  Adams  and  his  support  of  Jay         .....  63 

The  questions  at  issue  and  terms  of  the  treaty  of  peace  and  inde- 
pendence   64 

Departure  of  commissioners  from  instructions  of  Congress      .         .  66 

Favorable  reception  of  the  treaty  and  prophecies  as  to  its  effects  69 

CHAPTER  III. 

PEACE   UNDER   THE   COXFEDERATION. 

Incidents  attending  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  of  peace       .         .  73 

Jay's  objection  to  Oswald's  commission        .....  73 

Franklin's  proposition  as  to  Canada 74 

Washington's  objection  to  French  occupation  of  Canada      .         .  75 

Violation  of  the  instructions  of  Congress  by  the  commissioners       .  77 
The  preliminary  treaty  of  1782  becomes  the  permanent  treaty  of 

1783 80 

Count  de  Vergennes,  his  services  and  conduct          ....  81 

Lord  Shelburne's  conduct  in  the  negotiations       ....  82 

Relative  merits  of  Franklin,  Adams,  and  Jay  .....  84 

Commercial  relations  after  the  war  ;  Hamburg  letter           .         .  88 

Religious  questions  in  diplomacy 90 

Treaties  with  Prussia  of  1785,  and  with  other  countries       .         .  92 
Return  of  Franklin  and  Jay  to  America,  aud  Adams,  minister  to 

England 94 

Jay  as  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs     ......  96 

Foreign  embarrassments  owing  to  inefficiency  of    the    Confeder- 
ation   99 

Diplomatic  representatives  of  the  Revolutionary  period       .         .  101 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE   ORGANIZATION   OF   THE   DEPARTMENT   OF   STATE. 

The  defects  of  the  Confederation  lead  to  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention            103 

Division  of  powers  under  the  Constitution     .....  104 
Discussion  in  the  "  Federalist "  of  provisions  relating  to  foreign 

affairs 106 

Jay  on  the  negotiation  and  ratification  of  treaties         .         .         .  107 

Hamilton  on  the  powers  and  diplomatic  functions  of  the  President  .  Ill 


CONTENTS.  vii 

Possible  conflict  of  powers  in  foreign  affairs         ....  114 
Hamilton  in  defense  of  a  vigorous  executive   .         .         .         .         .118 

No  provision  in  the  Constitution  for  a  cabinet       ....  120 
Action  of   first  Congress  under  the  Constitution  in  creating  the 

Department  of  State 122 

Powers  and  duties  of  Secretary  of  State      .....  126 

Other  than  diplomatic  duties  of  the  Department  of  State       .         .  128 

The  Great  Seal  of  the  United  States 129 

Organization  and  growth  of  the  department 130 

Division  of  its  business  into  bureaus     ......  131 

Future  needs  of  the  Department  of  State 134 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE   ADMINISTRATIONS   OF   WASHINGTON   AND   ADAMS. 

Washington  puts  the  new  government  into  operation  .        .        .  13G 

Jefferson  appointed  Secretary  of  State 137 

Influence  on  him  of  residence  in  Paris 138 

His  style  of  living  there 139 

Jefferson's  doubtful  attitude  respecting  the  new  constitution        .  141 

His  views  not  in  harmony  with  those  of  his  cabinet  colleagues         .  143 

His  quarrel  with  Hamilton ,  144 

Abuse  of  "Washington  by  Freneau,  a  State  Department  clerk  .  147 

Ratification  of  consular  treaty  with  France  ....  148 

Improvement  of  the  public  credit  and  foreign  commerce  under  the 

Constitution 149 

Discordant  views  as  to  the  validity  of  the  French  treaty  of  alliance  151 

Arrival  of  Genet,  minister  of  the  French  Republic         .  .         .  153 

The  proclamation  of  neutrality 154 

Dismissal  of  Genet 156 

Jefferson's  opposition  to  the  proclamation  of  neutrality       .         .  157 

His  retirement  as  Secretary  of  State  and  appointment  of  Randolph  158 
Jay  appointed  special  envoy  to  London  and  negotiates  the  treaty  of 

1794  with  Great  Britain 159 

Strong  opposition  to  the  treaty 161 

Ratification  of  the  treaty  and  Randolph's  downfall  .         .         .  162 

Defense  of  Jay  treaty  .........  165 

Invention  of  the  cotton-gin  and  its  influence  on  the  country     .         .  166 

Discussion  in  Congress  as  to  the  power  of  the  House  over  a  treaty  167 

Jefferson's  Mazzei  letter 170 


Viii  CONTENTS. 

Pickering  succeeds  Randolph  as  Secretary  of  State     .        .        .  171 

Monroe  as  minister  to  France  ........  172 

War  threatened  with  France  during  Adams's  administration        .  176 
The  X  Y  Z  correspondence,  and  withdrawal  of  the  American  com- 
missioners from  Paris 176 

Appointment  of  a  new  commission  and  peace  secured  through  new 

treaties 178 

Adams's  trouble  with  his  party  and  defeat  of  the  Federalists  .        .  180 

John  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State  and  Chief  Justice  .        .        .  181 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   ADMTNISTKATION   OF  JEFFERSON. 


The  new  era  of  democracy 

James  Madison,  Secretary  of  State,  his  qualities  and  services 
Jefferson's  greatest  achievement,  the  purchase  of  Louisiana 
Sketch  of  events  preceding  the  treaty  with  France 
Li^angston  opens  negotiations  for  New  Orleans 
Monroe  appointed  special  envoy  to  France 
Events  in  Europe  unexpectedly  secure  the  whole  of  the  vast 
tory  to  the  United  States      ...... 

Protest  of  the  Spanish  government  against  the  transfer 
Constitutional  difficulty  presented  in  the  acquisition 

Other  grounds  of  objection 

Influence  of  the  acquisition  on  the  country 
Suppression  of  the  Barbary  piracy       .         .         *         .         . 
Jefferson's  social  customs  as  President     .... 
His  troubles  with  the  foreign  diplomats        .... 
The  defiance  of  the  Spanish  minister        .... 

The  dismissal  of  the  British  minister 

Participation  of  foreign  ministers  in  Burr's  conspiracy     . 
The  Logan  Act,  its  origin  and  difficulty  of  enforcement 
Close  of  Jefferson's  administration  and  the  rising  war-cloud 


terri- 


185 
185 
187 
188 
190 
191 

192 
196 
198 
201 
203 
205 
208 
211 
217 
220 
223 
226 
231 


CHAPTER  VII. 


ADMINISTRATIONS   OF   MADISON,   MONROE,   AND  J.   Q.   ADAMS. 

Embarrassments  confronting  Madison  as  President      .         .         .  233 

Unwise  choice  of  Robert  Smith  as  Secretary  of  State     .         .         .  233 

Hia  retirement,  and  James  Monroe  his  successor        .        .        .  234 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


Causes  of  the  war  of  1812  with  Great  Britain         ....  235 

The  attack  on  the  Chesapeake 237 

The  paper  blockades 238 

British  visitation  and  impressment 239 

Declaration  of  war  by  Congress       .......  240 

Opposition  in  New  England  to  the  war 241 

The  negotiations  for  peace       ........  243 

No  settlement  of  issues,  but  a  welcome  peace      ....  245 

The  results  of  the  war 248 

Retirement  of  Madison,  and  advent  of  Monroe  as  President        .  249 

John  Quincy  Adams,  Secretary  of  State,  sketch  of  his  life      .         .  250 

Disarmament  on  the  Great  Lakes 252 

The  northeast  fisheries 254 

Efforts  to  secure  Florida 256 

Jackson's  invasion  of  Florida  ........  258 

The  treaty  of  1819  for  its  acquisition   ......  260 

Recognition  of  the  Spanish-American  republics       ....  263 

Treaty  with  Russia,  settling  claims  on  northwest  coast  of  America  265 

Successful  close  of  Monroe's  administration     .....  266 

The  presidential  contest  of  1824,  and  election  of  J.  Q.  Adams   .  268 

Henry  Clay,  Secretary  of  State,  and  the  "  corrupt  bargain  "  charge  268 

His  successful  management  of  the  office 270 

Department  of  State  no  more  the  stepping-stone  to  presidency        .  272 


CHAPTER  Vm. 

FROM  JACKSON   TO   POLK. 


Jackson's  administration  a  new  era  in  government  ....  273 

Martin  Van  Buren,  Secretary  of  State 273 

The  "  Peggy  O'Neil  "  scandal  and  its  influence  on  the  future  of  the 

secretary 274 

His  nomination  to  London  and  rejection  by  the  Senate  .         .  275 

Succeeded  by  Edward  Livingston  as  Secretary  of  State  .         .         .  278 

The  French  treaty  imbroglio 278 

John  Forsyth,  Secretary  of  State  under  Van  Buren         .         .         .  279 

The  Canadian  Rebellion 280 

Independence  of  Texas  recognized  .......  280 

Daniel  Webster,  secretary  under  Harrison,  and  his  g^eat  reputation  281 
The  northeastern  boundary  dispute  and    the  Webster-Ashburton 

treaty 282 


X  CONTENTS. 

American  wives  of  foreign  diplomats 283 

The  "  battle  of  the  maps  " 284 

The  McLeod  case,  the  Creole,  and  right  of  search        .         .         .  287 

Relations  of  the  United  States  with  China 289 

Recognition  of  the  Kingdom  of  Hawaii 293 

President  Tyler's  interest  in  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  Webster's 

resignation 295 

John  C.  Calhoun,  secretary,  and  his  treaty  for  the  annexation  .  297 
Rejection  of  the  treaty  and  annexation  of  Texas  by  joint  resolution 

of  Congress 300 

Election  of  Polk,  and  James  Buchanan,  his  Secretary  of  State    .  301 

The  Oregon  boundary  question         .......  302 

Its  treaty  settlement  and  "  Fifty-four-forty,  or  fight "  ,         .  307 

Prominent  statesmen  on  the  expansion  of  the  republic    .         .         .  309 

CHAPTER   IX. 

FROM   THE   MEXICAN   TO   THE   CIVIL  WAR. 

Resolution  of  Congress  that  war  exists  "  by  the  act  of  Mexico  "  .  314 

The  war  not  a  popidar  measure        .......  316 

Mr.  Trist,  peace  commissioner  and  his  negotiations      .         .         .  317 

The  treaty  of  peace,  and  strange  experience  of  its  negotiator  .         .  318 

Tragic  death  of  J.  Q.  Adams 319 

Ratification  of  the  treaty  of  peace  ;  its  protocol     ....  320 

Judgment  of  history  on  Texas  and  the  Mexican  War  .         .  321 

Treaty  with  Colombia  and  the  Isthmus  transit  ....  324 
John  M.  Clayton,  Secretary  of  State  under  Taylor,  negotiates  the 

Isthmus  Canal  treaty 325 

Daniel  Webster  returns  to  the  department  on  the  accession  of  Fill- 
more       326 

The  status  of  Cuba 327 

Anti-Spanish  riot  in  New  Orleans    .......  327 

The  Hungarian  revolt  and  the   Webster-Hulsemann   correspond- 
ence   329 

The  Perry  expedition  and  opening  of  Japan 333 

Webster's  successful  career 335 

William  L.  Marcy,  secretary  under  Pierce       .....  335 

The  Koszta  affair,  naturalization  and  expatriation        .         .         .  336 

The  reciprocity  treaty  with  Canada 337 

The  Marcy  diplomatic  dress  circular 339 


CONTENTS.  xi 

The  heydey  of  the  filibuster 341 

The  case  of  the  Black  Warrior    . 343 

The  Ostciul  Manifesto 345 

The  Declaration  of  Paris  and  the  Marcy  amendment  .         .         .  347 

Buchanan,  President  ;  Lewis  Cass,  Secretary  of  State    .         .         .  349 

Efforts  at  slavery  extension           .......  350 

Abolition  of  the  Danish  Sound  dues 353 

Mexican  disorder,  and  the  coming  Civil  War       ....  355 

CHAPTER  X. 

DURING   THE   CIVIL   WAR. 

William  H.  Seward  chosen  Secretary  of  State  by  Lincoln       .         .  357 

The  great  danger  to  the  Union,  European  intervention         .         .  358 

Mr.  Seward's  intemperate  dispatch  and  the  President's  corrections  .  3G0 

His  "Thoughts  for  the  President"  and  delusion  as  to  the  war      .  362 

Recognition  of  the  Confederates  as  belligerents      ....  3G5 

The  Trent  affair 367 

Unfriendly  cooperation  of  Great  Britain  and  France  ;  Russia  de- 
clines   ............  372 

Hostile  attitude  of  British  government  and  ruling  classes    .         .  373 

The  cotton  famine  in  England  and  the  working  classes    .         .         .  375 

French  and  British  efforts  at  intervention 378 

The  building  of  Confederate  cruisers  in  British  ports,  and  escape 

of  the  Alabama    ..........  384 

Effect  in  England  of  the  proclamation  of  emancipation         .         .  392 

The  ironclads  and  the  mission  of  Forbes  and  Aspinwall  to  England  397 

Other  unofficial  missions  and  agents  in  Europe         ....  398 

The  invaluable  services  of   Charles  Francis  Adams,   minister   in 

Loudon 399 

Tributes  of  the  nations  on  the  death  of  Lincoln       ....  400 

CHAPTER  XI. 

AFTER    THE    CIVIL    WAR. 

The  situation  of  affairs  in  Mexico 401 

French  occupation  and  Seward's  notice  to  withdraw         .         .         .  402 

Laying  of  the  Atlantic  cable         .......  403 

Events  leading  to  the  purchase  of  Alaska 404 

Friendship  of  Russia  for  the  United  States         ....  405 


xu 


CONTENTS. 


The  treaty  for  the  cession  of  Alaska 406 

Opposition  to  the  treaty  in  the  House  ......  407 

Relation  of  the  United  States  to  the  progress  of  Japan  .         .         .  410 

The  friendly  policy  towards  China        ......  415 

Review  of  Mr.  Seward's  ser-i-ices  in  the  Department  of  State         .  417 

Hamilton  Fish,  Secretary  of  State  under  President  Grant    .         .  417 

The  Cuban  insurrection    .........  418 

Rejection  of  treaty  annexing  San  Domingo          ....  419 

Extradition  cases  of  Winslow,  Tweed,  and  Arguelles       .         .         .  419 

Claims  against  Great  Britain  on  account  of  Confederate  cruisers  421 

Joint  High  Commission  and  treaty  of  1871     .....  423 

Arbitration  of  the  Alabama  claims     ......  424 

Charles  Sumner  and  his  relations  with  the  administration        .         .  428 

Mr.  Motley's  dismissal  as  minister  to  England      ....  431 

Trouble  with  Catacazy,  Russian  minister         .....  432 

Relations  with  Hawaii  and  Samoa        ......  435 

•Successful  management  of  the  department  by  Mr.  Fish  .         .         .  436 
Review  of  the  influence  of  American  diplomacy  on  international 

law 436 


CHAPTER  XII. 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE. 


1823 


Difficulty  in  definition  and  practical  application        .... 
Outgrowth   of    Declaration   of    Independence   and    Washington's 

Address 

Jefferson's  early  declarations    ..... 

Events  preceding  the  announcement  of  the  doctrine    . 
The  text  of  the  doctrine  in  the  President's  message,  Dec.  2, 
The  principle  and  scope  of  the  doctrine 
The  effect  of  its  announcement        ..... 

The  part  of  Mr.  Canning  in  its  promulgation 

The  Panama  Congress  and  the  doctrine    .... 

President  Polk's  attempt  to  apply  it  to  Yucatan  . 

The  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  a  disregard  of  the  doctrine 

Its  application  to  Cuba         ...... 

Its  application  to  Mexico  ...... 

Extension  of  the  doctrine  to  isthmus  canals 
Its  latest  application  to  the  Venezuela  boundary 
Secretary  Olney's  exposition  of  the  doctrine 


438 

438 
440 
441 
444 
445 
447 
448 
451 
454 
456 
458 
459 
461 
467 
468 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

The  effect  on  Europe  of  President  Cleveland's  enforcement  of  it    .  473 

Its  principles  aftirmatively  and  negatively  stated  .         .         .  475 

Appendix. 

List  of  Secretaries  of  State 479 

Index 483 


LIST   OF  MAPS. 


Map  of  North  America,  showing  the  boundaries  of  the  United 
States,  Canada,  and  the  Spanish  Possessions,  according  to  the 
Proposals  of  the  Court  of  France     ....     opposite  page  60 

The  United  States  after  the  Treaty  of  1783      ...  75 

The  Louisiana  Purchase,  1803 185 

The  Oregon  Territory  in  Dispute 302 

Mexican  ceded  Territory,  1845-48 314 


A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE    REVOLUTIONARY    PERIOD. 

The  British  North  American  colonies  sought  for 
admission  into  the  family  of  nations  in  a  transition 
epoch  in  the  development  of  international  law  and 
diplomacy.  These  were  the  offspring  of  the  latter 
period  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Diplomacy  could  have  no 
existence  in  the  Roman  Empire,  because  Rome  would 
permit  no  relation  with  any  other  state,  save  that  of 
subjection  on  the  part  of  the  other.  Diplomatic  nego- 
tiations necessarily  imply  a  certain  equality  of  rela- 
tions. It  was  not  until  the  modern  nations  began  to 
be  evolved  from  the  chaos  resulting  from  the  over- 
throw of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  they  assumed  some 
degree  of  stabihty,  and  recognized  in  each  other  an 
equality  in  international  intercourse,  that  international 
law  became  a  formative  code  of  principles  controlling 
the  conduct  of  nations.  Althouoh  the  treatises  of  Gro- 
tins  had  been  written  a  hundred  years,  the  eighteenth 
century,  which  records  the  revolt  of  the  American 
colonies,  repeatedly  witnessed  the  disregard  of  this 
code  and  its  principles  set  aside  by  the  more  powerful 
nations. 


2  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

The  definition  and  etymology  of  the  word  diplomacy 
illustrate  its  history.  It  may  be  at  this  day  defined  to 
be  the  art  of  conducting  the  intercourse  of  nations 
with  each  other.  A  fuller  definition  is  found  in  the 
Century  Dictionary:  "The  science  of  the  forms,  cere- 
monies, and  methods  to  be  observed  in  conducting  the 
actual  intercourse  of  one  state  with  another,  through 
authorized  agents  on  the  basis  of  international  law ; 
the  art  of  conducting  such  intercourse,  as  in  negotiat- 
ing and  drafting  treaties,  representing  the  interests  of 
a  state  or  its  subjects  at  a  foreign  court,"  etc.  It  is  a 
word  of  modern  origin,  not  found  in  Johnson's  Dic- 
tionary, issued  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century, 
being  derived  from  the  word  diploma,  the  significance 
of  which  grew  out  of  the  practice  of  sovereigns  of  the 
mediaeval  period,  following  the  Roman  method  of  pre- 
servation of  important  documents,  in  having  their  royal 
warrants,  decrees,  and  finally  their  treaties  carefully  in- 
scribed on  parchments  or  diplomas.  The  knowledge 
of  these  ancient  documents  became  a  special  study  by 
a  class  of  officials,  who,  in  that  period,  were  intrusted 
with  the  framing  of  treaties.^  The  word  is  said  to  have 
been  first  used  in  French  by  Count  de  Vergennes,  Min- 
ister of  Louis  XVI.,  and  in  English  by  Burke,  contem- 
poraries in  our  Revolutionary  period. 

Diplomacy  and  its  code  —  international  law  —  are 
the  outgrowth  of  the  conflict  of  nations  in  recent  cen- 
turies,  the  slow  but  steady  development  and  triumph  of 
justice  and  the  principles  of  humanity  over  tyranny 
and  force,  resulting  in  the  amelioration  of  the  horrors 

1  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  "  Diplomatics." 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  3 

of  war  and  the  greater  reign  of  reason.  Diplomatic 
history  treats  of  high  motives  and  the  progress  of  just 
principles,  and  in  recent  times  the  wars  of  the  nations 
and  their  political  disputes  have  resulted  in  the  evolu- 
tion of  a  recognized  code  of  universal  and  impartial 
justice  as  applied  to  the  governments  of  the  world. 
There  is  no  more  striking  illustration  of  this  fact  than 
the  diplomatic  history  of  the  United  States.  A  new 
nation  in  a  new  world,  untrammeled  by  the  traditions 
and  institutions  of  past  ages,  born  to  power  and  great- 
ness almost  in  a  day  —  from  the  beginning  of  its  po- 
litical existence  it  made  itself  the  champion  of  a  freer 
commerce,  of  a  sincere  and  genuine  neutrality,  of  re- 
spect for  private  property  in  war,  of  the  most  advanced 
ideas  of  natural  rights  and  justice;  and  in  its  brief 
existence  of  a  century,  by  its  example  and  its  persistent 
diplomatic  advocacy,  it  has  exerted  a  greater  influence 
in  the  recognition  of  these  elevated  principles  than  any 
other  nation  of  the  world. 

The  study,  therefore,  of  our  diplomatic  history  be- 
comes most  important  and  profitable.  In  view  of  its 
past  record,  the  United  States  occupies  to-day  a  con- 
spicuous and  interesting  position  among  the  nations. 
Called  by  the  fortunes  of  war  and  its  enlarged  wealth 
and  power  to  great  responsibilities,  if  it  shall  prove 
true  to  its  past  history,  it  must  not  lower  its  standard 
of  universal  justice,  or  lose  its  interest  in  the  better- 
ment of  the  human  race.  It  has  been  well  said  that  it 
is  impossible  to  separate  the  policy  of  the  government 
from  the  conscience  of  the  nation. 

The  diplomatic  record  which  our  country  has  made 


4  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

in  the  first  century  of  its  existence  is  one  in  which  any 
American  citizen  may  take  just  pride,  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing pages  I  propose  to  direct  the  attention  of  the 
reader,  although  within  a  brief  compass,  to  the  saHent 
features  of  that  record. 

In  entering  upon  this  review,  the  first  epoch  which 
calls  for  examination  is  that  which  embraces  the  period 
from  the  earliest  formation  of  the  union  of  the  colonies 
to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  1787.  The 
diplomatic  relations  of  the  rising  nation  were  of  slow 
growth,  and  were  gradually  developed  by  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  struggle  for  independence.  By  the  Articles 
of  Confederation  the  Continental  Congress  was  em- 
powered to  make  peace  and  declare  war,  to  send  and 
receive  ambassadors  and  make  treaties  and  alliances, 
but  it  could  only  enter  upon  the  latter  with  the  assent 
of  nine  of  the  thirteen  States.  It  is  doubtless  from 
this  provision  that  the  Federal  Constitution  took  the 
clause  requiring  all  treaties  for  their  ratification  to 
receive  a  two-third  vote  of  the  Senate. 

Originally  the  Confederation  was  without  executive 
officers,  and  all  its  business,  both  foreign  and  domes- 
tic, was  conducted  through  committees.  In  1775  a 
^*  Secret  Committee  on  Foreign  Correspondence "  was 
appointed,  of  which  Benjamin  Franklin  and  John  Jay 
were  members,  and  in  1777  it  was  changed  to  the 
"  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs."  The  personnel  of 
this  committee  was  frequently  changed  ;  Thomas  Paine 
acted  as  its  secretary  for  some  time,  but  he  was  finally 
dismissed  for  misconduct  in  office.  Throug-h  these 
committees  all  the  foreign  relations   of   the  Colonies 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  5 

■were  conducted  up  to  1781,  when  the  committee  was 
abohshed,  and  a  "  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs  "  was 
estabHshed.  By  that  time  a  considerable  diplomatic 
representation  had  been  sent  to  Europe,  the  treaties  of 
alliance  and  of  commerce  with  France  had  been  neofoti- 
ated,  and  important  relations  with  other  nations  were 
being  established.  The  conduct  of  these  relations 
through  a  committee  had  proved  most  unsatisfactory. 
Mr.  Lovell,  the  only  member  at  that  time  who  seemed 
to  take  an  interest  in  its  business,  wrote  in  August, 
1779,  "  There  is  really  no  such  thing  as  a  Committee 
of  Foreign  Affairs  existing  —  no  secretary  or  clerk 
further  than  I  persevere  to  be  one  and  the  other.  The 
books  and  the  papers  of  that  extinguished  body  lay  yet 
on  the  table  of  Congress,  or  rather  are  locked  up  in 
the  secretary's  private  box."  ^ 

Congress  finally  took  the  matter  in  hand,  and  ap- 
pointed a  committee  which  submitted  the  plan  for  the 
organization  of  the  department,  and  in  its  report  states  : 
"  That  the  extent  and  rising  power  of  the  United 
States  entitle  them  to  a  place  among  the  great  poten- 
tates of  Europe,  while  our  political  and  commercial 
interests  point  out  the  propriety  of  cultivating  with 
them  a  friendly  correspondence  and  connection.  That, 
to  render  such  an  intercourse  advantageous,  the  neces- 
sity of  competent  knowledge  of  the  interests,  views,  rela- 
tions, and  systems  of  those  potentates,  is  obvious.  .  .  . 
That  to  answer  those  essential  purposes  the  committee 
are  of  opinion  that  a  fixed  and  permanent  office  for  the 
Department  of  Foreign  Affairs  ought  forthwith  to  be 

^  The  Department  of  State,  its  History  and  Functions  (1893),  pp.  7, 15. 


6  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

established  as  a  remedy  against  the  fluctuations,  the 
delays,  and  indecision  to  which  the  present  mode  of 
managing  our  foreign  affairs  must  be  exposed."  ^  The 
committee  thereupon  recommended  that  a  Secretary  of 
Foreign  Affairs  be  appointed,  and  proceeded  to  set  forth 
his  duties.  He  was  to  keep  an  office,  employ  suitable 
clerks,  and  conduct  the  foreign  correspondence  of  the 
government.  It  was  provided  that  all  his  communica- 
tions were  to  be  laid  before  Congress ;  he  was  "  to 
transmit  abroad  such  communications,  as  Congress  shall 
direct,  to  the  ministers  of  these  United  States,  and 
others  at  foreign  courts,  and  in  foreign  countries ;  the 
secretary  shall  have  liberty  to  attend  Congress,  that  he 
may  be  the  better  informed  of  the  affairs  of  the  United 
States,  and  have  an  opportunity  of  explaining  his  re- 
ports respecting  his  department." 

While  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Con- 
federation possessed  little  of  the  independent  action  of 
the  Secretary  of  State  under  the  Constitution,  he  enjoyed 
one  privilege  not  granted  to  the  latter,  to  wit,  the  right 
of  attending  and  taking  part  in  the  dehberations  of 
Cono^ress. 

We  learn  from  a  report  to  Congress  in  1782  that  the 
entire  force  of  the  department  consisted  of  the  secre- 
tary, at  a  salary  of  $4,000  ;  two  assistant  secretaries,  at 
salaries  of  §800  and  $700  respectively;  and  of  one 
clerk  at  $500 ;  making  a  total  of  four  officials  at  a  cost 
of  $6,000.^  The  first  secretary  was  Robert  R.  Living- 
ston, a  member  of  the  celebrated  Livingston  family  of 
New  York  which  rendered  such  important  service  to  the 

^  2  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,  580.  *  5  lb.  93. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  7 

country  during  and  after  the  Revolution.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  committee  which  framed  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  and  was  later  the  minister  to  France 
who  negotiated  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  He  was 
succeeded  in  1783  by  John  Jay,  whose  services  we  shall 
have  frequent  occasion  to  consider  in  the  succeeding 
chapters,  one  of  the  negotiators  of  two  of  the  most 
important  treaties  of  our  country's  history,  and  the 
first  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States. 

Some  idea  of  the  peculiar  relation  existing  at  that 
period  between  the  Continental  Congress,  the  Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  our  ministers  abroad,  may  be 
formed  from  the  following  extract  from  a  report  sub- 
mitted by  the  secretary  to  Congress  in  1782 :  — 

"  Dr.  Franklin  has  a  part  of  Mr.  Chamont's  house  at 
Passy ;  he  keeps  a  chariot  and  pair,  and  three  or  four 
servants,  and  gives  a  dinner  occasionally  to  the  Ameri- 
cans and  others.  His  whole  expense,  as  far  as  I  can 
learn,  is  very  much  within  his  income.  Mr.  Adams 
lives  in  lodgings ;  keeps  a  chariot  and  pair,  and  two 
menservants.  He  has  hitherto  retained  a  private  sec- 
retary, who  will,  in  the  absence  of  Mr.  Dana,  it  is  pre- 
sumed, be  paid  by  Congress.  I  have  lately  heard  that 
Mr.  Adams  was  about  to  take  a  house.  Mr.  Dana's 
salary,  even  if  he  should  assume  a  public  character  in 
a  country  where  the  relative  value  of  money  is  so  high, 
that,  if  I  am  well  informed,  an  elegant  house  may  be 
hired  for  fifteen  guineas  a  year,  is  very  ample.  Of  Mr. 
Jay's  manner  of  living,  I  have  been  able  to  give  no 
account,  but  I  should  conclude  from  the  price  of  the 
necessaries  of  life  in  that  part  of  Spain  in  which  he 


8  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

lives,  from  the  port  the  court  and  the  people  about  it 
maintains,  and  above  all,  from  its  sitting  in  different 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  that  to  live  in  the  same  style  with 
Dr.  Franklin,  his  expenses  must  amount  to  nearly  the 
double  of  theirs.  But  as  every  conjecture  of  this  kind 
must  be  very  uncertain,  all  I  can  do  is  to  lay  before 
Congress  the  relative  expense,  as  far  as  I  can  learn  it, 
between  the  different  places  at  which  the  ministers  reside, 
taking  Philadelphia  for  a  standard.  Paris,  if  wine, 
clothing,  and  wages  of  servants  are  included,  is  about 
twenty  per  cent,  cheaper  than  Philadelphia ;  Amsterdam, 
ten ;  and  at  Madrid  the  expenses  of  a  family  are  some- 
what higher  than  at  this  place.  But  from  the  unsettled 
state  of  those  who  follow  the  court,  their  traveling 
equipage  and  charges  must  greatly  enhance  this  expense. 
Congress  will  make  their  own  deductions  from  these 
facts,  after  allowing  for  their  inaccuracy."  ^ 

It  may  be  said  to  the  credit  of  the  Congress,  that 
though  it  concerned  itself  with  these  petty  details,  it 
made  liberal  allowances  to  its  diplomatic  representatives 
abroad,  considering  the  poverty  of  its  treasury  and  the 
large  demands  upon  it  for  the  conduct  of  the  war.  The 
annual  allowances  to  Dr.  Franklin  and  Messrs.  Adams 
and  Jay  were  over  $11,000  each  —  a  more  liberal  sum 
than  is  granted  to  our  representatives  at  those  capitals 
to-day,  if  the  relative  cost  of  living  is  taken  into  con- 
sideration. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  not  only  a 
challenge  to  Great  Britain ;  it  was  the  assertion  by  the 
colonies  of  their  right  to  an  independent  place  among 

^  3  Secret  Journals,  128. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  9 

the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  an  appeal  to  the  nations 
to  recognize  the  justice  of  that  claim.  It  opened  up  to 
Congress  a  new  duty,  and  another  field  of  effort  besides 
the  contest  of  arms  in  which  the  Colonies  had  enofaefed 
with  the  mother  country  —  the  new  relation  which  they 
were  to  sustain  towards  the  governments  of  Europe. 
Two  views  of  our  foreign  intercourse  were  entertained : 
the  one,  that  we  should  not  send  ministers  to  foreign 
courts  until  some  assurance  was  obtained  that  they 
would  be  received  ;  and  the  other,  that  for  the  attain- 
ment of  our  independence  we  should  seek  good  relations, 
if  not  alliances,  with  the  nations  unfriendly  to  England. 
These  opposing  views  were  well  expressed  in  Congress 
by  Franklin  and  Adams.  Said  Franklin  :  "  A  virgin 
state  should  preserve  the  virgin  character,  and  not  go 
abroad  suitoring  for  alliances ;  but  wait  with  decent 
dignity  for  the  application  of  others."  "  I  think,"  said 
John  Adams,  "  we  have  not  meanly  solicited  for  friend- 
ships anywhere.  But  to  send  ministers  to  any  great 
court  in  Europe,  especially  the  maritime  courts,  to  pro- 
pose an  acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  America 
and  treaties  of  amity  and  commerce,  is  no  more  than 
becomes  us,  and  in  my  opinion  is  our  duty  to  do."  ^ 
The  latter  view  so  harmonized  with  the  necessities  of 
the  situation  that  it  was  readily  adopted  by  Congress. 

The  first  representative  sent  abroad  went  in  strange 
contrast  with  our  diplomats  of  later  days.  Information 
had  been  received  through  friends  of  Dr.  Franklin  that 
France  was  inclined  to  render  the  cause  aid  in  a  surrep- 
titious manner,  but  that  it  could  not  appear  publicly  as 

'  Trescot's  Diplomacy  of  the  Revolution,  16,  17. 


10  A  CENTURY  OF  AIVIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

our  friend.  Congress  thereupon  decided  to  send  to 
Paris  an  authorized  agent.  Silas  Deane,  a  member  of 
that  body  from  Connecticut,  has  the  distinction  of  being 
the  first  named  American  diplomat.  His  mission  was 
to  ascertain  the  disposition  of  the  French  government, 
and  to  obtain  much  needed  material  and  supphes  for 
the  army.  His  letter  of  instructions,  prepared  by  the 
Committee  on  Secret  Correspondence,  is  an  interesting 
document.  It  is  dated  March  3,  1776,  and  bears  the 
distinguished  signatures  of  Franklin,  Benjamin  Harri- 
son, Dickinson,  Robert  Morris,  and  John  Jay.  It  sets 
forth  the  character  he  is  to  assume,  of  a  merchant 
engaged  in  the  West  Indian  trade,  furnishes  him  the 
names  of  various  friends  of  America  he  is  to  put  him- 
self in  contact  with,  describes  the  mihtary  supplies  most 
needed,  how  he  is  to  conduct  himself  towards  the 
French  government  if  he  can  secure  audience  with 
Count  de  Vergennes,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and 
does  not  omit  such  details  as  to  how  he  can  secure  the 
best  "  opportunity  of  acquiring  Parisian  French."  ^ 

A  curious  statement  as  to  the  knowledge  possessed 
by  the  American  envoys  in  Europe  of  the  language  and 
methods  of  diplomacy  is  found  in  a  letter  of  John 
Adams  three  years  later.  In  transmitting  his  accounts 
to  the  Treasury  Board,  he  says  :  *'  I  found  myself  in 
France  ill-versed  in  the  language,  the  literature,  the 
science,  the  laws,  customs,  and  manners  of  that  country, 
and  had  the  mortification  to  find  my  colleagues  very 
little  better  informed  than  myself,  vain  as  this  may 
seem."     He  thereupon  incloses  an  account  for  "  a  large 

^  2  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution,  Whar- 
ton's edition,  78. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  11 

collection  of  books  .  .  .  calculated  to  qualify  one  for 
conversation  and  for  business,  especially  the  science  of 
negotiation."  ^  Mr.  Deane  is  said  to  have  acquired  a 
sufficient  knowledge  of  French  for  conversation  only. 
Dr.  Franklin  spoke  the  language  imperfectly,  and  wa3 
able  "  to  write  bad  French." 

Deane's  departure  from  the  United  States  was  made 
secretly ;  he  traveled  under  the  assumed  name  of  "  Timo- 
thy Jones  "  and  in  the  character  of  a  merchant,  and,  it 
is  said,  carried  with  him  a  supply  of  invisible  ink  w^ith 
which  to  write  his  reports.  His  presence  and  real  char- 
acter were  soon  discovered  by  the  vigilant  British  am- 
bassador, and  his  expulsion  from  France  was  demanded, 
but  refused. 

He  reached  France  in  the  summer  of  1776,  and  found 
the  cause  of  the  Revolution  in  a  fair  way  to  receive 
very  substantial  aid.  Dr.  Duborg,  the  friend  and  cor- 
respondent of  Franklin,  had  been  untiring  in  his  efforts, 
and  had  secured  from  the  royal  arsenals,  in  a  mysterious 
way,  some  fifteen  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  could 
have  obtained  brass  cannon  by  the  same  method,  he 
writes,  but  "  for  the  circumstance  of  their  bearino;  the 
king's  arms  and  cipher,  which  made  them  too  discover- 
able." 

Among  the  most  important  of  the  early  friends  of 
the  colonies  was  Caron  de  Beaumarchais,  an  excep- 
tionally unique  and  fantastic  character  of  the  last  half 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  He  was  of  lowly  origin,  by 
occupation  a  watchmaker ;  he  developed  great  talents 
in  business  and  purchased  an  office  which  gave  him  a 
certain  standing  with  the  nobility  ;  in   early  years  he 

» lb.  327. 


12  A  CENTURY  OF  A]^IERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

showed  marked  taste  for  music,  which  was  cultivated  in 
his  education,  and  he  became  one  of  the  first  operatic 
composers  and  authors  of  his  day ;  his  personal  beauty 
and  grace  of  manner  won  him  a  favorable  marriage,  but 
the  early  and  sudden  death  of  his  wife  raised  against 
him  the  charge  of  poisoning,  which  he  refuted,  only  to 
be  renewed  on  his  second  marriage  with  a  rich  widow 
and  her  early  demise.  He  was  a  daring  speculator  and 
at  various  periods  was  the  possessor  of  a  fortune  ;  his 
musical  talent,  his  reputation  as  an  author,  his  boldness 
of  character  and  chivalrous  address  made  him  a  great 
favorite  in  the  court  and  political  circles  of  Louis  XV. 
and  Louis  XVL  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution 
he  conceived  the  design  of  becoming  the  secret  agent 
of  the  French  government  in  furnishing  material  aid  to 
the  revolted  colonies  of  the  traditional  enemy  of  France. 
He  made  journeys  to  London,  where  he  met  Arthur 
Lee,  of  Virginia,  a  young  barrister,  who  had  succeeded 
Franklin  as  agent  for  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  and 
had  enlisted  Lee  in  his  scheme.  How  far  he  had  pro- 
gressed with  the  French  government  may  in  part  be 
seen  by  the  following  letter  of  Count  de  Vergennes, 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  addressed  to  the  king, 
with  the  early  date  of  May  2,  1776,  two  months  before 
the  arrival  of  Deane,  which  also  illustrates  the  view 
which  the  French  government  entertained  of  its  duty 
as  a  neutral :  — 

"  Sire  :  I  have  the  honor  of  laying  at  the  feet  of 
your  Majesty  the  writing  authorizing  me  to  furnish  a 
million  of  livres  for  the  service  of  the  English  colonies. 
I  add  also  the  plan  of  an  answer  I  propose  to  make  to 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  13 

the  Sieur  Beaumarchais.  I  solicit  your  approbation  to 
the  two  propositions.  The  answer  to  M.  de  Beaumar- 
chais will  not  be  written  in  my  hand,  nor  even  that  of 
either  the  clerks  or  secretaries  of  my  office.  I  shall 
employ  for  that  purpose  my  son,  whose  handwriting 
cannot  be  known.  He  is  only  fifteen  years  old,  but  I 
can  answer  in  the  most  positive  manner  for  his  dis- 
cretion. As  it  is  important  that  this  operation  should 
not  be  suspected,  or  at  least  imputed  to  the  govern- 
ment, I  entreat  Your  Majesty  to  allow  me  to  direct  the 
return  of  the  Sieur  Montaudoin  to  Paris.  The  apparent 
pretext  for  that  proceeding  will  be  to  obtain  from  him 
an  account  of  his  correspondence  with  the  Americans, 
though  in  reality  it  will  be  for  the  purpose  of  employing 
him  to  transmit  to  them  such  funds  as  Your  Majesty 
chooses  to  appropriate  to  their  benefit,  directing  him, 
at  the  same  time,  to  take  all  necessary  precautions,  as 
if,  indeed,  the  Sieur  Montaudoin  made  the  advance  on 
his  own  account.  On  this  head,  I  take  the  liberty  of 
requesting  the  orders  of  Your  Majesty.  Having  ob- 
tained them,  I  shall  write  to  the  Marquis  de  Grimaldi 
[Spanish  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs],  inform  him  in 
detail  of  our  proceedings,  and  request  his  cooperation 
to  the  same  extent."  ^ 

Immediately  after  Deane's  arrival  in  Paris,  he  came 
into  relations  with  Beaumarchais,  and  the  relief  by  way 
of  war  materials  to  the  American  army  was  greatly 
accelerated.  In  September,  1776,  Deane  wrote  to 
Robert  Morris,  "  I  shall  send  you  in  October  clothing 
for  20,000  men,  30,000  muskets,  100  tons  gunpowder, 

I  2  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  (Wharton)  89. 


14  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

200  brass  cannon,  2-i  mortars,  with  shot,  shell,  etc.,  in 
proportion."  ^  And  in  November  he  obtained  credit  to 
the  amount  of  $2,500,000.  Meanwhile  the  scheme  of 
Beaumarchais  had  taken  definite  shape.  Ever  since 
the  revolution  of  the  British  Colonies  had  assumed  an 
organized  existence  he  had  been  active  with  his  facile 
pen,  and  had  labored  by  his  personal  interviews  to  bring 
the  French  government  to  the  support  of  the  Colonies. 
He  first  enlisted  Vergennes  in  his  scheme,  and  French 
historians  of  the  period  give  him  credit  for  finally  win- 
ning the  approval  of  the  king  to  the  rebel  cause  and 
to  the  plan  which  his  fertile  brain  had  devised.  In  a 
memorial  to  Louis  XVI.  as  early  as  February,  1776, 
he  wrote :  "  If  it  be  replied  that  we  cannot  assist  the 
Americans  without  woundino;  Engfland  and  without 
drawing  upon  us  the  storm  which  I  wish  to  keep  off,  I 
reply  that  this  danger  will  not  be  incurred  if  the  plan 
I  have  so  many  times  proposed  be  followed  —  that  of 
secretly  assisting  the  Americans  without  compromising 
ourselves.  ...  If  Your  Majesty  has  not  at  hand  a 
more  clever  man  to  employ  in  the  matter,  I  undertake 
and  answer  for  its  execution  without  any  one  being 
compromised,  persuaded  that  my  zeal  will  supply  my 
want  of  talent  better  than  the  talent  of  another  man 
could  replace  my  zeal."  ^ 

The  king  having  finally  approved  the  scheme,  it  was 
agreed  with  Count  de  Vergennes  that  Beaumarchais 
should  establish  a  mercantile  house  under  the  fictitious 
style  of  "  Roderique  Hortalez  et  C%"  whose  business 

1  2  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  (Wharton)  148. 

2  SLom^nie's  Beaumarchais  and  His  Times,  122. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  15 

it  would  be  to  "sell"  to  the  Colonies  the  military  sup- 
plies which  France  could  not,  without  incurring  the 
charge  of  a  violation  of  the  rules  of  neutrality.  It  is 
held  to  be  a  legitimate  transaction  for  a  mercantile 
house  to  furnish  to  a  belligerent  military  supplies  which 
have  been  purchased  of  a  neutral  government  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  trade.  For  instance,  after  our  late 
Civil  War  the  government  of  the  United  States  dis- 
posed at  public  sale  of  a  large  amount  of  surplus  arms, 
a  portion  of  which  went  into  the  hands  of  the  French 
during  the  Franco-German  war  of  1870,  but  the  sale 
was  not  made  by  the  United  States  with  that  intent. 
The  firm  of  Hortalez  &  Co.  established  itself  on  a 
prominent  street  in  Paris  in  a  large  residence  formerly 
owned  by  the  Netherlands  government  as  its  embassy. 
The  head  of  the  firm  was  reported  to  be  a  Spanish 
banker,  but  he  never  was  seen,  and  Beaumarchais 
answered  all  confidential  inquiries.  One  million  livres 
was  furnished  the  house  by  the  French  government, 
and  on  its  indorsement  one  million  more  was  supplied 
by  the  Spanish  government,  which  out  of  hatred  to  the 
British  was  inclined  to  aid  the  Colonies.  With  this 
capital  the  firm  was  enabled  to  inaugurate  an  active 
business.  Deane,  who  sought  to  obtain  arms  and  equip- 
ment for  twenty-five  thousand  men  from  the  French 
government,  was  officially  refused,  but  he  was  semi- 
officially referred  to  Beaumarchais,  who  with  the  capital 
acquired  procured  the  arms  and  equipment  from  the 
government  arsenals,  and  delivered  them  to  Deane,  who 
was  to  repay  them  by  Congressional  shipment  of  cargoes 
of  tobacco  and  other  American  products. 


16  A  CENTURY  OF  AJVIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

During  the  existence  of  this  firm,  from  1776  to 
1783,  it  is  said  that  its  disbursements  amounted  to 
over  21,000,000  livres,  and  a  considerable  part  of  this 
amount  was  used  in  the  purchase  and  shipment  of 
mihtary  stores  for  the  American  army.  Beaumarchais, 
however,  had  much  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  settlement 
of  his  accounts  from  the  Continental  Congress,  mainly 
because  of  the  uncertainty  as  to  what  portion  of  his 
capital  was  intended  by  the  French  government  as  a 
gratuity  to  the  Americans.  Arthur  Lee,  who,  as  we 
shall  see,  was  appointed  by  Congress  one  of  its  diplo- 
matic representatives  at  Paris,  conceived  a  bitter  enmity 
to  Beaumarchais  and  Deane,  and  sent  such  reports  to 
Congress  as  cast  doubts  upon  the  correctness  of  the 
accounts  as  rendered.  Beaumarchais  sought  in  vain  a 
settlement  up  to  his  death,  in  1799.  During  every  ad- 
ministration and  almost  every  Congress  for  many  years 
this  claim  was  the  subject  of  investigation  and  discus- 
sion, in  which  figured  prominently  what  was  called  the 
"  lost  million  "  —  a  part  of  the  capital  of  Hortalez  & 
Co.,  and  it  was  finally  settled  by  the  treaty  of  1831, 
it  being  agreed  that  out  of  the  sum  paid  by  the  United 
States  under  that  convention  800,000  francs  should  go 
to  the  heirs  of  the  claimant.  Beaumarchais  was  a  pro- 
duct of  the  peculiar  diplomacy  of  the  period,  which 
sought  to  accomplish  its  purposes  through  duplicity 
and  indirection.  His  fictitious  firm  was  such  a  thin 
disguise  that  it  was  soon  penetrated  by  the  active  Brit- 
ish ambassador,  with  the  aid  of  his  corps  of  spies,  but 
it  answered  the  purpose  as  a  temporary  expedient  of 
the  French  government  until  it  suited  the  ends  of  that 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY    PERIOD.  17 

government  to  enter  into  an  open  alliance  with  the 
Colonies.  At  this  day  the  fame  of  this  fantastic  per- 
sonaare  is  divided  between  his  disofuised  services  to  the 
cause  of  America  and  his  authorship  of  those  charming 
plays  "  Figaro  "  and  "  The  Barber  of  Seville." 

Another  important  personage  of  the  French  nation, 
who  tendered  his  services  to  the  Americans  a  little 
later,  inspired  by  the  most  exalted  sentiments,  dis- 
tinguished by  gallantry  on  the  field,  and  by  a  lifelong 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  was  the  Marquis  de 
Lafayette,  who  stands  at  the  head  of  the  roll  of  hon- 
ored foreigners  who  have  contributed  to  the  greatness 
of  our  country.  His  services  lie  almost  wholly  beyond 
the  scope  of  diplomacy,  but  it  w^ll  be  of  interest  to 
read  an  extract  from  the  letter  of  the  American  envoys 
in  Paris,  Messrs.  Franklin  and  Deane,  to  Congress,  an- 
nouncing his  departure  for  America :  — 

"  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  a  young  nobleman  of 
great  family  connections  here  and  great  wealth,  is  gone 
to  America  in  a  ship  of  his  own,  accompanied  by  some 
officers  of  distinction,  in  order  to  serve  in  our  armies. 
He  is  exceedingly  beloved,  and  everybody's  good  wishes 
attend  him  ;  we  cannot  but  hope  he  may  meet  with 
such  a  reception  as  will  make  the  country  and  his  ex- 
pedition agreeable  to  him.  Those  who  censure  it  as 
imprudent  in  him  do  nevertheless  applaud  his  spirit, 
and  we  are  satisfied  that  the  civilities  and  respect  that 
may  be  shown  him  will  be  serviceable  to  our  affairs 
here,  as  pleasing  not  only  to  his  powerfid  relations  and 
to  the  court,  but  to  the  whole  French  nation.  He  has 
left  a  beautiful  young  wife,  enceinte,  and  for  her  sake 


18  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

particularly  we  hope  that  his  bravery  and  ardent  desire 
to  distinguish  himself  will  be  a  little  restrained  by  the 
general's  prudence,  so  as  not  to  permit  his  being  haz- 
arded much,  but  on  some  important  occasion."  ^ 

Deane  had  no  direct  intercourse  with  the  French 
court  for  some  time  after  his  arrival  in  Paris,  but  his 
reports  to  Congress  show  that  he  was  not  neglectful  of 
the  high  court  influences.  In  his  letter  of  December 
3,  1776,  he  writes  :  "  The  queen  is  fond  of  parade, 
and,  I  believe,  wishes  for  war,  and  is  our  friend.  She 
loves  riding  on  horseback.  Could  you  send  me  a  fine 
Narragansett  horse  or  two  ?  The  money  would  be  well 
laid  out.  Rittenhouse's  orrery,  or  Arnold's  collection 
of  insects,  —  a  phaeton  of  American  make,  and  a  pair 
of  bay  horses,  —  a  few  barrels  of  apples,  walnuts,  cran- 
berries, butternuts,  etc.,  would  be  great  curiosities."  ^ 

I  find  no  record  of  the  action  of  Congress  on  this 
recommendation  of  its  representative,  and  our  diplo- 
matic history  is  silent  as  to  whether  the  Naragansett 
pony,  the  American  phaeton,  the  bays,  the  insects,  the 
apples,  the  cranberries,  or  the  butternuts  ever  reached 
their  august  destination,  but  the  incident  suggests  that 
Deane  might  have  enjoyed  the  acquaintance  of  the 
donor  of  the  diamond  necklace,  so  notorious  in  French 
society  of  that  day. 

The  not  very  creditable  relations  established  with 
the  French  government  through  Beaumarchais  were 
not  long  to  be  maintained.  It  became  apparent  to 
Congress  that  France  was  so  fully  inclined  to  the  Revo- 
lution that  she  must  ere  long  openly  espouse  its  cause. 

1  2  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  (Wharton)  324.  «  lb.  214. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  19 

John  Adams  had,  soon  after  the  outbreak,  urged  that 
steps  be  taken  to  effect  a  treaty  with  that  nation,  and 
was  persistent  in  advocating  the  policy.  "  Some  gentle- 
men," he  wrote,  "  doubted  of  the  sentiments  of  France, 
thought  she  would  frown  upon  us  as  rebels,  and  be 
afraid  to  countenance  the  example.  I  replied  to  these 
gentlemen,  that  I  apprehended  they  had  not  attended 
to  the  relative  situation  of  France  and  England ;  that 
it  was  the  unquestionable  interest  of  France  that  the 
British  continental  colonies  should  be  independent ; 
that  Britain,  by  the  conquest  of  Canada  and  her  naval 
triumphs  during  the  last  war,  and  by  her  vast  posses- 
sions, .  .  .  was  exalted  to  an  height  and  preeminence 
that  France  must  envy  and  could  not  endure.  But 
there  was  more  than  pride  and  jealousy  in  the  case. 
Her  rank,  her  consideration  in  Europe,  and  even  her 
safety  and  independence,  were  at  stake."  ^ 

Congress  finally  yielded  to  the  arguments  of  Adams, 
and  in  June,  1776,  a  committee  consisting  of  Dickinson, 
Franklin,  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Harrison,  and  Robert 
Morris,  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  form  of  treaty  to  be 
proposed  to  foreign  powers,  and  in  September,  1776, 
the  committee  submitted  its  rej^ort  in  the  shape  of  an 
elaborate  draft  of  a  treaty,  mainly  the  work  of  John 
Adams,  consisting  of  thirty  articles.  This  draft  is  an 
early  indication  of  the  advanced  views  of  international 
law  entertained  by  American  statesmen.  It  sets  forth 
principles  which  had  not  up  to  that  time  been  incorpo- 
rated in  any  treaty,  but  which  have  since  been  recog- 
nized by  all  nations.     By  practical  articles  it  defined 

1  2  Works  of  John  Adams,  504. 


20  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

neutrality  more  perfectly  and  correctly  than  had  been 
done  before,  and  assigned  to  commerce  guarantees  not 
theretofore  enjoyed.  It  was  almost  exclusively  a  com- 
mercial treaty,  and  asked  no  military  aid  or  support.  It 
was  drawn  up  in  consonance  with  the  views  of  Adams, 
from  which  I  have  just  quoted.  In  the  report  he  said : 
"  Our  negotiations  with  France  ought  to  be  conducted 
with  great  caution,  and  with  all  the  foresight  we  could 
possibly  obtain  ;  we  ought  not  to  enter  into  any  alliance 
which  should  entangle  us  in  any  future  wars  in  Europe ; 
...  it  never  could  be  our  interest  to  unite  with  France 
in  the  destruction  of  England.  .  .  .  Therefore,  in  pre- 
paring treaties  to  be  proposed  to  foreign  powers,  and  in 
the  instructions  to  be  given  to  our  ministers,  we  ought 
to  confine  ourselves  strictly  to  a  treaty  of  commerce ; 
such  a  treaty  would  be  ample  compensation  to  France 
for  all  the  aid  we  should  want  from  her."  ^ 

Congress  approved  the  plan  of  treaty  reported,  and 
Franklin,  Deane,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  were  commis- 
sioned to  represent  the  United  States  at  the  court  of 
Versailles,  but  Jefferson  being  compelled  by  family 
afflictions  to  decline,  Arthur  Lee  was  named  in  his  place. 
As  they  were  the  first  diplomatic  representatives  com- 
missioned by  the  United  States,  it  will  be  of  interest  to 
quote  in  full  their  letter  of  credence  :  — 

"  The  Delegates  of  the  United  States  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Mary- 
land, Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  CaroHna,  and 
Georgia,  to  all  who  shall  see  these  presents  j  send  greet- 

*  2  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,  7. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  21 

ing  ;  —  Whereas  a  trade,  upon  equal  terms,  between  the 
subjects  of  his  most  Christian  Majesty,  the  King  of 
France,  and  the  people  of  these  States,  will  be  beneficial 
to  both  nations  ;  —  Know  ye,  therefore,  that  we,  confid- 
ing in  the  prudence  and  integrity  of  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin, one  of  the  Delegates  in  Congress  from  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  President  of  the  Convention  of  the 
said  State,  etc.,  Silas  Deane,  now  in  France,  late  a  Dele- 
gate from  the  State  of  Connecticut ;  and  Arthur  Lee, 
barrister  at  law,  have  appointed  and  dej)uted,  and  by 
these  presents  do  appoint  and  depute  them,  the  said 
Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee,  our 
Commissioners,  giving  and  granting  to  them,  the  said 
Franklin,  Deane,  and  Lee,  or  any  two  of  them,  and  in 
the  case  of  the  death,  absence  or  disability  of  any  two, 
or  any  one  of  them,  full  power  to  communicate,  treat, 
agree  and  conclude  with  his  most  Christian  Majesty, 
the  King  of  France,  or  with  such  person  or  persons,  as 
shall  by  him  be  for  that  purpose  authorized,  of  and 
upon  a  true  and  sincere  friendship,  and  a  firm,  in\dolable 
and  universal  peace  for  the  defense,  protection  and 
safety  of  the  navigation  and  mutual  commerce  of  the 
subjects  of  his  most  Christian  Majesty,  and  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  do  all  other  things,  which 
may  conduce  to  those  desirable  ends,  and  promising  in 
good  faith  to  ratify  whatsoever  our  said  Commissioners 
shall  transact  in  the  premises.  Done  in  Congress,  in 
Philadelphia,  the  thirtieth  day  of  September,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy- 
six."  ' 

1  2  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,  32. 


22  A  CENTURY  OF  MIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

As  I  have  already  stated,  Deane  was  then  in  Paris, 
discharging  the  duties  of  private  agent,  and  Lee,  being 
compelled  to  leave  London,  had  joined  him.  When 
the  news  of  Franklin's  landing  in  France  reached  Paris, 
Lord  Stormont,  the  British  ambassador,  threatened  to 
leave  the  country  if  the  "chief  of  the  American  rebels" 
was  permitted  to  enter  the  city.  Vergennes,  the  Min- 
ister of  Foreign  Affairs,  contented  himself  with  assuring 
the  ambassador  that  a  courier  had  been  sent  to  meet 
Franklin  and  forbid  his  coming  to  the  capital ;  but  he 
added  that  if,  perchance,  the  Doctor  should  reach  Paris 
without  encountering  the  messenger,  the  government 
would  not  like  to  send  him  away,  "  because  of  the 
scandalous  scene  this  would  present  to  all  France,  should 
we  respect  neither  the  laws  of  nations  nor  of  hospital- 
ities." 

Benjamin  Franklin  was  such  a  unique  character  in 
diplomatic  history,  that,  at  this  stage  of  our  narrative, 
he  calls  for  more  than  a  passing  notice.  He  was  our 
first,  and,  by  all  odds,  our  greatest  American  diplomat. 
His  work  began  at  the  very  outset  of  our  career  as  a 
nation,  as  he  was  commissioned  by  the  Continental  Con- 
gress in  October,  1774,  to  lay  its  address  before  the 
king  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  his  services  as  such  con- 
tinued all  through  the  struggle  for  independence  and 
until  some  time  after  he  had  signed  the  treaty  of  peace 
in  1783.  Of  the  numerous  agents  and  representatives 
who  were  sent  abroad  by  the  Continental  Congress,  he 
was  the  only  one  who  possessed  any  experience  in  diplo- 
matic affairs.  His  training  in  this  branch  of  the  public 
service  began  as  early  as  1757,  when  he  was  sent  to 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  23 

London  to  represent  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  be- 
fore the  British  government,  and  later  was  also  made 
the  agent  for  Massachusetts,  New  Jersey,  and  Georgia. 
He  was  then  fifty-one  years  of  age  and  already  a  fully 
developed  man.  He  had  flown  his  kite  and  made  him- 
self famous  in  the  wondrous  field  of  electricity.  He  had 
also  attained  such  celebrity  as  an  essayist  that  a  volume 
of  his  treatises  had  been  translated  into  French,  Ger- 
man, Italian,  and  Latin.  At  that  time  he  was  the  most 
widely  known  American.  His  residence  in  England, 
extending  over  more  than  fifteen  years,  brought  him  in 
personal  and  intimate  contact  with  the  most  distin- 
guished men  in  government,  literature,  and  science. 

It  will  not  be  possible  for  me  to  give  even  the  brief- 
est epitome  of  his  public  service  in  England,  but  two 
events  may  be  mentioned  as  illustrative  of  his  diplomatic 
conduct.  One  of  the  important  measures  he  had  in 
hand  for  the  colony  was  what  is  known  as  "  The  Affair 
of  the  Grant" — the  placing  upon  the  market  of  an 
immense  tract  of  public  lands  in  Pennsylvania.  The 
minister  of  the  cabinet,  by  whom  it  had  to  be  acted 
upon,  a  personal  enemy  of  Franklin,  decided  against  it, 
and  it  was  appealed  to  the  privy  council.  To  aid  in 
overcoming  the  opposition,  Franklin  induced  three 
members  of  the  council  to  take  a  personal  pecuniary 
interest  in  the  enterprise.  He  supplemented  the  pecu- 
niary interest  he  had  awakened  in  that  body  by  an  able 
argument  before  the  privy  council,  won  his  appeal,  and 
brouo'ht  about  the  resiofnation  of  the  defeated  minister. 
Lobbying  was  not  unknown  in  the  early  days  of  our 
history. 


24  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Some  years  later  Franklin  was  again  before  the  privy 
council,  but  under  adverse  circumstances.  The  Colonies 
were  on  the  eve  of  their  revolt  and  excitement  and  pre- 
judice ran  high  against  them  in  London.  Frankhn 
was  arraigned  for  the  surreptitious  publication  of  "  The 
Hutchinson  Letters,"  the  details  of  which  need  not  here 
be  given.  It  was  a  trying  ordeal  through  which  he 
had  to  pass,  standing  in  the  full  view  of  the  council, 
Hstening  to  the  abuse  of  the  solicitor-general  and  the 
vote  of  censure  of  the  council.  Lord  Shelburne,  in  a 
letter  to  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  referred  to  "  the  indecency 
of  the  behavior  "  of  the  judges  of  the  council,  and 
characterized  the  solicitorrgeneral's  speech  as  the  "  most 
scurrilous  invective."  Lord  Campbell,  in  his  "  Lives  of 
the  Lord  Chancellors,"  says  of  this  affront,  "  It  mainly 
conduced  to  the  civil  war  which  soon  followed,  and  to 
the  dismemberment  of  the  empire,  by  exciting  over- 
weening arrogance  on  the  one  side,  and  rankling  re- 
venge on  the  other."  Franklin  records  :  "  I  made  no 
justification  of  myself  from  the  charges  brought  against 
me  .  .  .  but  held  a  cool,  sullen  silence,  reserving  my- 
self to  some  future  opportunity." 

From  that  day  British  official  circles  regarded  Frank- 
lin as  a  traitor,  and  his  usefulness  in  London  was  ended. 
The  treatment  he  received  greatly  embittered  his  senti- 
ments towards  England,  and  for  the  moment  he  lost  his 
better  judgment,  as  evinced  by  the  preparation  of  an 
indiscreet  official  document,  which,  however,  through 
the  advice  of  friends,  was  never  delivered.  On  the 
occasion  of  his  arraisfnment  before  the  council  it  was 
noticed  that  he  appeared  in  "  a  full-dress  suit  of  spotted 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  25 

Manchester  velvet."  It  will  be  seen  hereafter  how 
important  a  part  this  velvet  suit  played  in  his  later 
dijjlomatic  career. 

He  returned  to  America  in  May,  1775,  but,  as  already 
stated,  before  the  end  of  the  next  year  he  was  in  Paris, 
sent  by  Congress  as  a  member  of  a  commission  to 
represent  the  cause  of  American  independence  before 
the  governments  of  Europe,  and  to  this  work  for  the 
next  nine  years  he  devoted  himself  with  unflagging 
loyalty  to  his  country.  He  had  quitted  England  with 
angry  farewells,  but  the  French  received  him  in  a 
furor  of  welcome.  His  writings,  his  scientific  research, 
his  philosophic  turn  of  mind,  his  republican  simplicity, 
and  his  peculiar  dress  contributed  to  make  him  the  most 
noted  man  of  the  gay  and  learned  French  capital.  The 
shop  windows  were  full  of  his  venerable  portraits,  the 
people  made  way  for  him  in  the  streets,  and  he  was 
always  sure  of  a  demonstration  in  public  assemblies. 
He  lived  in  comfortable  style,  with  house,  carriage,  and 
retinue  of  servants,  such  as  became  his  office  and  tha 
times.  John  Adams,  who  was  for  a  while  his  colleague, 
characterized  his  method  of  living  as  luxurious  and 
extra vajrant,  but  the  latter' s  ideas  of  life  were  severe  if 
not  parsimonious.  His  statement  of  Franklin's  repu- 
tation in  Europe  is  both  curious  and  interesting.  He 
wrote,  "  His  name  was  familiar  to  government  and 
people,  to  kings,  courtiers,  nobility,  clergy,  and  philo- 
sophers, as  well  as  plebeians,  to  such  a  degree  that  there 
was  scarcely  a  peasant  or  a  citizen,  a  valet  de  chambrCy 
coachman,  or  footman,  a  lady's  chambermaid,  or  a 
scullion  in  a  kitchen,  who  was  not  familiar  with  it,  and 


26  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

■who  did  not  consider  him  a  friend  to  the  human  kind. 
AYhen  they  spoke  of  him  they  seemed  to  think  he  was 
to  restore  the  golden  age."  ^ 

Franklin  and  his  colleagues  did  not  find  the  work 
before  them  an  easy  task.  They  were  confronted  with 
many  embarrassments.  Not  the  least  of  these  was  the 
difficulty  of  maintaining  communication  with  Congress 
and  the  agents  of  their  government  in  other  parts  of 
Europe.  We  have  seen  that  Deane  brought  over  with 
him  a  supply  of  in\dsible  ink.  He  was  accustomed  to 
write  his  dispatches  to  Congress  between  the  lines  of 
illusory  business  letters  which  the  home  committee  on 
correspondence  was  enabled  to  bring  out  by  the  aid  of 
an  acid.-  The  following  was  one  of  the  instructions  as 
to  correspondence  :  "  When  you  write  to  me,  please  to 
write  upon  common  post  paper,  to  fold  your  letters  as 
nearly  the  size  and  after  the  manner  of  this  as  may  be 
—  to  seal  them  with  wafers  instead  of  wax,  and  to  send 
them  by  way  of  Holland  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Adams,  or 
to  Messrs.  De  Neufville  &  Sons,  or  Messrs.  Ingraham 
&  Bromfield,  of  Amsterdam,  and  to  be  careful  not  to 
swell  them  unnecessarily  above  the  size  of  common 
mercantile  letters.  If  these  particulars  are  not  attended 
to,  all  the  precautions  I  can  take  will  not  keep  them 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  ministry."  This  injunction 
arose  out  of  the  fact  that  when  letters  from  America, 
suspected  of  being  official,  reached  a  European  post- 
office  they  were  opened,  and,  if  judged  politic  to  do  so, 
they  were  detained.     Mr.  Jay  states  that  during  his 

^  1  John  Adams's  Works,  660. 

^  1  Jay's  Correspondence  and  Papers,  84. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  27 

residence  in  Madrid  he  received  no  letters  that  did  not 
bear  the  marks  of  having  been  opened,  and  that  those 
he  received  he  supposed  to  form  but  a  fraction  of  those 
kept  back. 

Added  to  the  espionage  of  the  mails  was  the  hazard 
of  capture  by  the  British  cruisers  and  blockading  ves- 
sels. It  was  the  practice  of  the  committees  of  Con- 
gress and  the  diplomatic  agents  abroad  to  prepare  at 
least  four  copies,  and  sometimes  seven,  of  every  com- 
munication, and  dispatch  them  by  successive  vessels  or 
by  vessels  from  different  ports,  and  the  envelopes  con- 
taining them  bore  the  indorsement,  "  To  be  sunk  in 
case  of  danger  from  enemy."  And  yet  with  all  these 
precautions  often  not  a  single  copy  reached  its  desti- 
nation. When  Congress  had  as  many  as  twelve  agents 
in  Europe,  there  was  once  a  period  of  eleven  months 
during  which  Congress  did  not  receive  a  line  from  any 
one  of  them.  The  papers  taken  when  Mr.  Laurens, 
minister  to  Holland,  was  captured  were  the  cause  or 
pretext  on  which  England  declared  war  against  that 
country.  The  British  had  a  clue  to  the  cipher  used  by 
Congress  and  its  correspondents,  and  captured  dis- 
patches were  often  distorted  and  dishonestly  deciphered 
and  then  used  to  the  injury  of  the  writers  and  their 
governments.  This  we  shall  see  is  believed  to  have 
been  the  case  with  an  important  dispatch  of  the  French 
representative  in  America,  M.  Marbois,  which  played 
such  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  peace  negotiations  of 
1782.^ 

The  American  envoys  had  also  to  contend  with  the 

1 1  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  461-463. 


28  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

British  system  of  bribery,  corruption,  and  a  large  corps 
of  spies  which  watched  their  every  movement  in  Paris 
and  elsewhere  in  Europe.  Deane  in  his  first  interview 
with  Vergennes  was  warned  by  him  to  be  on  his  guard 
against  Lord  Stormont,  the  British  ambassador,  whose 
spies  would  be  aware  of  his  conduct.^  Walpole's  sys- 
tem of  politics,  to  which  is  attributed  the  aphorism, 
"  Every  man  has  his  price,"  had  permeated  the  British 
diplomatic  service,  and  bribery  was  a  common  method 
of  attaining  the  ends  of  the  representatives.  One  of 
the  most  noted  British  diplomatists  of  that  period,  the 
Earl  of  Malmesbury,  then  ambassador  at  St.  Peters- 
burg, was  not  only  lavish  in  the  corrupt  use  of  money 
to  reach  the  interior  secrets  of  that  court,  but  unblush- 
ingly  records  them.  The  abundant  use  of  money  for 
such  purposes  is  often  the  subject  of  comment  by  Brit- 
ish historians  of  the  time,  and  by  none  was  it  more 
freely  used  than  by  the  ambassador  in  Paris.  It  is  now 
known  that  more  than  one  secretary  of  the  American 
envoys  was  in  the  pay  of  the  British  government."  A 
dehberate  attempt  to  allure  Dr.  Franklin  from  the 
cause,  by  tempting  offers  of  pecuniary  reward  and  titles 
of  nobility,  was  made  during  his  residence  in  the 
French  capital,  and  his  reply  to  these  offers  was  one  of 
the  most  notable  productions  of  his  pen  ;  in  Adams's 
homely  style  it  is  described  as  "  a  dose  which  will  make 
them  sick."  ^ 

Soon  after  Franklin's  arrival  in  Paris  the  American 
commissioners  were  received  in  private  audience  by  the 
French  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  M.  de  Vergennes. 

1  2  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  115.  2  1  lb.  2&4,  539,  54L  »  2  lb.  633. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  29 

They  reported  to  Congress :  "  It  was  evident  that  this 
court,  while  it  treated  us  privately  with  all  civiHty,  was 
cautious  of  giving  umbrage  to  England,  and  was, 
therefore,  desirous  of  avoiding  open  reception  and  ac- 
knowledgment of  us,  or  entering  into  any  formal  nego- 
tiations with  us,  as  ministers  from  the  Congress."  ^ 
The  treaty  which  Congress  had  drawn  up  they  soon 
found  was  an  impossibility.  As  a  purely  commercial 
treaty  it  was,  in  great  part,  unobjectionable,  but  if 
France  was  thereby  to  recognize  the  independence  of 
the  United  States,  it  would  by  that  act  incur  the  hostil- 
ity of  England,  and,  hence,  would  require  the  United 
States  to  enter  into  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance. 
Besides,  matters  in  America  were  going  badly  for  the 
Colonies.  Diplomacy  can  do  little  in  the  face  of  mili- 
tary reverses.  The  winter  of  1776-77  was  a  gloomy 
one  for  the  cause  of  the  Revolution.  The  authority  of 
Congress  was  not  respected,  the  forces  were  depleted 
by  desertions,  the  officers  dissatisfied,  and  new  levies 
came  slowly.  The  spring  of  1777  opened  with  the 
British  arms  everywhere  triumphant ;  Howe  in  Phila- 
delphia, Clinton  in  New  York,  and  Burgoyne  moving 
down  from  the  north  with  an  apparently  irresistible 
army.  In  France  the  tone  of  the  government  was 
changed,  supplies  did  not  come  with  freedom,  privateers 
were  seized  in  its  ports,  and  even  Beaumarchais  became 
alarmed  for  his  safety.  "  My  government,"  he  said  to 
Franklin,  "  will  cut  my  throat  as  if  I  was  a  sheep." 

The  year  wore  on  towards  its  close  with  nothing  but 
gloom  and  discouragement  for  the  American  envoys  j 

»  2  lb.  283. 


30  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

but  one  night  early  in  December  a  dinner  party  in 
Franklin's  home  at  Passy  was  interrupted  by  the  arrival 
of  a  courier  with  imj)ortant  news.  Bourgoyne  and  his 
entire  army  had  surrendered  to  the  Continental  forces. 
Beaumarchais,  one  of  the  dinner  party,  rushed  off  with 
such  precipitation  to  carry  the  news  to  the  court  at 
Versailles  that  he  upset  his  coach  and  dislocated  his 
arm.  As  the  news  spread  throughout  Europe,  a  great 
change  came  over  political  circles,  especially  in  France. 
Within  a  few  days  the  king's  minister,  M.  Gerard, 
waited  on  the  American  envoys,  and  informed  them 
that  his  Majesty  had  resolved  to  make  the  treaties 
which  had  been  discussed,  and  their  terms  were  easily 
agreed  upon,  but  from  military  considerations  they 
were  not  signed  till  February  6,  1778.  The  one  was 
a  commercial  treaty,  following  largely  the  draft  pre- 
pared by  Congress,  but  the  other  was  in  direct  antago- 
nism to  the  views  of  Adams  already  quoted,  and  not 
authorized  by  the  instructions  of  Congress  —  both  a 
military  and  political  alliance  with  France.  It  recog- 
nized the  indejDendence  of  the  United  States,  and  de- 
clared the  object  of  the  alliance  to  be  the  achievement 
of  that  independence ;  provided  for  combined  military 
movements  ;  made  the  negotiations  for  peace  con- 
ditional on  joint  consultation  and  approval ;  stipulated 
for  the  division  of  probable  conquests  ;  and  mutually 
guaranteed  the  possessions  in  America  of  the  respec- 
tive parties. 

This  treaty  has  importance  and  interest  in  that  it  was 
the  first  celebrated  by  the  new  nation ;  but  it  has  the 
added  importance  and  interest  that  it  was  both  the  first 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  81 

and  the  only  treaty  of  alliance  ever  negotiated  by  this 
country.  It  is  an  interesting  speculation  whether  with- 
out it  the  independence  of  the  United  States  could  have 
been  achieved.  Assuredly  it  shortened  the  contest,  and 
saved  much  bloodshed  and  treasure  ;  and,  under  the 
circumstances,  its  wisdom  cannot  be  questioned.  But 
its  subsequent  history  and  early  abrogation  or  repudia- 
tion have  made  of  it  a  red  beacon  of  warning:  ag^ainst 
similar  conventions  in  the  future.  We  shall  see  that  in 
the  peace  negotiations  with  England  its  spirit  had  to  be 
violated,  and  that  in  the  administrations  of  Washington 
and  the  elder  Adams  it  brougflit  us  to  the  vero^e  of 
another  war  with  Great  Britain,  which  we  only  escaped 
by  denying  its  binding  obligations  in  a  manner  little 
creditable  to  our  international  reputation.  It  would  be 
hazardous  to  say  that  its  lesson  is  that  no  future  treaties 
of  alliance  should  be  made,  but  it  does  teach  that  such 
compacts  bring  future  embarrassments,  and  that  they 
should  be  entered  upon  only  in  times  of  extreme  neces- 
sity. 

At  the  ceremony  of  signing  the  treaties,  it  is  said 
that  Franklin  donned  the  "  spotted  Manchester  velvet 
suit "  which  he  had  worn  at  the  session  of  the  privy 
council  in  London  when  he  was  so  severely  censured. 
The  celebration  of  the  treaties  was  followed  by  the 
public  reception  of  the  American  envoys  by  the  king 
and  the  court ;  they  were  entertained  at  dinner  by  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs ;  and  in  the  evening  of  the 
same  day  they  attended  a  fete  of  the  queen,  where  the 
plain  Republicans  found  the  royal  family  and  nobility 
seated  at  play  round  a  large  table,  with,  as  the  contem- 


32  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

poraneous  account  says,  "  A  considerable  heap  of  louis 
d'ors  between  each  of  the  players,  and  from  the  number 
of  these,  which,  from  time  to  time,  were  shovelled  by 
the  losers  to  the  winners,  the  gaming  appeared  to  be 
high."  Dr.  Franklin  was  specially  honored  by  being 
called  by  the  queen,  and  stood  beside  her  chair  as  the 
game  went  on.  The  month  following  the  treaty  the 
king  disjDatched  as  his  minister  plenipotentiary  to 
America,  M.  Gerard,  the  Minister  of  State,  who  had 
negotiated  the  treaties  with  the  American  envoys.  The 
king,  in  his  letter  of  credence,  addressed  to  his  "  Very 
dear,  great  friends  and  allies,"  the  Congress,  said:  "He 
is  better  acquainted  with  our  sentiments  towards  you 
and  the  more  capable  of  testifying  the  same  to  you,  as 
he  was  intrusted  on  our  part  to  negotiate  with  your 
commissioners,  and  signed  with  them  the  treaties  which 
cement  our  union."  ^ 

The  coming  of  the  first  foreign  minister  plenipoten- 
tiary was  an  important  event,  and  Congress  appears  to 
have  been  fully  impressed  with  its  gravity,  for  we  find 
that  the  subject  of  the  ceremonial  to  be  observed  in 
the  reception  of  M.  Gerard  was  regularly  referred  to 
a  special  committee  composed  of  such  eminent  men  as 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  Samuel  Adams,  and  Gouverneur 
Morris,  who  presented  an  elaborate  report  which  was 
discussed  five  days  by  Congress.  The  matter  was  finally 
arranged  with  uncommon  care,  as  is  shown  in  the 
lengthy  resolution  adopted  and  formally  entered  upon 
the  Journal,  prescribing  the  order  to  be  observed  on 
all  such  occasions.     Every  step  to  be  taken,  from  the 

1  2  Dip.  Cor,  Rev.  521. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  33 

moment  the  envoy  lands  till  lie  reaches  the  place  where 
Congress  is  in  session,  is  carefully  indicated.  As  to 
further  proceedings,  I  extract  from  the  resolutions  of 
Congress  :  "  Two  members  of  Congress  shall  then  be 
deputed  to  wait  upon  him,  and  inform  him  when  and 
where  he  shall  receive  audience  of  the  Congress.  At 
the  time  he  is  to  receive  his  audience,  the  two  members 
shall  again  wait  upon  him  in  a  coach,  belonging  to  the 
States,  and  the  person  first  named  of  the  two,  shall 
return  with  the  minister  plenipotentiary  or  envoy  in  the 
coach,  giving  the  minister  the  right  hand,  and  placing 
himself  on  the  left  with  the  other  member  on  the  first 
seat.  When  the  minister  plenipotentiary  or  envoy  is 
arrived  at  the  door  of  the  Congress  hall,  he  shall  be 
introduced  to  his  chair  by  the  two  members,  who  shall 
stand  at  his  left  hand.  When  the  minister  is  introduced 
to  his  chair  by  the  two  members,  he  shall  sit  down. 
His  secretary  shall  then  deliver  to  the  President  the 
letter  of  his  sovereign,  which  shall  be  read  and  trans- 
lated by  the  secretary  of  Congress.  Then  the  minister 
shall  be  announced,  at  which  time  the  President,  the 
House,  and  the  minister  shall  rise  together.  The  min- 
ister shall  then  bow  to  the  President  and  the  House  and 
they  to  him.  The  minister  and  the  President  shall  then 
bow  to  each  other,  and  be  seated,  after  which  the  House 
shall  sit  down.  The  minister  shall  deliver  his  speech 
standing.  The  President  and  the  House  shall  sit  while 
the  minister  is  delivering  his  speech.  The  House  shall 
rise  and  the  President  shall  deliver  the  answer  standing^. 
The  minister  shall  stand  while  the  President  delivers  his 
answer.     Having  spoken,  and  being  answered,  the  miu- 


34  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

ister  and  President  shall  bow  to  each  other,  at  which 
time  the  House  shall  bow,  and  then  the  minister  shall 
be  conducted  home  in  the  manner  in  which  he  was 
brought  to  the  House."  ^ 

In  1783  Congress  modified  the  above  so  as  to  allow 
foreign  representatives,  having  the  grade  of  ambassadors, 
to  sit  covered  in  its  presence,  and  the  President  rose  not 
only  when  he  was  introduced,  but  also  when  he  read  his 
address.  It  was  further  prescribed  that  after  the  audi- 
ence, the  members  of  Congress  should  be  first  visited  by 
the  minister  plenipotentiary. 

M.  Gerard  was  received  after  this  elaborate  ceremonial, 
Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Samuel  Adams  being  deputed 
by  Congress,  and  bringing  him  in  a  coach  and  six  pro- 
vided by  Congress ;  and,  in  order  that  I  may  be  true  to 
history,  I  should  add  that  Mr.  Lee  rode  on  the  back 
seat  on  the  left  of  the  minister,  and  Mr.  Adams  on  the 
front  seat  facing  them.  The  audience  was  followed  by 
a  banquet  given  by  Congress,  at  which  were  present 
several  foreign  gentlemen  of  distinction  and  gentlemen 
of  public  character.  It  is  recorded  that  "  The  enter- 
tainment was  conducted  with  a  decorum  suited  to  the 
occasion,  and  gave  perfect  satisfaction  to  the  whole 
company."  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  fathers  of  the 
republic  did  not  disdain  careful  attention  to  the  con- 
ventional details  of  official  life. 

No  other  foreign  minister  was  received  by  the  United 
States  until  October,  1783,  when  Mr.  Van  Berckel, 
minister  from  the  Netherlands,  presented  his  creden- 
tials. The  ceremony  of  his  reception  by  Congress  was 
somewhat  simplified.     As  in  the  case  of  the  French 

1  2  Secret  Journal  of  Congress,  94,  96. 


THE   REVOLUTIONARY   PERIOD.  35 

minister,  a  dinner  was  ordered  by  Congress  to  be  given 
him  at  the  public  expense.^ 

Throughout  the  war  the  French  minister  occupied  a 
pecuHar  and  intimate  rehition  to  the  Continental  Con- 
gress. His  communications  were  addressed  to  the 
president  of  Congress,  and  after  being  reported  upon 
by  a  committee,  were  considered  by  the  whole  Con- 
gress. On  most  important  questions  the  minister  was 
present  when  they  were  considered ;  he  claimed  the 
right  to  attend  when  foreign  affairs  were  discussed ; 
and  his  views  were  usually  stated  verbally.  They  were 
always  received  with  great  respect,  and  often  had  a 
controlling  influence  on  the  action  of  that  body. 

The  triumvirate  of  American  envoys  had  other  diffi- 
culties in  their  negotiations  and  business  than  those 
occasioned  by  the  vigilant  British  ambassador  and  the 
caution  of  the  French  government.  Almost  from  the 
beginning  there  was  a  lack  of  harmony  in  their  coun- 
sels, which  grew  into  distrust  and  bitterness  of  feeling. 
Franklin's  two  colleagues  were  his  compeers  in  rank,  but 
immeasurably  below  him  in  talent  and  personal  stand- 
ing. Deane  was  a  commonplace  man,  of  mediocre 
abilities,  and  a  not  very  exalted  sense  of  patriotism. 
Lee  was  young,  energetic,  and  ambitious,  of  influential 
family  connection,  and  inspired  by  patriotic  sentiments, 
but  possessed  of  a  very  malevolent  disposition.  Frank- 
lin described  him  to  Adams  as  "  a  man  of  an  anxious, 
uneasy  temper,  which  made  it  disagreeable  to  do  busi- 
ness with  him ;  that  he  seemed  to  be  one  of  those  men, 
of  whom  he  had  known  many  in  his  day,  who  went  on 
through  life  quarreling  with  one  person  or  another,  till 

1  lb.  409,  410,  426. 


36  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

they  commonly  ended  with  the  loss  of  their  reason." 
Even  before  Franklin  reached  Paris,  Lee  had  become 
offended  at  Deane  because  of  Beaumarchais's  more  inti- 
mate relations  with  the  latter.  In  letters  to  Congress, 
he  charged  Deane  with  dishonesty ;  and,  as  we  have 
seen,  made  such  representations  respecting  the  fictitious 
firm  of  Hortalez  &  Co.  as  prevented  Beaumarchais's 
accounts  from  being  settled  till  long  after  his  death. 
His  charges  against  Deane  led  to  the  latter's  recall,  his 
open  quarrel  with  Congress,  his  disgrace,  and  his  ulti- 
mate abandonment  of  the  cause  of  his  country.  Lee 
represented  to  his  friends  in  Congress  that  Franklin 
had  no  capacity  for  business,  having  reached  the  age 
of  senility,  and  he  was  actively  plotting  for  the  doctor's 
removal  and  his  own  appointment  as  sole  minister  in 
Paris.  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  succeeded  Franklin  as  min- 
ister at  Paris,  narrates  an  anecdote  respecting  this 
quarrel.  He  says  that  Franklin  received  a  very  intem- 
perate letter  from  Lee.  He  folded  it  up  and  put  it  in 
a  pigeon-hole.  A  second,  third,  and  so  on  to  a  fifth 
he  received  and  disposed  of  in  the  same  way.  Finding 
no  answer  could  be  obtained  by  letter,  Mr.  Lee  paid  him 
a  personal  visit,  and  gave  a  loose  to  all  the  warmth  of 
which  he  was  susceptible.  The  doctor  replied  :  "  I  can 
no  more  answer  this  conversation  of  yours  than  the 
several  letters  you  have  written  me  (taking  them  down 
from  the  pigeon-hole).  Call  on  me  when  you  are  cool 
and  good-humored  and  I  will  justify  myself  to  you." 
Mr.  Jefferson  adds  that  they  never  saw  each  other 
afterwards.^ 

1  1  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  538. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  37 

Lee  was  seconded  in  his  unworthy  work  by  Ralph 
Izard,  who  had  been  accredited  as  minister  to  Tuscany, 
but  not  being  received,  was  staying  in  Paris.  Franldin 
represents  him  as  "  a  man  of  violent  and  ungoverned 
passions,"  and  states  that  he  and  Lee  "'  had  a  number 
of  Americans  about  them,  who  were  always  exciting 
disputes,  and  propagating  stories  that  made  the  service 
very  disagreeable."  John  Adams,  who,  some  weeks 
after  the  treaties  had  been  signed,  arrived  in  Paris  to 
replace  Deane,  makes  the  following  entry  in  his  diary : 
"  It  is  with  much  grief  and  concern  that  I  have  learned, 
from  my  first  landing  in  France,  the  disputes  between 
the  Americans  in  this  Kingdom  ;  the  animosities  be- 
tween Mr.  Deane  and  Mr.  Lee  ;  between  Dr.  Franklin 
and  Mr.  Lee ;  between  Mr.  Izard  and  Dr.  Franklin  ; 
between  Dr.  Bancroft  and  Mr.  Lee ;  between  Mr.  Car- 
michael  and  all."  He  adds  he  had  heard  that  Deane 
and  Bancroft  had  made  fortunes  by  "  dabbling  in  the 
English  funds,  and  in  trade,  and  in  fitting  out  priva- 
teers. ...  I  am  sorry  for  these  things  ;  but  it  is  no 
part  of  my  business  to  quarrel  with  anybody  without 
cause."  ^ 

We  can  well  understand  how  very  distasteful  such 
a  state  of  affairs  would  be  to  one  so  little  inclined  to 
controversy  and  so  much  above  deceit  and  intrigue  as 
Franklin.  The  situation  finally  became  so  intolerable 
that  he  made  it  the  subject  of  a  communication  to  the 
president  of  Congress,  which  is  so  characteristic  of  the 
man  that  I  give  from  it  the  following  extract :  — 

"  Speaking  of  Commissioners  in  the  plural,  puts  me 

1  3  J.  Adams's  Works,  138. 


88  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

in  mind  of  inquiring,  if  it  can  be  the  intention  of  Con- 
gress to  keep  three  Commissioners  at  this  Court.  We 
have,  indeed,  four,  with  the  gentleman  intended  for 
Tuscany,  who  continues  here,  and  is  very  angry  that 
he  was  not  consulted  in  making  the  treaty,  which  he 
could  have  mended  in  several  particulars  and,  perhaps, 
he  is  angry  with  some  reason,  if  the  instructions  to  him 
do,  as  he  says  they  do,  require  us  to  consult  him.  We 
shall  soon  have  a  fifth,  for  the  envoy  to  Vienna,  not 
being  received  there,  is,  I  hear,  returning  hither.  The 
necessary  expense  of  maintaining  us  all  is,  I  assure 
you,  enormously  great.  I  wish  the  utility  may  equal 
it.  I  imagine  every  one  of  us  spends  nearly  as  much 
as  Lord  Stormont  [English  minister]  did.  It  is  true  he 
left  behind  him  the  character  of  a  niggard,  and  when 
the  advertisement  appeared  for  the  sale  of  his  house- 
hold goods,  all  Paris  laughed  at  an  article  of  it,  per- 
haps very  innocently  expressed,  ^  a  great  quantity  of 
table  linen,  that  has  never  been  used.'  '  That  is  very 
likely,'  say  they,  *  for  he  never  invited  any  one  to 
dine.'  But  as  to  our  number,  whatever  advantage 
there  might  be  in  the  joint  counsels  for  framing  and 
adjusting  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  there  can  be  none 
in  having  so  many  for  managing  the  common  business 
of  a  resident  here.  .  .  .  And  where  every  one  must 
be  consulted  on  every  particular  of  common  business, 
in  answering  every  letter,  etc.,  and  one  of  them  is 
offended  if  the  smallest  thing  is  done  without  his  con- 
sent, the  difficulty  of  being  often  and  long  enough  to- 
gether, the  different  opinions  and  the  time  consumed 
in  debating  them,  the  interruptions  by  new  applicants 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD.  39 

in  the  time  of  meeting",  etc.,  occasions  so  much  post- 
poning and  delay,  that  correspondence  languishes  and 
occasions  are  lost,  and  the  business  is  always  behind 
hand.  I  have  mentioned  the  difficulty  of  being  often 
and  long  enough  together.  This  is  considerable,  where 
they  cannot  be  all  accommodated  in  the  same  house ; 
but  to  find  three  people,  whose  tempers  are  so  good, 
and  who  like  one  another's  company  and  manner  of 
living  and  conversing  as  to  agree  with  themselves, 
though  living  in  one  house,  and  whose  servants  will 
not,  by  their  indiscretion,  quarrel  with  one  another, 
and  by  artful  misrepresentations  draw  their  masters 
in  to  take  their  parts  to  the  disturbance  of  necessary 
harmony,  these  are  difficulties  still  greater  and  almost 
insurmountable.  And  in  consideration  of  the  whole,  I 
sincerely  wish  the  Congress  would  separate  us."  ^ 

Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Lee's  friends.  Con- 
gress followed  Franklin's  advice  to  separate  the  envoys. 
Deane  had  already  been  called  home,  Lee  was  dropped 
from  the  diplomatic  service,  Adams  returned  to  America, 
and  Franklin  was  commissioned  sole  minister  to  France 
in  1778 ;  in  which  position  he  remained  for  seven 
eventful  years,  until  relieved  by  Thomas  Jefferson  in 
1785. 

Mr.  Deane's  later  career  was  unhappy  and  disgrace- 
ful. On  his  return  to  America  he  sought  to  have  his 
accounts  adjusted  by  Congress,  but  Arthur  Lee's  charges 
of  dishonesty  had  preceded  him  and  to  this  was  added 
local  jealousy  in  his  own  State.  He  was  conscious  that 
he  had  rendered  to  the  cause  of  independence  important 
services  in  Paris,  and  he  expected  to  be  received  with 

1  2  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  G58. 


40  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

honor.  Instead  he  was  met  in  Congress  by  suspicion, 
his  accounts  were  attacked,  and  after  long  delays  a  just 
settlement  was  refused  him.  He  was  turned  away  from 
the  doors  of  the  body  which  should  have  manifested 
its  gratitude,  a  disappointed  and  aggrieved  man.  He 
returned  to  Europe  and  eventually  accepted  service  and 
pay  from  the  British  government,  sealing  his  apostacy 
by  a  series  of  letters  urging  the  Colonies  to  give  up  the 
struggle  and  return  to  British  allegiance.  In  1784, 
when  Jay  was  passing  through  London  on  his  return  to 
America,  Deane  sought  an  interview  with  him  which 
the  former  refused  by  letter,  in  which  he  told  him  that 
he  (Deane)  had  possessed  his  esteem,  that  he  had  been 
attached  to  him,  and  he  would  have  been  willing  to 
hear  an  explanation  of  his  late  conduct  but  for  one  cir- 
cumstance. "  I  was  told  that  you  received  visits  from, 
and  was  on  terms  of  famiharity  with,  General  Arnold. 
Every  American  who  gives  his  hand  to  that  man,  in  my 
opinion,  pollutes  it."  ^ 

There  is  no  evidence  of  the  truth  of  Lee's  charges ; 
Franklin  vindicated  Deane's  integrity,  and  he  died  in 
poverty.  The  government  did  tardy  justice  to  his  con- 
duct and  services  in  Paris,  under  an  Act  of  Congress 
of  August  11,  1842,  by  paying  to  his  heirs  the  sum  of 
$36,998,  fifty-eight  years  after  his  death.  From  the 
days  of  Aristides,  the  ingratitude  of  republics  has  been 
a  byword  in  the  world.  There  was  no  intent  on  the 
part  of  Congress  to  do  Deane  an  injustice,  but  it  was 
misled  by  the  malevolence  of  Lee,  and  its  action  brought 
about  the  disgrace  of  the  earliest  diplomatic  representa- 
tive of  the  country. 

1  1  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  570. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE. 

The  treaties  of  commerce  and  alliance  with  France 
were  followed  by  three  events  which  had  an  important 
influence  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  Colonies,  to  wit :  the 
declaration  of  war  against  England  by  Spain,  the  armed 
neutraUty  of  the  nations  of  northern  Europe,  and  the 
treaty  made  by  Holland  with  the  United  States. 

Spain,  in  1779,  was  still  a  formidable  power,  and  its 
large  possessions  in  the  New  World  made  it  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  the  Continental  Congress  to  estab- 
lish friendly  relations  with  it.  Early  efforts  had  been 
made  by  Dr.  Franklin,  through  the  French  court  and 
by  correspondence,  to  secure  its  common  action  with 
France,  and  to  the  treaty  of  1778  a  secret  clause  was 
appended,  providing  for  the  adhesion  of  Spain  to  the 
alliance.  In  1779  John  Jay,  of  New  York,  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  and  able  of  the  revolutionary  lead- 
ers, was  appointed  minister  at  Madrid,  and  for  two 
years  he  labored  with  assiduity,  but  fruitlessly,  to  secure 
a  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance.  So  anxious  was 
Congress  to  effect  an  alHance  with  that  country  that  it 
authorized  Mr.  Jay  to  surrender  the  right  of  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  make  a  renunciation  of  all  claims 
to  or  designs  upon  its  American  territory,  as  its  price. 
Fortunate  was  it  for  the  future  of  our  country  that  Mr. 


42  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Jay's  mission  was  a  failure,  although  conducted  with 
marked  ability  and  dignity  on  his  part,  because  such  an 
alliance  as  Spain  could  be  induced  to  accept  would 
have  been  fruitful  of  embarrassment  and  trouble  for 
the  United  States.  So  Mr.  Jay  felt,  as  he  said  :  "  The 
cession  of  the  navigation  (of  the  Mississippi)  will  in  my 
opinion  render  a  future  war  with  Spain  unavoidable, 
and  I  shall  look  upon  my  subscribing  to  the  one  as 
fixing  the  certainty  of  the  other."  Spain's  hostility  to 
England  soon  led  her  into  war  with  that  country,  and 
the  United  States  thereby  reaped  most  of  the  benefits 
of  an  alliance  without  its  necessary  burdens. 

It  was  plainly  contrary  to  the  interest  of  Spain  to 
promote  the  cause  of  independence,  and  the  Spanish 
statesmen  so  well  understood  this  that  all  the  efforts  of 
the  court  of  France  to  secure  adhesion  to  the  treaty 
of  1778  were  of  no  avail.  The  Count  de  Aranda,  the 
Spanish  ambassador  at  Paris,  fully  comprehended  the 
situation.  In  communicating  the  news  of  the  treaty  of 
peace  and  independence,  he  wrote  his  government  words 
which  to-day  seem  almost  clothed  with  the  spirit  of 
prophecy  :  "  The  independence  of  the  English  Colonies 
has  been  there  recognized.  It  is  for  me  a  subject  of 
grief  and  fear.  France  has  but  few  possessions  in 
America ;  but  she  was  bound  to  consider  that  Spain, 
her  most  intimate  ally,  had  many,  and  that  she  now 
stands  exposed  to  terrible  reverses.  From  the  beginning, 
France  has  acted  as^ainst  her  true  interests  in  encour- 
aging  and  supporting  this  independence,  and  so  I  have 
often  declared  to  the  ministers  of  this  nation." 

The  Armed  Neutrality  was  an  agreement  by  means  of 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE.  43 

a  convention  entered  into  in  1780  between  Russia,  Den- 
mark, Sweden,  and  Holland,  for  the  ostensible  purpose 
of  protecting  their  neutral  commerce  from  undue  inter- 
ference by  the  belligerents  in  the  war  then  being  carried 
on  by  England  against  her  Colonies,  France  and  Spain. 
It  defined  what  were  contraband  goods,  declared  that 
free  ships  made  free  goods,  and  stipulated  for  the  joint 
protection  of  their  commerce  by  armed  convoys,  etc. 
While  outwardly  a  proclamation  of  neutrality  coupled 
with  armed  enforcement  against  all  the  belligerents,  it 
was  intended  and  accepted  as  an  act  unfriendly  to  Great 
Britain.  It  was  an  indication  that  she  was  practically 
without  an  ally  or  friend  on  the  continent  of  Europe, 
and  that  she  must  fiofht  her  battles  alone  and  unaided. 
Evidently  her  Colonies  had  fallen  upon  a  favorable  time 
for  their  revolt. 

Next  to  the  French  alliance,  the  most  important  event 
in  the  forei^fn  relations  of  the  Colonies  w^as  the  nesfotia- 
tion  of  the  treaty  with  Holland.  It  was  conducted  by 
John  Adams,  and  he  is  entitled  to  great  credit  for  its 
successful  termination.  Henry  Laurens,  of  South  Caro- 
lina, had  been  sent  by  Congress,  in  1779,  to  negotiate 
a  commercial  treaty  and  a  loan  from  Holland,  but  en 
route  he  was  captured  on  the  ocean,  brought  to  England, 
and  confined  in  the  Tower  of  London.  John  Adams, 
who  had  been  commissioned  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  Great  Britain  and  was  then  in  Paris  awaiting 
a  favorable  time  to  discharge  his  mission,  was  substituted 
for  Laurens.  While  waiting  in  Paris,  Adams  entered 
into  correspondence  with  Vergennes,  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  in  which  he  criticised  rather  severely  the 


44  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

conduct  of  the  French  government.  His  language  so 
offended  Vergennes  that  he  declined  to  have  any  further 
intercourse  with  him,  and  forwarded  to  Franklin  copies 
of  the  correspondence  and  asked  him  to  communicate  it 
to  Congress. 

Adams  and  Franklin  were  men  of  wholly  different 
temperaments,  tastes,  and  habits,  and  their  residence 
together  in  Paris  had  engendered  a  coolness  which  only 
the  peaceful  disposition  of  Franklin  prevented  from  be- 
coming an  open  quarrel.  Adams  had  quite  freely  criti- 
cised Franklin's  methods  of  life,  his  careless  business 
habits,  and  even  his  morals,  and  now  was  convicted  by 
Vero^ennes  of  interferino-  in  Franklin's  official  duties. 
Under  the  circumstances,  our  knowledge  of  human 
nature  will  lead  us  to  suspect  that  Franklin  took  a 
quiet  satisfaction  in  complying  with  the  request  of 
Vergennes.  The  letter  to  the  president  of  Congress  is 
so  naive  that  a  portion  of  it  is  worthy  to  be  extracted. 
It  is  dated  August  9,  1780,  and  is  addressed  "  To  His 
Excellency  Samuel  Huntington,  President  of  Congress." 

"  Mr.  Adams  has  given  offence  to  the  court  here  by 
some  sentiments  and  expressions,  contained  in  several  of 
his  letters  written  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes.  I  men- 
tion this  with  reluctance,  though,  perhaps,  it  would  have 
been  my  duty  to  acquaint  you  with  such  a  circumstance, 
even  if  it  were  not  required  of  me  by  the  minister  him- 
self. He  has  sent  me  copies  of  the  correspondence, 
desiring  I  would  communicate  them  to  Congress,  and  I 
send  them  herewith.  Mr.  Adams  did  not  show  me  his 
letters  before  he  sent  them.  I  have,  in  a  former  letter 
to  Mr.  Lovell,  mentioned  some  of  the  inconveniences 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND   IXDErENDENCE.     45 

that  attend  the  having  more  than  one  minister  at  the 
same  court,  one  of  which  inconveniences  is,  that  they 
do  not  always  hold  the  same  language,  and  that  the  im- 
pressions, made  by  one,  and  intended  for  the  service  of 
his  constituents,  may  be  effaced  by  the  discourse  of  the 
other.  It  is  true,  that  Mr.  Adams's  proper  business  is 
elsewhere,  but  the  time  not  being  come  for  that  business, 
and  having  nothing  else  here  wherewith  to  employ  him- 
self, he  seems  to  have  endeavoured  supplying,  what  he 
may  suppose  my  negotiations  defective  in.  He  thinks, 
as  he  tells  me  himself,  that  America  has  been  too  free 
in  expressions  of  gratitude  to  France,  for  that  she  is 
more  obliged  to  us  than  we  are  to  her,  and  that  we 
should  show  spirit  in  our  applications.  I  apprehend 
that  he  mistakes  his  ground,  and  that  this  court  is  to  be 
treated  with  decency  and  delicacy.  The  king,  a  young 
and  virtuous  prince,  has,  I  am  persuaded,  a  pleasure  in 
reflectinjT  on  the  jrenerous  benevolence  of  the  action  in 
assisting  an  oppressed  people,  and  proposes  it  as  a  part 
of  the  glory  of  his  reign.  I  think  it  right  to  increase 
this  pleasure  by  our  thankful  acknowledgnnents,  and 
that  such  an  expression  of  gratitude  is  not  only  our 
duty,  but  our  interest.  A  different  conduct  seems  to 
me  what  is  not  only  improper  and  unbecoming,  but 
what  may  be  hurtful  to  us.  Mr.  Adams,  on  the  other 
hand,  who  at  the  same  time  means  our  welfare  and 
interest  as  much  as  I,  or  any  man  can  do,  seems  to  think 
a  little  apparent  stoutness  and  greater  air  of  independ- 
ence and  boldness  in  our  demands  will  procure  us  more 
ample  assistance.  It  is  for  the  Congress  to  judge  and 
regulate  their  affairs  accordingly. 


46  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

"M.  de  Vergennes,  who  appears  much  offended,  told 
me  yesterday  that  he  would  enter  into  no  further  dis- 
cussions with  Mr.  Adams,  nor  answer  any  more  of  his 
letters.  He  is  g-one  to  Holland,  to  try,  as  he  told  me, 
whether  somethinof  mig-ht  not  be  done  to  render  us  a 
little  less  dependent  on  France.  He  says,  the  ideas  of 
the  court,  and  those  of  the  people  of  America,  are  so 
totally  different,  as  that  it  is  impossible  for  any  minister 
to  please  both.  He  ought  to  know  America  better  than 
I  do,  having  been  there  lately ;  and  he  may  choose  to  do 
what  he  thinks  will  best  please  the  people  of  America : 
but  when  I  consider  the  expressions  of  Congress  in  many 
of  their  public  acts,  and  particularly  in  their  letter  to 
the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  of  the  24th  of  May  last,  I 
cannot  but  imagine  that  he  mistakes  the  sentiments  of 
a  few  for  a  general  opinion.  It  is  my  intention,  while 
I  stay  here,  to  procure  what  advantages  I  can  for  our 
country  by  endeavoring  to  please  this  court."  * 

It  is  understood  that  the  correspondence  occasioned 
a  violent  discussion  in  Congress,  and  it  is  known  the 
president  of  that  body  sent  Mr.  Adams  a  mild  reproof ; 
but  it  never  withdrew  its  confidence  from  him,  and  he 
continued  to  hold  the  most  important  diplomatic  posi- 
tions. He  defended  his  diplomatic  conduct  to  the 
president  of  Congress,^  contrasting  his  course  with 
"  veterans  in  diplomatics  "  by  referring  to  himself  as 
"  the  militia "  which  "  sometimes  gain  victories  over 
regular  troops  even  by  departing  from  the  rules.  .  .  . 
I  have  long  since  learned  that  a  man  may  give  offense 
to  a  court  to  which  he  is  sent  and  yet  succeed."     His 

»  4  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  22.  2  5  it.  195^  197. 


I 


THE  TREATY   OF  PEACE   AND    INDEPENDENCE.     47 

distorted  view  of  his  duty  in  this  capacity  is  sliown  in 
this  decUiration,  made  sometime  after  the  treaty  of  peace 
had  been  signed  :  "  No  man  will  ever  be  pleasing  at  a 
court  in  general  who  is  not  depraved  in  his  morals  or 
warped  from  your  (his)  country's  interests."  No  wonder 
Vergennes  should  have  been  moved  in  his  letter  to 
Franklin  to  ask  him  to  have  Congress  consider  whetlier 
"  he  is  endowed  with  that  conciliating  spirit  which  is 
necessary  for  the  important  and  delicate  business  with 
which  he  is  intrusted  "  —  to  wit,  negotiating  peace  with 
Great  Britain.^  Franklin  suggested  to  Adams,  in  view 
of  the  great  offense  his  letters  had  given  Vergennes, 
that  if  the  offensive  remarks  were  the  effects  of  inad- 
vertence he  might  write  something  effacing  the  impres- 
sions made  by  them ;  ^  but  Adams  declined  to  act  on  the 
suggestion.  One  may  well  conjecture  what  might  have 
been  the  fate  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle  if  Adams 
had  been  our  sole  representative  in  Paris.  It  is  due  to 
him  to  say  that  when  he  became  President  he  acted  on 
different  principles  and  his  appointments  to  diplomatic 
posts  were  made  with  wisdom  and  care. 

His  usefulness  was  for  the  time  being  ended  in  Paris, 
and  it  was  doubtless  a  relief  to  him,  as  it  must  have 
been  to  Vergennes  and  Franklin,  soon  to  take  his  de- 
parture for  Amsterdam.  He  found  his  task  in  Holland 
a  difficult  and  tedious  one,  but  he  entered  upon  it  with 
the  zeal  and  devotedness  which  so  marked  his  character; 
and  after  more  than  two  years  of  effort  his  labors  were 
crowned  by  a  treaty  of  commerce,  which  was  especially 
valuable  as  a  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the 

^  4  lb.  18.  3  4  II;.  87. 


48  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Colonies,  and  made  more  easy  the  loans  which  were 
greatly  needed.  There  were  other  reasons  than  the 
immediate  political  necessities  which  made  the  most 
friendly  relations  with  the  Dutch  very  welcome  to  the 
Colonies.  Out  of  that  country  had  sprung  the  most 
enlightened  and  liberal  principles  of  international  law, 
which  found  in  America  the  most  efficient  champion. 
The  Puritan  forefathers  brought  with  them  to  New 
England,  not  only  a  grateful  memory  of  their  refuge 
and  hospitality,  but  of  the  lessons  of  liberty  and  govern- 
ment taught  them ;  and  various  of  the  Colonies  had 
received  a  most  valuable  contingent  of  its  population 
from  the  Netherlands.  For  all  these  reasons  the  recog- 
nition of  our  independence  by  Holland,  though  tardy, 
was  most  welcome. 

Mr.  Adams  was  much  elated  with  his  success  in 
Holland,  and  in  his  dispatches  he  did  not  conceal  his 
satisfaction.  He  reports  how  one  foreign  minister  told 
him :  "  Sir,  you  have  struck  the  greatest  blow  of  all 
Europe.  It  is  the  greatest  blow  that  has  been  struck 
in  the  American  cause,  and  the  most  decisive ;  "  and 
how  another  said  that  "  Mr.  Adams  was  the  Washing- 
ton of  negotiation.  A  few  of  these  compliments,"  he 
adds,  "  would  kill  Franklin  if  they  should  come  to  his 
ears."  ^  By  such  glimpses  of  our  early  history  we  learn 
that  the  great  founders  of  the  Republic  were  not 
demigods,  but  men  of  like  passions  with  ourselves. 

The  quotations  just  cited  appeared  in  the  diary  which 
was  transmitted  by  Mr.  Adams  to  Congress  with  one  of 
his  dispatches,  and  according  to  custom  they  were  being 

1  3  J.  Adams's  Works,  309. 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE.  49 

read  to  that  body,  when  his  friends  interposed  and  had 
the  diary  omitted.  A  delegate  from  Massachusetts, 
reporting  to  Adams  the  occurrence,  wrote :  "  It  was 
too  minute  for  the  dehcacy  of  several  of  the  gentlemen. 
They  appeared  very  much  disposed  to  make  it  appear 
ridiculous."  ^  Hamilton,  then  a  delegate,  in  giving  an 
account  of  the  event,  said  the  reading  of  the  diary 
"  extremely  embarrassed  his  friends,  especially  the  dele- 
gates of  Massachusetts,  who  more  than  once  interrupted 
it,  and  at  last  succeeded  in  putting  a  stop  to  it,  on  the 
suggestion  that  it  bore  the  marks  of  a  private  and 
confidential  paper,  .  .  .  and  never  could  have  been 
designed  as  a  public  document  for  the  inspection  of 
Congress.  The  good-humor  of  that  body  yielded  to 
the  sujrsfestion."  "  The  editor  of  the  "  Works  of  John 
Adams  "  says  the  diary  was  sent  to  Congress  by  mistake, 
as  it  was  Mr.  Adams's  intention  to  mail  it  to  a  Massachu- 
setts delesrate  for  unofficial  information.^ 

Between  the  date  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  opening  of  negotiations  for  peace  with  Great 
Britain,  various  American  diplomatic  agents  had  been 
sent  by  Congress  to  solicit  recognition  from  European 
powers.  Reference  has  been  made^  to  the  opposite 
views  held  in  Congress,  at  the  beginning  of  the  struggle, 
as  to  the  conduct  of  our  foreign  relations.  Franklin 
had  strongly  advised  against  sending  ministers  to  any 
European  court  until  some  intimation  had  been  obtained 
that  they  would  be  received,  but  the  contrary  course 
had  been  pursued  to  the  humiliation  and  injury,  in  some 

'  1  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  510.  2  q  Hamilton's  Works  (Lodge),  396. 

'    «  3  J.  Adams's  Works,  349.  *  Infra,  p.  9. 


50  A  CENTURY  OF  AIHERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

cases,  of  the  cause  of  independence.  Arthur  Lee  had 
made  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  go  to  Madrid,  as  he  had 
been  turned  back  by  the  Spanish  government ;  and  he 
received  little  less  civil  treatment  at  Berlin.  William 
Lee  had  been  kept  away  from  both  Vienna  and  Berlin, 
to  which  places  he  was  accredited,  never  having  got 
nearer  to  either  capital  than  Frankfort.  Mr.  Izard, 
who  was  appointed  to  Tuscany,  was  refused  permission 
to  go  to  Italy,  and  remained  in  Paris.  Mr.  Jay's 
unsuccessful  mission  to  Spain  has  been  already  noticed. 
Mr.  Dana  spent  two  years  in  St.  Petersburg,  ignored  by 
the  court,  living  in  obscurity  and  experiencing  nothing 
but  humiliation  and  failure.  In  Paris  alone  did  the 
American  representatives  find  a  welcome,  and  there 
they  congregated,  waiting  a  more  favorable  turn  of 
events.  These  idle  ministers  and  their  secretaries  were 
a  constant  drain  upon  the  scanty  treasury,  but  a  still 
more  serious  injury  to  the  cause  in  their  constant  inter- 
ference with  the  duties  of  the  accredited  minister.  Dr. 
Franklin. 

The  two  Lees  and  Izard,  especially  chagrined  at  their 
own  failure,  seemed  envious  of  Franklin  and  lost  no 
opportunity  to  manifest  their  enmity  to  him,  who 
eclipsed  all  of  them  in  his  fame  and  acceptability  in 
political  and  social  circles.  A  French  writer  of  the  day, 
in  his  description  of  the  court,  has  this  to  say  :  "  Frank- 
lin appeared  at  court  in  the  dress  of  an  American  culti- 
vator. His  straight,  unpowdered  hair,  his  round  hat, 
his  brown  coat,  formed  a  contrast  with  the  laced  and 
embroidered  coats,  and  the  powdered  and  perfumed 
heads   of   the  courtiers    of    Versailles.     This   novelty 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE.  51 

turned  the  enthusiastic  heads  of  the  French  women. 
Elegant  entertainments  were  given  to  Dr.  Franklin, 
who,  to  the  reputation  of  a  philosopher,  added  the 
patriotic  virtues  which  had  invested  him  with  the  noble 
character  of  an  Apostle  of  Liberty.  I  was  present  at 
one  of  these  entertainments,  when  the  most  beautiful 
woman  of  three  hundred  was  selected  to  place  a  crown 
of  laurels  upon  the  white  head  of  the  American  philo- 
sopher, and  two  kisses  upon  his  cheeks." 

But  Franklin  had  more  serious  work  upon  his  hands 
than  this.  His  official  duties  were  quite  varied  in  their 
character,  in  marked  contrast  with  those  of  the  Ameri- 
can ambassador  of  the  present  day.  Besides  winning 
over  the  French  government  to  his  cause,  it  was  his 
task  to  negotiate  loans,  to  dispose  of  the  cargoes  of 
American  produce  which  succeeded  in  escaping  the 
British  cruisers  and  reaching  French  ports  ;  to  provide 
for  the  many  bills  which  Congress  was  constantly  draw- 
ing upon  him,  to  outfit  the  American  naval  vessels  and 
privateers  visiting  the  French  ports,  to  listen  to  the 
applications  of  European  patriots  and  adventurers  anx- 
ious to  enlist  in  the  army  of  the  Colonies,  and  in  various 
other  ways  to  advance  the  cause  of  independence.  John 
Paul  Jones,  the  daring  mariner,  who  sailed  unharmed 
about  the  British  Islands  and  spread  consternation  in 
their  ports,  found  in  Frankhn  his  chief  support  and 
counsel.^ 

*  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  letter  of  the  Congressional  Com- 
mittee of  Foreign  Affairs  to  the  American  Commissioners  iu  Paris  (2 
Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  317)  :  — 

Philadelphia,  May  9,  1777. 

Gentlemen,  —  This  letter  is  intended  to  be  delivered  to  you  by  John 


52  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Mr.  Adams,  who  was  for  some  time  a  witness  in  Paris 
of  Franklin's  multifarious  duties,  tlius  described  them 
in  a  critical  spirit  to  a  member  of  Congress.  "  He  is 
too  old,  too  infirm,  too  indolent  and  dissipated,  to  be 
sufficient  for  the  discharge  of  all  the  important  duties 
of  ambassador,  board  of  war,  board  of  treasury,  com- 
missary of  prisoners,  etc.,  as  he  is  at  present,  besides 
an  immense  correspondence  and  acquaintance,  each  of 
which  would  be  enough  for  the  whole  time  of  the  most 
active  man  in  the  vigor  of  youth."  ^ 

The  great  and  ultimate  object  of  all  these  labors  of 
Franklin  and  of  American  diplomacy  in  Europe,  was 
to  secure  peace  with  England  upon  the  basis  of  inde- 
pendence. After  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne,  through 
the  years  1778  and  1779,  various  advances  were  made 
to  Franklin,  indirectly  by  the  English  ministry,  through 
correspondence  of  his  old  friends  in  London  and  by 
secret  visits  to  him  at  Paris.  But  as  all  these  overtures 
had  for  their  object  to  secure  the  separation  of  America 

Paul  Jones,  an  active  and  brave  commander  of  our  navy,  wlio  has  already 
performed  signal  services  in  vessels  of  little  force  ;  and,  iu  reward  for 
his  zeal,  we  have  directed  him  to  go  on  board  the  Amphitrite,  a  French 
ship  of  twenty  guns,  that  brought  in  a  cargo  of  stores  from  Messrs.  Hor- 
talez  &  Co.,  and  with  her  to  rej^air  to  France.  He  takes  with  him  his 
commission,  some  officers  and  men  ;  so  that  we  hope  he  will,  under  that 
sanction,  make  some  good  prizes  with  the  Amphitrite  ;  but  our  design  of 
sending  him  is  (with  the  approbation  of  Congress)  that  they  may  purchase 
one  of  those  fine  frigates  that  Mr.  Deane  writes  us  you  can  get,  and  in- 
vest him  with  the  command  thereof  as  soon  as  possible.  We  hope  you 
may  not  delay  this  business  one  moment,  but  purchase,  in  such  port  or 
place  in  Europe  as  it  can  be  done  with  most  convenience  and  dispatch,  a 
fine,  fast-sailing  frigate  or  large  ship.  .  .  .  You  must  make  it  a  point  not  to 
disappoint  Captain  Jones's  wishes  and  our  expectations  on  this  occasion." 
1  3  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  333. 


THE  TREATY   OF   PEACE   AND   INDEPENDENCE.      53 

from  the  French  alliance  and  a  reconciliation  of  the 
Colonies  with  the  mother  country,  they  came  to  naught, 
as  neither  condition  could  be  accepted.  Return  to 
British  allegiance  was  not  only  the  firm  decision  of  the 
king  and  cabinet,  but  the  cherished  hope  of  the  most 
devoted  friends  of  America  in  England.  Even  Lord 
Chatham,  the  most  conspicuous  of  its  friends,  in  his 
last  speech  ever  delivered  in  Parliament  used  this  lan- 
guage :  "  My  Lords,  I  rejoice  that  the  grave  has  not 
closed  upon  me,  that  I  am  still  alive  to  lift  up  my  voice 
ajrainst  the  dismemberment  of  this  ancient  and  most 
noble  monarchy.  .  .  .  Where  is  the  man  that  will  dare 
advise  such  a  measure  ?  .  .  .  Shall  this  kingdom,  that 
has  survived  whole  and  entire  the  Danish  depredations, 
the  Scottish  inroads,  and  the  Norman  conquests,  that  has 
stood  the  threatened  invasion  of  the  Spanish  Armada, 
now  fall  prostrate  before  the  House  of  Bourbon  ? 
Surely,  my  Lords,  this  nation  is  no  longer  what  it  was. 
Shall  such  a  people,  that  seventeen  years  ago  was  the 
terror  of  the  world,  now  stoop  so  low  as  to  tell  its 
ancient,  inveterate  enemy  —  take  all  we  have,  only  give 
us  peace  ?     It  is  impossible."  ^ 

But  the  dying  eloquence  of  the  great  Chatham  could 
not  obscure  the  fact  that  England  was  brought  to  the 
extreme  necessity  of  peace,  with  three  of  the  then  great 
powers  of  Europe,  and  her  most  populous  colonies  ar- 
rayed against  her  in  arms,  and  with  all  continental 
Europe  unfriendly.  The  courts  of  Russia  and  Austria 
interposed  their  good  offices  to  bring  about  a  general 
peace,  but  the  British  ministry  did  not  give  up  the 

^  Almon's  Parliamentary  Register,  ix.  3G9. 


64  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

hope  of  detaching  the  United  States  from  the  general 
negotiations,  and  taking  advantage  of  a  letter  which 
Franklin  had  written  to  Lord  Shelburne,  who  was  in 
charge  of  the  Ministry  of  the  Colonies  on  the  over- 
throw of  the  North  cabinet,  Shelburne  opened  unoffi- 
cial negotiations  through  a  Mr.  Oswald,  who  came  to 
Paris  early  in  1782. 

I  have  already  noticed  that  John  Adams  had  been 
designated  and  commissioned  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  Great  Britain  as  early  as  1778,  and  was  in 
Paris  biding  a  favorable  oj)portunity  when  he  incurred 
the  wrath  of  Count  Vergenues.  Following  this  event, 
Luzerne,  the  French  minister  to  the  Colonies,  criticised, 
to  the  Continental  Congress,  the  appointment  of  Adams, 
representing  that  he  was  too  obstinate  for  a  diplomat, 
and  that  he  ought  to  be  instructed  to  abide  the  advice 
of  France,  who  could  procure  better  terms  than  it  were 
possible  for  such  a  headstrong  commissioner  to  secure. 
The  French  minister's  communication  was  referred  by 
Congress  to  a  committee,  who  brought  in  a  report  re- 
commending the  addition  of  four  members  to  the  Peace 
Commission,  and,  by  a  vote  of  Congress,  Benjamin 
Franklin,  John  Jay,  Henry  Laurens,  and  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson were  appointed  in  June,  1781.  Bancroft,  in 
noting  the  action  of  Congress,  says  :  "  It  had  been  the 
proudest  moment  of  his  (Adams's)  life  when  he  received 
from  Congress  the  commission  of  sole  plenijDotentiary 
for  negotiating  peace  and  commerce  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain.  The  year  in  which  he  was 
deprived  of  it  he  has  himself  described  '  as  the  most 
anxious  and  mortifying  year  of  my  whole  life.'     He 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE.  55 

ascribed  the  change  in  part  to  the  French  government, 
in  part  to  Franklin." 

The  instructions  given  by  Congress  to  the  commis- 
sioners as  to  the  treaty  to  be  negotiated  contained  only 
two  positive  conditions  :  first,  that  the  independence  of 
the  Colonies  should  be  recognized  ;  and,  second,  that 
the  existing  treaties  with  France  should  be  preserved. 
The  details  of  the  treaty,  as  to  boundaries,  fisheries, 
and  all  other  matters,  were  left  to  the  discretion  of  the 
commissioners,  having  in  view  to  secure  the  interests 
of  the  United  States  as  circumstances  would  allow ; 
but  they  were  directed  "  to  make  the  most  candid  and 
confidential  communications  upon  all  subjects  to  the 
ministers  of  our  generous  ally,  the  king  of  France ;  to 
undertake  nothing  in  the  negotiations  for  peace  or 
truce  without  their  knowledge  or  concurrence ;  and 
ultimately  to  govern  yourselves  by  their  ad\dce  and 
opinion."  ^ 

The  question  of  the  boundaries,  the  fisheries,  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  other  matters  had 
been  the  subject  of  lengthy  discussions  in  Congress, 
and  Adams  had  been  instructed  regarding  them,  but 
all  these  matters  were  now  left  to  the  discretion  of  the 
new  commission. 

Jefferson,  named  as  one  of  the  commissioners,  was 
not  able  to  leave  his  post  as  governor  of  Virginia,  Lau- 
rens was  still  a  prisoner  in  London,  Adams  was  actively 
prosecuting  his  negotiations  in  Holland,  and  Jay  at 
Madrid,  so  that  the  early  steps  of  the  negotiations  were 
conducted  by  Franklin  alone. 

1  4  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  505. 


66  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

It  is  "well,  at  the  outset,  to  note  the  condition  of  the 
nations  concerned  in  the  negotiations.  The  Colonies 
had  entered  into  an  alliance  with  France,  the  terms  of 
which  required  that  peace  should  only  be  made  with 
the  independence  of  the  Colonies,  but  no  peace  should 
be  agreed  upon  except  by  joint  agreement  of  the  allies. 
Spain  was  at  war  with  Great  Britain,  but  hostile  to  the 
designs  of  the  Colonies.  France  and  Spain,  joined  by 
close  family  ties  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  had  com- 
mon interests  not  in  harmony  with  those  of  the  Colo- 
nies. Holland  was  at  war  with  England,  loaning 
money  to  the  Colonies,  but  suspicious  of  France.  In 
England  the  North  ministry,  which  had  conducted  the 
war  against  the  Colonies,  had  recently  been  overthrown 
and  was  succeeded  by  a  composite  ministry,  whose 
members  were  divided  as  to  the  policy  to  be  pursued 
in  the  nesfotiations.  The  House  of  Commons  had  de- 
clared  in  favor  of  peace,  even  at  the  price  of  independ- 
ence, but  King  George  was  still  obstinately  refusing 
such  conditions. 

Between  the  appointment  of  the  commissioners  and 
the  conclusion  of  the  negotiations,  three  important 
military  events  occurred  which  had  an  important  influ- 
ence on  the  final  result.  The  first,  the  surrender  of 
Cornwallis  at  Yorktown,  in  October,  1781,  practically 
decided  the  independence  of  the  Colonies.  The  sec- 
ond, the  victory  of  Rodney  in  the  West  Indies  over 
the  French  fleet,  in  May,  1782,  and,  third,  the  raising 
of  the  siege  of  Gibraltar  by  the  English,  in  September, 
1782,  made  less  exacting  the  demands  of  France  and 
Spain,  and  enabled  the  American  commissioners  more 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND   INDEPENDENCE.     57 

easily  to  counteract  tlieir  plans  for  dwarfing-  the  young 
nation. 

Mr.  Richard  Oswald  was  sent  to  Paris  in  April, 
1782,  by  Shelburne,  Minister  of  the  Colonies,  on  a  pre- 
liminary and  confidential  mission  to  Franklin.  As  he 
was  the  person  who  ultimately  signed  the  provisional 
treaty  of  peace,  it  will  be  of  interest  to  know  more  of 
the  man.  He  was  possessed  of  no  diplomatic  experi- 
ence, and  was  not  even  in  public  life.  At  one  time 
he  had  held  a  subordinate  position  in  the  Ministry  of 
Commerce  (Board  of  Trade),  but  was  then  a  retired 
Scotch  merchant,  and  by  marriage  and  purchase  had 
acquired  large  interests  in  America.  Having  spent 
several  years  in  business  there,  he  was  frequently  con- 
sulted during  the  war  by  the  British  ministry.  His 
sympathy  for  the  Colonies  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact 
that  he  furnished  bail  to  the  amount  of  $250,000  for 
Henry  Laurens,  one  of  the  Peace  Commissioners,  then 
confined  in  the  Tower  of  London.  At  the  time  of  his 
appointment  he  w'as  seventy-seven  years  old,  just  Frank- 
lin's age.  He  was  a  disciple  of  Adam  Smith,  he  had 
won  the  esteem  of  Shelburne,  and  had  by  correspond- 
ence continued  a  warm  friendship  with  Franklin  formed 
during  the  latter's  long  residence  in  England.  Shel- 
burne, responding  to  Franklin's  letter,  to  which  refer- 
ence has  already  been  made,  writes  :  "  Your  letter  .  .  .  has 
made  me  send  to  you  Mr.  Oswald.  I  have  had  a  longer 
acquaintance  with  him,  than  I  even  had  the  pleasure 
to  have  with  you.  I  believe  him  an  honest  man,  and, 
after  consulting  some  of  our  common  friends,  I  have 
thought  him  the  fittest  for  the  purpose.     He  is  a  paci- 


58  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

fical  man  and  conversant  in  these  negotiations,  which 
are  most  interesting  to  mankind.  This  has  made  me 
prefer  him  to  any  of  our  speculative  friends,  or  to  any 
person  of  higher  rank.  He  is  fully  apprised  of  my 
mind,  and  you  may  give  full  credit  to  everything  he 
assures  you  of.  At  the  same  time,  if  any  other  chan- 
nel occurs  to  you,  I  am  ready  to  embrace  it.  I  wish 
to  retain  the  same  simplicity  and  good  faith  which  sub- 
sisted between  us  in  transactions  of  less  importance."  ^ 

It  is  due  to  the  British  minister  and  negotiator  to  say 
that  throughout  the  negotiations  the  spirit  expressed  in 
this  letter  was  maintained,  and  their  conduct  was  in 
marked  contrast  to  that  of  the  Colonies'  allies,  France 
and  Spain.  There  existed,  however,  a  divergence  of 
views  in  the  British  cabinet,  and  while  Oswald  was 
designated  by  Shelburne  to  confer  with  Franklin,  Fox, 
the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  sent  Grenville  over  to 
Paris  to  watch  the  proceedings  on  his  behalf.  As  the 
British  government  had  no  diplomatic  representative  in 
Paris,  Grenville  resorted  to  the  good  offices  of  Franklin 
to  secure  him  an  audience  with  the  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs.  Accompanying  him  to  Versailles,  says  Ban- 
croft, "  The  dismissed  Postmaster-General  for  America, 
at  the  request  of  the  British  Secretary  of  State,  intro- 
duced the  son  of  the  author  of  the  American  Stamp  Act 
as  the  British  plenipotentiary  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  of  the  Bourbon  king.  Statesmen  at  Paris  and 
Vienna  were  amused  on  hearing  that  the  envoy  of  the 
'  rebel '  Colonies  was  become  ^  the  introducer '  of  the 
representative  of  Great  Britain  at  the  court  of  Ver- 
sailles." 2 

1  5  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  536.  ^  iq  Bancroft's  U.  S.  (ed.  1874)  p.  542. 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE.     59 

Oswald  carried  back  with  him  to  London  the  views 
of  Franklin  respecting  terms  of  peace,  and  a  memoran- 
dum suggesting  the  cession  of  Canada  to  the  United 
States  and  compensation  to  the  loyalists  out  of  the  sale 
of  its  public  lands.^  This  proposition  as  to  Canada  is 
cited  as  an  evidence  of  the  great  foresight  of  Franklin, 
and  it  has  been  said  that  if  he  had  been  properly  sup- 
ported by  his  colleagues,  Adams  and  Jay,  Canada  would 
have  been  then  included  in  American  territory ;  but  I 
have  been  unable  to  find  any  substantial  basis  for  such 
a  statement  in  the  history  of  the  negotiations.  It  ap- 
pears that  Oswald  not  only  approved  of  the  proposition, 
but  laid  it  before  Shelburne ;  but  there  is  no  evidence 
that  it  was  ever  considered  by  the  British  cabinet,  and 
nothins"  further  was  heard  of  it  during:  the  neo^otiations. 

While  these  proceedings  were  in  progress,  Jay  ar- 
rived in  Paris  in  June,  1782.  He  appears  to  have  been 
very  favorably  impressed  at  first  with  his  residence  in 
Paris.  He  writes :  "  What  I  have  seen  of  France  pleases 
me  exceedingly.  ...  No  people  understand  doing  civil 
things  as  well  as  the  French ;  "  ^  but  intercourse  with 
the  officials  brought  about  a  revulsion  of  feeling.  Four 
months  later  Adams  arrived  in  Paris  to  join  in  the  ne- 
gotiations, and  he  records  in  his  diary  :  "  Mr.  Jay  likes 
Frenchmen  as  little  as  Mr.  Lee  and  Mr.  Izard  did  (who 
were  openly  hostile).  He  says  they  are  not  a  moral 
people  ;  they  know  not  what  it  is ;  he  don't  like  any 
Frenchman.  .  .  .  Our  allies  don't  play  fair,  he  told 
me."  ^     Of  Franklin,  Mr.  Jay,  on  his  arrival,  wrote  : 

1  5  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  541.  2  n,.  503^ 

«  3  J.  Adams's  Works,  303. 


60  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

"  His  mind  appears  more  vigorous  than  that  of  any  man 
of  his  age  I  have  known.  He  certainly  is  a  valuable 
minister  and  an  agreeable  companion."  ^  Franklin  was 
then  seventy-six  and  Jay  thirty-seven  years  of  age. 

Oswald  had  returned  from  London,  bringing  with 
him  a  commission  to  treat  with  any  commissioners  named 
by  the  Colonies.  Jay  objected  to  the  terms  of  the  com- 
mission, and  insisted  that  it  should  specially  mention 
the  United  States,  and  make  it  clear  that  he  was  not 
to  treat  with  them  as  Colonies.  Franklin  thought  the 
commission  was  sufficient  to  justify  negotiations,  and 
he  was  strongly  supported  in  this  view  by  Vergennes. 
But  Jay  was  unmoved.  Referring  to  the  arguments 
advanced  by  Vergennes,  he  wrote :  "  Neither  of  these 
considerations  had  weight  with  me ;  for  as  to  the  first, 
I  could  not  conceive  of  any  event  which  would  render 
it  proper,  and  therefore  possible,  for  America  to  treat 
in  any  other  character  than  as  an  independent  nation  ; 
and  as  to  the  second,  I  could  not  believe  Congress  in- 
tended we  should  follow  any  advice  which  might  be 
repugnant  to  their  dignity  and  interest."  ^  Jay  had  his 
way,  and  Oswald  wrote  to  Shelburne  :  "  The  American 
commissioners  will  not  move  a  step  until  independence 
is  acknowledged." 

But  new  complications  arose.  First,  Rayneval,  pri- 
vate secretary  to  Vergennes,  who  had  been  designated 
to  confer  with  Jay  as  to  the  terms  of  peace,  revealed 
the  fact  that  France  favored  giving  Spain  both  sides  of 
the  Mississippi  up  to  31° ;  the  territory  from  thence  east 
of  the  Mississippi  and  up  to  the  Ohio  to  be  an  Indian 

1  5  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  517.  ^  q  ib.  20. 


Lon^tude       West 


from        Greenwich 


MAP  OF  NORTH   AMERICA, 

Showing  the  Boundaries  of  the  UNITED   STATES,  CANADA,  and  the  SPANISH   POSSES- 
SIONS, according  to  the  proposals  of  the  Court  of  France  in  I  782. 


THE   TREATY   OF   PEACE   AND   INDEPENDENCE.     Gl 

country,  half  under  Spanish  and  half  under  an  American 
protectorate ;  and  all  north  and  west  of  the  Ohio  to  be 
retained  by  Great  Britain  ;  thus  confining-  the  Colonies 
to  the  strip  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Alleghanies. 
Second,  an  intercepted  letter  of  Marbois,  secretary  of 
the  French  legation  in  Philadelphia,  was  put  by  the 
British  into  Jay's  hands,  showing  surprise  at  and  disap- 
proval of  the  claims  of  the  Colonies  as  to  the  territory 
and  the  fisheries,  and  that  France  would  not  support 
them.  Third,  the  sudden  departure  for  London  of 
Rayneval,  under  an  assumed  name,  to  influence  (as  Jay 
supposed)  the  British  cabinet  on  these  points.  Jay, 
being-  advised  of  Rayneval's  departure,  procured  the 
dispatch  of  Vaughan,  private  secretary  to  Lord  Shel- 
burne,  to  London,  to  counteract  his  representations 
to  the  British  cabinet.  This  action  was  taken  without 
consultation  with  Franklin.  It  was  a  bold  step.  Only 
Jay's  success  in  the  negotiations  saved  him  from  dis- 
grace. 

Jay,  in  writing  to  Livingston,  Secretary  of  Foreign 
Affairs  of  Congress,  said :  ^  "It  would  have  relieved 
me  from  much  anxiety  and  uneasiness  to  have  concerted 
all  these  steps  with  Dr.  Franklin ;  but  in  conversing 
with  him  about  M.  Rayneval's  journey,  he  did  not  con- 
cur with  me  in  sentiment  respecting  the  object  of  it, 
but  appeared  to  me  to  have  great  confidence  in  this 
court  and  to  be  much  embarrassed  and  constrained  by 
our  instructions.  .  .  .  Facts  and  future  events  must 
determine  which  of  us  is  mistaken.  Let  us  be  honest 
and  grateful  to  France,  but  let  us  think  for  ourselves." 

1  lb.  32. 


62  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

The  impressions  of  Mr.  Jay  on  the  last  two  points, 
it  is  now  known,  were  not  entirely  well  founded.  The 
letter  of  Marbois  which  was  captured  by  the  British 
was  in  cipher.  The  original  was  not  shown  to  Jay, 
but  only  a  copy  deciphered  by  the  British.  In  trans- 
mitting this  copy  to  Congress  Mr.  Jay  wrote :  "  The 
original  in  French  I  have  not  seen.  ...  I  am  not  at 
liberty  to  mention  the  manner  in  which  this  paper  came 
to  my  hands."  *  It  is  well  known  that  the  British  were 
in  the  habit  both  of  making  false  translations  or  de- 
cipherings and  of  forging  documents.  Marbois  denied 
the  authenticity  of  the  letter,  and  Vergennes  protested 
that  it  did  not  correctly  represent  the  views  of  the 
king.  The  archives  of  the  French  and  British  govern- 
ments show  that  Rayneval's  visit  to  London  had  rela- 
tion to  the  negotiations  of  Fitzherbert,  the  British 
ambassador,  with  Vergennes  as  to  the  terms  of  peace 
between  England,  France,  and  Spain.  Years  after 
Mr.  Vaughan  wrote :  "  Mr.  Jay  gave  me  two  busi- 
nesses, one  to  get  a  new  commission  for  Mr.  Oswald, 
which  I  obtained  in  an  instant,  and  the  other  to  counter- 
act Mr.  de  R.,  which  I  found  utterly  needless."  When 
the  conduct  of  the  commissioners  in  these  negotiations 
was  being  discussed  in  Congress,  Hamilton,  the  per- 
sonal and  political  friend  of  Jay,  said  of  him,  "that 
although  he  was  a  man  of  profound  sagacity  and  pure 
intentions,  yet  he  was  of  a  suspicious  temper." 

The  result  of  the  hasty  visit  of  Rayneval  and 
Vaughan  to  London  was  a  new  commission  to  Oswald 
in  terms  required  by  Jay,  and  instructions  to  hasten 

1  5  lb.  740.     For  a  copy  of  the  letter,  see  lb.  238. 


THE   TREATY   OF   PEACE   AND   INDEPENDENCE.     G3 

independent  negotiations  with  the  American  commis- 
sioners. We  have  liere  the  strange  spectacle  of  the 
Colonies  joining  with  their  enemy,  the  mother  country, 
to  circumvent  the  scheme  of  their  own  allies.  That 
which  was  most  influential  in  hrinjf'in"'  ahout  this  curi- 
ous  combination  was  the  subject  of  the  boundaries. 
France  was  favoring  the  possession  by  Spain  of  the 
Ohio  and  Mississipj^i  valleys,  and  Vergennes  expected 
that  the  Colonies  would  be  confined  to  the  Atlantic  sea- 
board. Shelburne,  on  the  other  hand,  preferred  to 
have  the  Colonies  as  neighbors  of  Canada  in  the  lake 
region  rather  than  the  Spaniard.  To  meet  the  wishes 
of  the  American  negotiators  by  carrying  the  boundary 
to  the  Mississippi  was  in  harmony  with  the  policy 
which  he  recommended  to  the  British  nej^otiator,  to  so 
act  as  "  to  regain  the  affections  of  America."  ^  When 
he  gave  authority  to  Oswald  to  yield  to  the  demands 
of  our  commissioners  as  to  the  vast  domain  west  of  the 
Alleghany  Mountains,  he  could  well  say  to  Oswald  : 
"  We  have  put  the  greatest  confidence,  I  believe,  ever 
placed  in  man  in  the  American  commissioners.  It  is 
now  to  be  seen  how  far  they  or  America  are  to  be  de- 
pended upon.  ...  I  hope  the  public  will  be  the  gainer, 
else  our  heads  must  answer  for  it,  and  deservedly." 

In  the  midst  of  these  suspicions  and  differences  be- 
tween Jay  and  Franklin,  Adams  arrived  fresh  from  his 
successful  negotiation  with  Holland.  Learning  of  the 
situation,  he  declared  himself  fully  in  accord  with  Jay. 
Adams  had  an  interview  with  Franklin,  in  which  he 
indorsed  all  Jay's  acts  and  views,  and  records :  "  The 

1  3  Life  of  Shelburne,  285. 


64  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

doctor  heard  me  patiently,  but  said  nothing."  In  the 
next  conference  with  Oswald,  Franklin  turned  to  Mr. 
Jay  and  said  :  "  I  am  of  your  opinion,  and  will  go  on 
with  these  grentlemen  in  the  business  without  consult- 
ing  this  court."  ^  The  following  is  an  anecdote  of  the 
period.  Dr.  Franklin,  one  day  sitting,  during  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  question  of  instructions,  in  Mr.  Jay's 
room,  said  :  "  Will  you  break  your  instructions  ? " 
"  Yes,"  replied  Mr.  Jay,  who  was  smoking  a  pipe,  "  as 
I  break  this  pipe,"  and  he  threw  the  fragments  into  the 
fire.  Adams,  after  the  negotiations  were  concluded, 
wrote  :  "  He  (Franklin)  has  gone  on  with  us  in  entire 
harmony  and  unanimity  throughout,  and  has  been  able 
and  useful,  both  by  his  sagacity  and  his  reputation,  in 
the  whole  negotiation."  ^  It  is  greatly  to  Franklin's 
credit  that  he  did  not  allow  a  matter  which  he  regarded 
as  of  secondary  importance  to  interfere  with  the  cor- 
diality of  his  cooperation  with  his  colleagues. 

While  these  negotiations  were  going  on  with  Oswald, 
the  British  ambassador,  Fitzherbert,  was  conducting 
negotiations  with  Vergennes  and  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador, and  between  the  two  sets  of  negotiators  there 
seems  to  have  been  no  consultation  or  concert  of  action. 
Of  the  Anglo-French  negotiations,  Adams  writes,  they 
"  are  kept  secret  not  only  from  us,  but  from  the  Dutch 
ministers,  and  we  hear  nothing  about  Spain."  ^ 

In  the  negotiations  with  Oswald,  on  the  American 
side,  three  points  were  of  supreme  importance,  (1)  the 
boundary  to  the  Mississippi,  (2)  the  free  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  (3)  the  right  to  the  fisheries  off 

1  3  J.  Adams's  Works,  336.  '^  lb.  »  5  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  857. 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE.     65 

the  northeast  Atlantic  coast.  On  the  side  of  the  Brit- 
ish two  points  were  held  to  be  essential,  (1)  American 
independence  must  be  complete  and  free  from  France, 
and  (2)  British  debts  must  be  secured  and  the  loyaUsts 
restored  to  their  rights. 

On  the  northeast  boundary  the  British  at  first  de- 
manded the  whole  of  Maine,  then  to  the  Penobscot 
River;  but  the  St.  Croix  River  was  finally  decided 
upon.  As  to  the  northern  boundary,  two  lines  were 
proposed  —  the  one  through  the  Great  Lakes  to  the 
source  of  the  Mississippi ;  and  the  other,  an  alternate 
hue  offered  by  the  Americans  along  the  45°  of  latitude. 
The  former  was  ultimately  accepted. 

The  Mississippi,  the  source  of  which  was  then  sup- 
posed to  be  in  British  territory,  it  was  agreed  should  be 
forever  open  to  both  countries.  This  provision  subse- 
quently became  abrogated  by  the  acquisition  of  Louisi- 
ana from  France. 

The  fishery  discussion  was  long  and  difficult,  but  re- 
sulted successfully  for  the  United  States,  as  the  Ameri- 
can fishermen  were  admitted  on  equal  terms  to  Canadian 
waters.  The  debts  due  British  subjects  were  to  be 
paid,  and  Congress  was  to  recommend  the  States  to 
restore  confiscated  estates  of  loyalists,  but  it  was  given 
to  be  understood  that  the  recommendation  could  not 
be  carried  out. 

The  treaty  was  signed  on  November  30, 1782,  Henry 
Laurens,  who  arrived  from  London  only  two  days  be- 
fore, joining  with  Adams,  Franklin,  and  Jay  in  its  exe- 
cution. It  is  said  that  on  this  occasion  Franklin,  for 
the  second  time  in  France,  donned  the  "  spotted  velvet 


66  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Manchester  suit "  worn  at  the  session  of  the  British 
privy  council,  but  there  is  some  question  about  this. 
The  treaty  was  merely  preliminary,  and  it  was  pro- 
vided that  the  final  treaty,  which  was  to  embrace  its 
stipulations,  should  not  be  concluded  until  a  treaty 
between  Great  Britain  and  France  was  ready  to  be 
signed. 

Strachey,  secretary  to  the  Minister  of  the  Colonies, 
who  had  been  sent  over  to  assist  Oswald,  after  the 
negotiations  were  practically  concluded,  wrote :  "  Are 
we  to  be  hanged  or  applauded  ?  ...  If  this  is  not  as 
good  a  peace  as  was  expected,  I  am  confident  it  is  the 
best  that  could  be  made."  ^ 

On  signing  the  treaty,  Adams  wrote  :  "  Thus  far  has 
proceeded  this  great  affair.  The  unraveling  of  the 
plot  has  been  to  me  the  most  affecting  and  astonishing 
part  of  the  whole  piece."  ^ 

It  has  been  well  said  that  it  would  be  difficult  to 
find  a  parallel  in  modern  diplomacy  to  the  complica- 
tions and  perplexities  by  which  at  the  outset  the  Ameri- 
can commissioners  were  surrounded.  While  France 
was  ready  to  carry  out  the  terms  of  the  alliance,  and 
make  no  treaty  that  did  not  secure  the  independence  of 
the  Colonies,  she  was,  on  the  other  hand,  pledged  by  a 
secret  treaty  with  Spain  not  to  make  peace  till  Gibral- 
tar was  restored,  and  she  sought  to  restrict  the  bound- 
aries of  the  Colonies.  From  the  time  that  Jay  reached 
the  conclusion  that  it  was  the  plan  of  France  and  Spain 
to  oppose  the  claims  of  the  Colonies  both  as  to  bound- 
aries, the  fisheries,  and  compensation  to  the  loyaUsts, 

1  3  Life  of  Sbelburne,  303.  «  3  J.  Adams's  Works,  336. 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE.  67 

the  American  commissioners  had  conducted  their  neoTO- 
tiations  with  the  British  commissioners  without  consul- 
tation with  Vergennes,  and  he  was  not  informed  of  the 
signing  of  the  preHminary  treaty  until  after  it  had 
taken  place.  This  was  not  only  in  direct  contraven- 
tion of  their  instructions,  but  of  the  spirit  of  the  treaty 
of  alliance  of  1778. 

The  defense  of  the  commissioners  is  that  it  was  the 
only  course  left  open  to  them  to  save  the  vital  interests 
of  their  country.  It  is  apparent  that  such  was  the  con- 
viction of  Adams  and  Jay.  Vergennes,  on  being  in- 
formed of  the  signing  of  the  preliminary  treaty,  looked 
to  Franklin  as  the  only  friend  of  France  on  the  com- 
mission, and  reproachfully  addressed  him  a  communi- 
cation :  "  I  am  at  a  loss  to  explain  your  conduct  and 
that  of  your  colleagues  on  this  occasion.  You  have 
concluded  your  preliminary  articles  without  any  com- 
munication between  us,  although  the  instructions  from 
Congress  prescribe  that  nothing  shall  be  done  without 
the  participation  of  the  king.  .  .  .  You  are  wise  and 
discreet,  sir;  you  perfectly  understand  what  is  due  to 
propriety  ;  you  have  all  your  life  performed  your  duties. 
I  pray  you  to  consider  how  you  propose  to  fulfill  those 
which  are  due  to  the  king:."  ^ 

Franklin's  reply  was :  "  Nothing  has  been  agreed, 
in  the  preliminaries,  contrary  to  the  interests  of  France  ; 
and  no  peace  is  to  take  place  between  us  and  England 
till  you  have  concluded  yours.  Your  observation  is, 
however,  apparently  just  —  that  in  not  consulting  you 
before  they  were  signed  we  have  been  guilty  of  neglect- 

1  6  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  140. 


68  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

ing  a  point  of  hienseance.  But  as  this  was  not  from 
want  of  respect  for  the  king,  whom  we  all  love  and  honor, 
we  hope  it  will  be  excused,  and  that  the  great  work, 
which  has  hitherto  been  so  happily  conducted,  which  is 
so  nearly  brought  to  perfection,  and  is  so  glorious  to 
his  reign,  will  not  be  ruined  by  a  single  indiscretion  of 
ours. 

Vergennes,  apparently  conscious  of  the  design  of 
France  to  thwart  the  asj^irations  of  the  Colonies,  ac- 
cepted Franklin's  excuse  and  loaned  him  for  the  Colonies 
six  million  livres ;  but  meanwhile  he  had  written  the 
French  minister  in  Philadelphia  that  Congress  should 
be  informed  of  the  conduct  of  the  commissioners,  but 
not  in  a  tone  of  complaint.  "  I  blame  no  one,  not  even 
Dr.  Franklin.  He  has  yielded  too  easily  to  the  bias  of 
his  colleagues,  who  do  not  pretend  to  recognize  the 
rules  of  courtesy  in  regard  to  us.  .  .  .  If  we  may  judge 
of  the  future  from  what  has  passed  here  under  our 
eyes,  we  shall  be  poorly  paid  for  all  that  we  have  done 
for  the  United  States,  and  for  securing  for  them  a 
national  existence."  ^  This  letter,  although  temperate 
in  language,  manifests  the  deepest  feeling,  and  it  created 
a  profound  impression  on  Congress. 

Luzerne,  the  French  minister,  made  known  to  Sec- 
retary Livingston  the  views  of  his  government,  and 
Livingston  wrote  a  letter  to  the  commissioners  approv- 
ing the  terms  of  the  treaty,  but  strongly  disapproving 
their  conduct  in  concealino;  its  terms  from  the  French 
government  till  after  its  signature,  and  in  entering  on 
the  secret  article.^     Luzerne's  communication  was  also 

1  6  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  144.  »  Jb.  152.  3  jb.  338. 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE.     G9 

transmitted  to  Congress,  where  the  subject  was  debated 
with  much  warmth  during  nine  days.  There  was  a 
'unanimous  sentiment  of  approval  and  congratulation  on 
the  terms  of  the  treaty  in  general,  but  the  feeling  of 
the  majority  of  Congress  was  that  the  commissioners 
were  not  warranted  in  departing  from  their  instructions, 
and  in  signing  without  first  making  known  the  terms 
of  the  treaty  to  the  French  government ;  besides  there 
was  a  general  condemnation  of  the  action  in  withholding 
a  knowledge  of  the  secret  article,  which  was  construed 
into  manifestation  of  a  preference  for  England  as  a 
neighbor  in  Florida.  After  much  debate  the  subject 
was  submitted  to  a  special  committee,  who  brought  in  a 
report  thanking  the  commissioners  for  their  zeal  and 
services,  but  mildly  reproving  them  for  their  conduct 
towards  France.  This  report  was  discussed  for  some 
days,  but  no  action  appears  to  have  been  taken  upon 
it.^  The  commissioners  had  too  well  served  their  coun- 
try in  a  critical  situation  and  the  terms  of  peace  were 
too  satisfactory  for  Congress  even  mildly  to  condemn 
them.  Madison  and  Hamilton,  who  took  part  in  the 
debate,  both  condemned  the  instructions  of  Congress  as 
improper,  but  they  likewise  condemned  the  commis- 
sioners for  withholding  the  terms  of  the  treaty  from 
Count  de  Vergennes  before  its  signature  ;  and  the  same 
view  as  to  their  conduct  was  taken  by  Washington, 
Jefferson,  and  Morris. 

The  effect  of  the  treaty  in  England  was  the  over- 
throw of  the  ministry;  but  the  new  ministry  had  to 
sign  the  final  treaty  embodying  its  exact  terms.     The 

^  For  Proceedings  of  Congress,  see  1  Mndison  Papers,  380-412. 


70  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

honorable  conduct  of  the  British  negotiators  and  govern- 
ment stands  out  in  contrast  with  that  of  France.  But 
it  may  be  said  in  extenuation  of  the  conduct  of  the 
latter  that  the  policy  of  the  two  governments  lay  in 
opposite  directions,  and  they  were  both  serving  what 
they  regarded  as  their  own  interests. 

The  news  of  the  treaty  and  its  terms  created  the 
greatest  satisfaction  in  the  United  States.  Boudinot, 
President  of  Congress,  writing  to  the  commissioners, 
said  :  "  It  has  diffused  the  sincerest  joy  throughout 
these  States,  and  the  terms  of  which  must  necessarily 
hand  down  the  names  of  its  American  negotiators  to 
posterity  with  the  highest  possible  honor."  Robert 
Morris  wrote  Adams,  stating  the  approval  and  gratifi- 
cation of  the  country,  to  which  Adams,  seemingly  in- 
different to  the  praise  of  men,  replied  :  "  I  thank  you, 
sir,  most  affectionately  for  your  kind  congratulations 
on  the  peace.  When  I  consider  the  number  of  nations 
concerned,  the  complication  of  interests,  —  extending 
all  over  the  globe,  —  the  character  of  the  actors,  the 
difficulties  which  attended  every  step  of  the  progress, 
I  feel  too  strong  a  gratitude  to  heaven  for  having  been 
conducted  safely  through  the  storm,  to  be  very  solicitous 
whether  we  have  the  approbation  of  mortals  or  not." 
Luzerne,  the  French  minister  at  Philadelphia,  reported 
that  the  boundaries  that  had  been  secured  surpassed  all 
expectations  in  the  United  States  ;  that  they  had  caused 
great  surprise  and  satisfaction  ;  and  that  the  New  Eng- 
land fishermen  were  no  less  grateful. 

The  effect  in  France  was  highly  complimentary  to 
the  skill  of  the  American  commissioners.    Vergennes, 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  AND  INDEPENDENCE.  71 

after  being  informed  of  the  terms  by  Franklin,  wrote  to 
Rayneval  in  London  that  the  English  had  rather  bought 
a  peace  than  made  one  ;  that  their  concessions  as  regards 
the  boundaries,  the  fisheries,  and  the  loyalists  exceeded 
anything  that  he  had  believed  possible.  Rayneval 
replied  that  the  treaty  seemed  to  him  a  dream.  Ver- 
gennes  wrote  Luzerne  :  "  The  boundaries  must  have 
caused  astonishment  in  America.  No  one  can  have 
flattered  himself  that  the  English  ministers  would  go 
beyond  the  headwaters  of  the  rivers  falling  into  the 
Atlantic."  De  Aranda,  the  Spanish  ambassador,  wrote 
to  the  king  of  Spain  in  the  spirit  of  a  seer :  "  This 
federal  repubhc  is  born  a  pigmy.  A  day  will  come 
when  it  will  be  a  giant ;  even  a  Colossus,  formidable  to 
these  countries.  Liberty  of  conscience,  the  facility  for 
establishing  a  new  population  on  immense  lands,  as 
well  as  the  advantages  of  the  new  government,  will 
draw  thither  farmers  and  artisans  from  all  the  nations. 
In  a  few  years  we  shall  watch  with  grief  the  tyrannical 
existence  of  this  same  Colossus."  The  Venetian  am- 
bassador wrote  :  "  If  the  union  of  the  American  pro- 
vinces shall  continue,  they  will  become  by  force  of  time 
and  of  the  arts  the  most  formidable  power  in  the 
world." ' 

Lecky,  the  English  historian,  says  :  "  It  is  impossible 
not  to  be  struck  with  the  skill,  hardihood,  and  good  for- 
tune that  marked  the  American  negotiations.  Every- 
thing the  United  States  could,  with  any  shadow  of 
plausibility,  demand  from  England,  they  obtained  ;  and 
much  of  what  they  obtained  was  granted  them  in  oppo- 

^  7  Wiasor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  152. 


72  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

sition  to  the  two  great  powers  by  whose  assistance  they 
had  triumphed.  .  .  .  America  gained  at  the  peace  al- 
most everything  she  desired,  and  started,  with  every 
promise  of  future  greatness,  upon  the  mighty  career 
that  was  before  her."  ^ 

1  4  Lecky's  History  of  England  in  the  XVIII.  Century,  263. 


CHAPTER  III. 

PEACE    UNDER    THE    CONFEDERATION. 

The  last  chapter  was  concluded  with  the  signature 
of  the  prelimiuary  treaty  of  peace  of  1782,  which  the 
next  year  became  in  effect  the  permanent  treaty,  and 
thus  established  in  form  the  independence  of  the  United 
States,  fixed  its  relations  with  Great  Britain,  and  gave 
the  young  nation  a  position  among  the  governments 
of  the  world.  As  it  is  the  most  important  treaty  ever 
celebrated  by  this  country,  it  may  be  interesting  to  look 
more  closely  at  some  of  the  incidents  attending  its  ne- 
gotiation, and  at  the  personages  most  prominent  in 
brinofino"  it  to  a  successful  conclusion. 

The  first  incident  which  attracts  our  attention  is  the 
issue  which  Jay  raised  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Paris  as 
to  the  sufficiency  of  Oswald's  commission,  which  author- 
ized him  to  treat  with  any  commissioners  named  by  the 
Colonies.  Upon  Jay's  positive  refusal  to  proceed  with 
the  negotiations,  Oswald  exhibited  to  the  American 
commissioners  his  instructions,  which  stated  that  in 
case  the  commissioners  were  "  not  at  liberty  to  treat  on 
any  terms  short  of  independence,  you  are  to  declare  to 
them  that  you  have  authorit}^  to  make  that  concession." 
But  even  this  was  not  satisfactory.  Jay  contended  that 
the  British  and  American  commissioners  should  meet 
on  equal  terms  as  the  representatives  of  equal  nations ; 


74  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

that  the  treaty  should  be  the  consequence  of  independ- 
ence, and  not  independence  a  consequence  of  the  treaty. 
His  persistency  carried  the  day,  and  the  new  commis- 
sion to  Oswald  authorized  him  to  treat  with  any  com- 
missioners "  vested  with  equal  powers,  by  and  on  the 
part  of  the  thirteen  United  States  of  America,"  naming 
them. 

The  importance  of  this  position  arises  from  the  rela- 
tion which  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  parties  in  making 
the  treaty.  If  they  were  negotiating  as  independent 
nations  the  stipulations  entered  into  were  in  the  nature 
of  the  partition  of  an  empire,  and  each  continued  in 
the  exercise  of  the  rights  which  pertained  to  them  re- 
spectively, except  as  limited  by  the  stipulations  entered 
into.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  negotiations  were  con- 
ducted on  the  basis  of  the  continuing  colonial  exist- 
ence, independence  under  the  treaty  carried  with  it  only 
such  rights  as  to  boundaries,  fishing,  and  navigation  as 
the  mother  country  should  "  grant  "  by  virtue  of  the 
treaty.  This  question,  we  shall  see,  assumed  practical 
interest  when  in  later  years  the  fishing  rights  became 
the  subject  of  discussion  and  negotiation. 

The  question  has  been  much  mooted  whether,  if 
Franklin  had  been  heartily  supported  by  his  colleagues, 
Canada  mio^ht  not  have  been  included  in  the  United 
States  by  the  treaty  of  peace.  In  his  informal  "  Notes 
for  Conversation,"  ^  which  he  handed  to  Oswald  before 
the  negotiations  had  been  "fairly  opened,  Franklin  sug- 
gested the  voluntary  cession  of  Canada,  and,  with  a 
foresiirht  which  discerned  the  embarrassments  and  dan- 
1  5  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  541. 


THE    UNITED    STATES,    AFTER    THE     IKEATY    UE    17S3 


I 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  75 

gers  since  realized  in  the  existence  of  a  foreign  colony 
on  our  northern  border,  he  asked  the  cession  as  the 
surety  "  of  a  durable  peace  and  a  sweet  reconciliation." 
But  it  does  not  appear  that  he  urged  it  at  any  future 
stage  after  the  negotiations  had  been  formally  entered 
upon.  Adams  had  expressed  views  similar  to  those  of 
Franklin  respecting  the  desirability  of  securing  Canada, 
and  could  hardly  have  failed  to  support  him,  if  he  had 
thought  it  expedient  or  practicable  to  press  the  proposi- 
tion ;  ^  and  it  is  a  well-founded  surmise  that  the  Ameri- 
can negotiators  did  not  think  it  wise  to  renew  it.  With 
the  better  knowledge  now  of  the  necessities  of  the  Brit- 
ish government  and  the  state  of  parties,  and  especially 
of  Shelburne's  views,  as  revealed  by  the  correspondence 
and  narratives  of  the  period,  it  would  seem  probable 
that  if  the  cession  of  Canada,  coupled  with  a  substan- 
tial provision  for  the  loyalists,  had  been  made  a  condi- 
tion of  peace,  it  might  have  been  attained  ;  but  it  is 
evident  it  was  not  so  believed  at  the  time  by  the  Ameri- 
can negotiators. 

An  interesting  military  incident  is  worth  relating  in 
this  connection.  In  the  autumn  of  1778,  Congress, 
without  consulting  Washington  or  other  responsible 
military  officials,  devised  a  detailed  plan  for  the  con- 
quest of  Canada  by  the  combined  movement  of  the 
American  and  French  land  and  naval  forces,  the  spe- 
cial feature  of  which  was  the  sending  from  France  of  a 

1  "  So  long  as  Great  Britain  shall  have  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  and  the 
Floridas,  or  any  of  them,  so  long  will  Great  Britain  be  the  enemy  of  the 
United  States,  let  her  disguise  it  as  much  as  she  will."  John  Adams  to 
Samuel  Adams,  July  28,  1778.    (2  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  G67.) 


76  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

considerable  army  to  occupy  Quebec  by  surprise.  La- 
fayette, who  had  been  consulted  by  Congress  as  to  the 
scheme,  and  who  was  deeply  interested  in  the  separa- 
tion of  Canada  from  England,  was  about  to  make  a 
visit  to  Paris,  and  to  him  was  to  be  intrusted  the  plan 
for  delivery  to  Dr.  Franklin,  by  whom,  seconded  by 
Lafayette,  it  was  to  be  urged  upon  the  French  govern- 
ment. After  its  formal  adoption,  the  plan  was  sent  to 
General  Washington  with  request  that  he  communicate 
directly  with  Franklin  on  the  subject.  Thereupon 
Washington  wrote  Congress  a  long  letter,  strongly  dis- 
approving of  the  plan  as  impracticable  and  unwise,  and 
suggested  that  before  communicating  with  Franklin  he 
should  have  a  personal  interview  with  Congress.  Ac- 
cordingly he  came  to  Philadelphia,  and  the  result  was 
that  the  expedition  was  entirely,  though  reluctantly, 
given  up.  Washington  assigned  many  military  reasons 
why  the  plan  was  unwise,  but  he  found  one  unsur- 
mountable  objection.  "  This,"  he  wrote,  ''  is  the  intro- 
duction of  a  large  body  of  French  troops  into  Canada, 
and  putting  them  in  possession  of  the  capital  of  that 
province,  attached  to  them  by  the  ties  of  blood,  habits, 
manners,  religion,  and  former  conception  of  govern- 
ment. I  fear  this  would  be  too  great  a  temptation  to 
be  resisted  by  any  power  actuated  by  the  common  max- 
ims of  national  policy."  He  expressed  the  suspicion 
that  the  plan  originated  with  the  French  government, 
and  that  Lafayette  was  made  the  instrument  of  bring- 
ing it  to  the  attention  of  Congress ;  and  adds  :  "  I  hope 
I  am  mistaken,  and  that  my  fears  of  mischief  make  me 
refine  too  much  and  awaken  jealousies  that  have  no 


PEACE  UNDER  THE   CONFEDERATION.  77 

sufficient  foundation."  Unimpeachable  as  was  the  pa- 
triotism of  Washington,  it  is  no  disparagement  to  his 
character  to  say  that  his  partiality  for  the  English  race 
saw  in  the  occupation  of  Canada  by  a  French  army  a 
serious  danger  to  the  interests  of  his  country.  It  was 
the  same  spirit  of  kinship  of  blood  and  institutions 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  led  Lord  Shelburne  to  decline 
the  overtures  of  the  French  government  as  to  the 
boundaries,  preferring  the  Americans  rather  than  the 
Spaniards  as  neighbors  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.^ 

The  action  of  the  American  commissioners  in  vio- 
lating the  instructions  of  Congress  by  separating  them- 
selves from  Vergennes,  and  conducting  their  negotia' 
tions  to  a  conclusion  with  the  British  commissioners 
without  consultation  with  the  French  government,  has 
been  the  subject  of  much  discussion  and  criticism.  In 
the  correspondence  from  which  quotation  has  already 
been  made,  it  is  seen  that  Vergennes  did  not  intimate 
that  the  action  of  the  commissioners  was  in  violation  of 
the  treaty  o£  alliance,  and  that  he  looked  upon  the  non- 
observance  of  the  instructions  of  Congress  rather  as  an 
act  of  indecorum  than  of  bad  faith ;  and  Franklin  in 
his  reply  terms  it  an  indiscretion.  His  defense  is  that 
nothing  was  agreed  contrary  to  the  interests  of  France, 
and  that  no  peace  was  to  take  place  till  France  had 
come  to  an  ajxreement  with  Enoland.  The  commission- 
ers,  in  their  reply  to  Secretary  Livingston's  censure  of 
their  conduct,  wrote :  "  As  we  had  reason  to  imagine 
that  the  articles  respecting  the  boundaries,  the  refugees, 

^  2  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,  11,  125  ;  3  Marshall's  Washington, 
568-580  ;  2  Pitkin's  History  U.  S.  67. 


78  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

and  fisheries  did  not  correspond  with  the  policy  of  this 
court,  we  did  not  communicate  the  preliminaries  to  the 
minister  until  after  they  were  signed  ;  and  not  even 
then  the  separate  article.  We  hope  these  considera- 
tions will  excuse  our  having  so  far  deviated  from  the 
sj^irit  of  our  instructions.  The  Count  de  Vergennes, 
on  perusing  the  articles,  appeared  surprised  (but  not 
displeased)  at  their  being  so  favorable."  In  a  letter 
accompanying  the  reply  of  the  commissioners  to  Liv- 
ingston, Franklin  said :  "  I  will  not  now  take  uj^on  me 
to  justify  the  apparent  reserve  respecting  this  court  [of 
France]  at  the  signature,  which  you  disapprove.  I  do 
not  see,  however,  that  they  have  much  reason  to  com- 
plain of  that  transaction.  .  .  .  I  long  since  satisfied  the 
Count  de  Versfennes  about  it  here."  ^ 

The  correspondence  attending  the  negotiations,  now 
accessible,  shows  that  the  suspicions  of  the  American 
commissioners  as  to  the  opposition  of  France  respecting 
some  of  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  were  well  founded, 
and  that  she  was  secretly  using  her  influence  in  a 
manner  injurious  to  the  United  States.  A  further  con- 
firmation of  the  views  of  the  American  commissioners 
is  found  in  the  documents  submitted  to  our  government 
by  Genet,  the  envoy  of  the  French  republic,  in  1793. 
In  order  to  extinofuish  the  gratitude  of  the  American 
people  towards  Louis  XYI.  for  his  part  in  the  revolu- 
tionary struggle  (a  very  strange  proceeding  for  any 
French  government),  the  Directory  submitted  official 
documents  to  prove  the  attitude  of  Vergennes  and 
Montmorin,  manifesting  "  in  plain  terms  the  solicitude 

1  6  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  581. 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  79 

of  France  and  Spain  to  exclude  the  United  States  from 
the  Mississippi,  and  their  jealousies  of  the  growing 
power  and  ambition  of  this  country."  ^ 

A  departure  from  instructions  is  not  an  unusual  inci- 
dent of  negotiations  even  at  the  present  day  ;  and  there 
was  much  more  occasion  and  justification  for  it  before 
the  age  of  steam  and  electricity.  The  instructions  of 
Congress  were  peculiar  in  the  circumstances  under 
which  they  were  issued,  and  unusual  in  their  tenor.  I 
have  already  referred  to  the  fact  that  the  French 
government  had  objected  to  the  appointment  of  Adams 
as  sole  commissioner,  and  had  asked  Congress  that 
others  be  named.  But  it  went  further,  and,  through 
the  direct  intervention  of  the  French  minister,  secured 
a  modification  of  the  instructions  as  to  the  boundaries, 
fisheries,  and  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  the  most 
essential  subjects,  after  independence,  to  be  decided ; 
and  finally,  at  the  minister's  instance,  the  commissioners 
were  instructed,  as  we  have  seen,  to  undertake  nothing 
in  the  nesfotiations  without  the  knowled<re  or  concur- 
rence  of  the  ministers  of  the  king  of  France  ;  and  ulti- 
mately to  govern  themselves  by  their  advice  and  opinion. 

Such  instructions  virtually  took  away  from  the 
American  negotiators  all  discretion,  and  made  them 
the  mere  instruments  of  the  French  minister  of  state, 
Vergennes.  No  self-respecting  public  men  could  be 
expected  to  follow  literally  such  a  course,  and  the  only 
excuse  which  can  be  advanced  on  behalf  of  Congress 
for  such  action  is  that  this  body  felt  the  necessities  of 
the  situation,  as  well  as  the  treaty  of  alliance,  required 

'  1  Gibbs's  Administrations  of  Washington  and  Adams,  95-9G. 


80  A  CENTURY  OF  AI^IERICAN  DIPLO^L^CY. 

it  to  place  its  cause  in  the  hands  of  "  our  generous  ally." 
Had  the  commissioners  been  together  when  the  instruc- 
tions were  received,  they  might  have  taken  some  ac- 
tion on  the  subject;  but  Adams  was  in  Holland,  Jay  in 
Spain,  and  Franklin  in  Paris,  and  no  common  repre- 
sentation to  Congress  was  practicable.  But  after  the 
negotiations  were  concluded,  and  when  Livingston's 
letter  of  censure  on  their  action  in  withholdino'  their 
proceedings  from  the  French  government  was  received, 
John  Adams  lost  his  temper  (not  an  unusual  occurrence 
with  him),  and  he  broke  forth  in  this  language  :  "  I  am 
weary,  disgusted,  affronted,  and  disappointed.  ...  I 
have  been  injured,  and  my  country  has  joined  in  the 
injury  ;  it  has  basely  prostituted  its  honor  by  sacrificing 
mine.  But  the  sacrifice  of  me  was  not  so  servile  and 
intolerable  as  putting  us  all  under  guardianship.  Con- 
gress surrendered  their  own  sovereignty  into  the  hands 
of  a  French  minister.  Blush  !  blush  !  ye  guilty  re- 
cords !  blush  and  perish  !  It  is  glory  to  have  broken 
such  infamous  orders.  Infamous,  I  say,  for  so  they 
will  be  to  all  posterity.  How  can  such  a  stain  be 
washed  out?  Can  we  cast  a  veil  over  it  and  forget 
it?"^ 

Notwithstanding  their  natural  feeling  of  resentment, 
the  commissioners  w^ere  anxious  to  remove  from  the 
French  ministry  all  further  occasions  of  comjjlaint,  and 
soon  after  the  signature  of  the  treaty  they  published  a 
formal  declaration  that  so  long  as  peace  was  not  con- 
cluded between  France  and  England  the  preliminary 
treaty  did  not  change  the  relations  between  England 

»  3  John  Adams's  Works,  359. 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  81 

and  the  United  States.  As  soon  as  the  chang-e  of 
ministry  in  England  brought  about  by  the  treaty  would 
allow,  negotiations  were  entered  upon  for  the  permanent 
treaty  of  peace.  Oswald  was  recalled,  and  David  Hart- 
ley, an  old  and  intimate  friend  of  Franklin,  was  sent  in 
his  place.  Attempts  were  made  to  insert  additional 
articles  as  to  royalist  land-owners,  and  as  to  commercial 
relations,  but  they  all  failed ;  and  it  was  a  high  testimony 
to  the  efficiency  of  the  work  of  the  negotiators  of  the 
preliminary  treaty  that  it  was  accepted  without  change 
as  the  permanent  treaty  of  peace,  which  was  signed 
September  3, 1783,  the  day  of  the  signature  of  the  trea- 
ties of  peace  of  Great  Britain  with  France  and  Spain. 

Of  all  the  foreign  officials  connected  with  these 
negotiations,  the  most  prominent  personage  w^as  Count 
de  Vergfennes,  the  French  Minister  of  Foreiofn  Affairs. 
He  was  not  a  man  of  commanding  talents,  but  a  thor- 
oughly equipped  diplomatist,  and,  by  a  residence  at 
various  courts  before  being  called  to  the  Ministry  of 
Foreign  Affairs  of  his  own  country,  he  had  become 
probably  the  best  informed  statesman  of  his  day  re- 
specting European  politics.  During  a  long  public 
career  no  man  more  effectively  served  Louis  XVI.  and 
France.  He  was  thoroughly  devoted  to  his  king  and 
his  country,  and  with  him  they  were  always  inseparably 
united.  Two  motives  impelled  France  to  lend  its  sup- 
port to  the  cause  of  the  American  Colonies.  The  first 
was  the  responsive  chord  of  sympathy  awakened  by  the 
spirit  of  liberty,  in  the  French,  partly  sentimental  and 
partly  philosophical.  The  second  had  its  origin  in  the 
traditional  hatred  of  the  English,  and  in  the  desire  to 


82  A  CENTURY  OF  A]MERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

■weaken  and  humiliate  their  ancient  enemy.  V ergennes 
was  not  influenced  by  the  first,  but  fully  controlled  by 
the  second.  He  regarded  the  contest  between  the 
Colonies  and  the  mother  country  purely  from  the  stand- 
point of  French  interests,  and  this  fact  is  to  be  borne 
in  mind  in  judging  his  conduct. 

He  has  been  charged  with  duplicity  and  bad  faith, 
and  his  relations  with  the  British  ambassador  support 
the  charge ;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  did  any- 
thing respecting  America  contrary  to  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  of  alliance.  That  convention  pledged  France 
to  the  independence  of  the  Colonies,  but  it  went  no 
further.  While  Vergennes  was  heartily  in  favor  of 
tearing  away  the  most  important  dependency  of  the 
British  empire,  he  did  not  propose  to  accomplish  this 
result  to  the  injury  of  the  interests  of  France  or  her 
nearest  ally,  the  Spanish  Bourbons.  Owing  to  the 
French  participation  in  the  Newfoundland  fisheries  and 
to  the  Spanish  territorial  claims  in  the  Mississippi  Valley, 
he  opposed  as  far  as  he  thought  prudent  the  proposals 
of  the  American  envoys  respecting  the  Canadian  fisheries 
and  the  western  boundaries.  His  correspondence,  ex- 
tracts from  which  have  been  given,  shows  that  he  was 
not  over-scrupulous  in  attaining  his  ends ;  but  so  far  as 
the  Colonies  were  concerned  he  compHed  strictly  with 
his  promises,  and  rendered  them  invaluable  aid  in  times 
of  their  sorest  need.  For  his  contribution  towards  the 
achievement  of  its  independence  America  should  cherish 
his  name  with  grateful  memory. 

The  English  statesman  who  most  controlled  the  nego- 
tiations was  Lord  Shelburne,  and  he  is  entitled  to  the 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  83 

greatest  share  of  the  credit  for  bringing  them  to  a  suc- 
cessful conclusion.  In  his  earlier  life,  during  a  chaotic 
period  of  English  politics,  he  was  associated  with  men 
of  stronjr  retroj]:rade  tendencies ;  but  in  his  mature 
years  he  became  attached  to  the  school  of  liberal  politi- 
cal economists  led  by  Adam  Smith,  and  in  this  company 
he  made  the  acquaintance  of  Franklin  during  the  latter's 
residence  in  England.  This  relation,  as  we  have  seen, 
led  to  the  opening  of  peace  negotiations.  Although 
be  had  been  slow  to  recognize  the  necessity  of  inde- 
pendence, when  the  fit  time  arrived  he  was  more  prompt 
and  liberal  in  action  than  his  political  associates.  Fox 
and  Burke,  who  had  before  been  so  strong  in  advocacy 
of  the  cause  of  the  Colonies.  Strange  to  say,  but  for 
their  opposition  the  terms  of  peace  Shelburne  was  ready 
to  grant  would  have  been  even  more  liberal  than  those 
finally  obtained.  Having  accepted  independence  as 
inevitable,  he  had  the  statesmanship  to  see  that  it  would 
be  good  policy  to  establish  peace  between  the  mother 
country  and  the  new  state  upon  such  a  basis  as  would 
secure  the  latter's  confidence  and  friendship.  Hence 
Rayneval's  mission  to  London  had  no  unfavorable  in- 
fluence on  him.  He  much  preferred  to  have  the  vast 
territory  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  valleys  transferred 
to  the  United  States  than  to  either  France  or  Spain  ; 
and  he  was  quite  prepared  at  that  early  day  to  open  the 
commerce  of  the  two  kindred  people  upon  the  most 
liberal  terms  of  reciprocity.  Had  the  policy  which  he 
advocated  been  adopted  by  the  British  government,  the 
war  of  1812  and  much  of  the  bitter  feeling  of  later 
years  might  have  been  avoided. 


84  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

The  biographers  of  Franklin,  Adams,  and  Jay  have 
indulged  in  much  discussion  as  to  the  relative  credit  to 
be  ascribed  to  these  great  men  for  the  happy  conclu- 
sions of  the  peace  negotiations  ;  and  their  respective 
partisans  have  found  in  the  incidents  attending  these 
proceedings  much  occasion  for  criticism.  For  this  un- 
friendly debate  John  Adams  is  chiefly  responsible.  He 
was  a  man  of  strong  passions  and  hasty  prejudgment 
of  his  associates.  Jefferson,  after  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  him  in  Paris  and  London,  wrote:  "He  is 
vain,  irritable,  and  a  bad  calculator  of  the  force  and 
probable  effects  of  the  motives  which  govern  men. 
This  is  all  the  ill  which  can  possibly  be  said  of  him."  ^ 

No  one  doubts  that  he  was  inspired  by  the  most  ex- 
alted patriotism.  The  ecstacy  of  this  sentiment  may 
be  seen  in  an  extract  from  his  diary  upon  signing  the 
treaty  with  Holland  :  "  One  thing,  thank  God  !  is  cer- 
tain. I  have  planted  the  American  standard  at  the 
Hague.  There  let  it  wave  in  triumph  over  Sir  Joseph 
Yorke  [the  British  minister]  and  British  pride.  I  shall 
look  down  upon  the  flagstaff  with  pleasure  from  the 
other  world."  He  expected  to  carry  his  patriotism  be- 
yond the  grave.  Two  days  after  his  arrival  to  take 
part  in  the  negotiations,  before  he  had  seen  either 
Franklin  or  Jay,  he  makes  this  entry  in  his  diary : 
"  Between  two  as  subtle  spirits  as  any  in  this  world 
[Franklin  and  Jay],  the  one  malicious,  the  other,  I 
think,  honest,  I  shall  have  a  delicate,  a  nice,  a  critical 
part  to  act.  Franklin's  cunning  will  be  to  divide  us ; 
to  this  end  he  will  provoke,  he  will  insinuate,  he  will 

1  2  Jefferson's  Memoirs  (ed.  1829),  88. 


PEACE   UNDER   THE   CONFEDERATION.  85 

intrigue,  he  will  manoeuvre.  My  curiosity  will  at  least 
be  employed  in  observing  bis  invention  and  bis  arti- 
fice." ' 

Franklin  was  equally  free  in  expression  of  opinion  of 
Adams.  In  a  letter  to  Secretary  Livingston  at  the 
close  of  the  negotiations,  be  wrote :  "  He  [Adams] 
means  well  for  bis  country,  is  always  an  honest  man, 
often  a  wise  one,  but  sometimes  and  in  some  things  ab- 
solutely out  of  bis  senses."  ^  We  have  seen  that  Adams 
in  the  negotiations  at  once  placed  himself  on  the  side 
of  Jay.  In  the  light  of  the  foregoing  extract,  we  are 
not  surprised  that  at  the  close  be  should  write  :  "  The 
principal  merit  of  the  negotiation  was  Mr.  Jay's ;  and 
had  all  been  left  to  Franklin  as  was  wished  [by  France] 
all  would  have  been  lost." 

The  facts,  however,  do  not  warrant  these  statements. 
Owing  to  the  ill-health  of  Dr.  Franklin  the  burden  of 
the  negotiations  devolved  upon  Mr.  Jay,  and  his  firm 
position  as  to  Oswald's  commission,  Rayneval's  mission 
to  London,  and  the  departure  from  the  tenor  of  the  in- 
structions of  Congress,  decided  the  course  of  proceed- 
ings as  to  those  important  matters ;  but  there  is  no 
evidence  to  show  that  Franklin  would  have  abandoned 
any  of  the  essential  claims  of  the  Colonies.  In  fact, 
there  is  abundant  evidence  to  the  contrary.  At  the 
outset,  before  negotiations  were  formally  entered  upon, 
in  the  memorandum  which  he  furnished  Oswald,  the 
terms  which  Franklin  set  forth  as  "  necessary  "  con- 
ditions for  a  treaty  were  almost  identical  with  those 
finally  agreed  upon ;  and  in  no  stage  of  the  negotia- 
1  3  Jolm  Adams's  Works,  300.  ^  q  j)jp_  ^^j.  j^^^  ^go. 


86  A  CEXTURY  OF  AIVIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

tions  did  he  indicate  a  disposition  to  abandon  them. 
His  conduct  exposed  him  to  the  charge  of  subserviency 
to  the  French  court,  as  he  refused  to  believe  that  Ver- 
gennes  was  acting  in  bad  faith,  and  he  did  not  see  that 
anything  was  to  be  gained  by  concealing  from  that 
minister  the  steps  of  the  negotiations  with  the  British. 
Jefferson,  who  succeeded  him  as  minister,  said  of 
Franklin :  "  As  to  the  charge  of  subserviency  to  France 
...  it  had  not  a  shadow  of  foundation.  He  possessed 
the  confidence  of  that  government  in  the  highest  de- 
gree, insomuch  that  it  may  truly  be  said  that  they 
were  more  under  his  influence  than  he  under  theirs." 

His  course  throughout  was,  to  say  the  least,  more 
consistent  than  that  of  Jay,  who,  at  the  beginning,  was 
an  enthusiastic  champion  of  French  interests  as  against 
the  English,  repeatedly  voted  in  Congress,  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  French  minister,  to  abate  our  demands 
as  to  the  boundaries  and  fisheries,  and  when  a  choice 
was  to  be  made  of  an  envoy  to  negotiate  peace  he  was 
set  up  as  the  French  candidate  in  opposition  to  Adams, 
and  it  required  a  two  days'  balloting  to  decide  the 
choice.  On  Jay's  arrival  in  Paris,  as  we  have  seen,  he 
underwent  a  revulsion  of  sentiment,  and  threw  himself 
wholly  into  the  confidence  of  the  British. 

Franklin's  course  and  service  were  much  more  diplo- 
matic. He  antagonized  neither  government,  and  pre- 
served the  confidence  and  friendship  of  both  to  the 
end.  As  has  been  stated,  the  negotiations  were  in- 
itiated by  means  of  his  former  acquaintance  with  Lord 
Shelburne,  who,  in  his  letter  notifying  Franklin  of 
Oswald's  selection,  stated  that  if  he  did  not  prove  ac- 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  87 

cep table  any  other  person  whom  he  (FrankHn)  might 
name  would  be  designated ;  a  mark  of  deference  rarely 
shown  to  any  man.  As  Oswald  had  been  recommended 
by  his  friend  Adam  Smith,  he  could  bear  no  higher 
testimonial  of  fitness.  And  when  the  change  of  min- 
istry in  England  occurred,  which  made  Oswald's  recall 
necessary,  the  new  ministry,  out  of  consideration  for 
Franklin,  selected  his  intimate  associate  and  friend, 
David  Hartley,  to  conclude  the  permanent  treaty  of 
peace.  During  the  negotiations  it  was  Franklin  who 
was  appealed  to,  by  both  the  English  and  French,  to 
moderate  the  hasty  and  almost  defiant  attitude  of  his 
more  fiery  colleagues ;  and  when  the  fact  of  the  sign- 
ing of  the  preliminary  treaty  came  to  the  knowledge  of 
Vergennes,  it  was  to  Franklin  he  appealed  for  an  ex- 
planation, because,  as  he  wrote  to  Congress  through 
Luzerne,  "  his  colleagues  do  not  pretend  to  recognize 
the  rules  of  courtesy  in  regard  to  us."  And  it  was 
mainly  because  Shelburne  reposed  the  most  implicit 
confidence,  as  he  expressed  it,  in  "  the  comprehensive 
understanding  and  character  of  Franklin,"  the  negotia- 
tions were  conducted  to  a  happy  issue. 

The  conduct  of  important  business  of  our  country 
has  never  been  intrusted  to  men  of  greater  ability,  ver- 
satility, and  patriotism  than  this  triumvirate  of  states- 
men. That  owing  to  an  incompatibility  of  tempera- 
ment, both  mentally  and  morally,  two  of  them  reached 
a  painful  state  of  personal  relations,  and  that  they  dif- 
fered as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued,  only  show  they 
were  mortal.  Thanks  to  their  patriotism  and  their 
sense  of  propriety  and  dignity,  they  subordinated  their 


88  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

passions  to  the  great  interests  of  their  country,  and 
crowned  their  labors  by  the  celebration  of  a  treaty 
which  has  had  an  influence  upon  this  nation  more  far- 
reaching  and  beneficial  than  any  other  convention  ever 
negotiated  by  our  government.  It  has  stood  the  test 
of  time  as  a  wise  and  comprehensive  instrument.  It 
was  the  charter  which  confirmed  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  and  recognized  the  United  States  as  a 
member  of  the  family  of  nations.  While  the  union  of 
these  States  continues,  and  their  influence  and  impor- 
tance are  felt  throughout  the  world,  so  long  will  the 
work  of  the  American  commissioners  at  Paris  be  recog- 
nized and  honored. 

During  the  colonial  period  the  trade  of  America  had 
been  mainly  with  the  mother  country,  but  it  was  feared 
in  Enofland  and  believed  on  the  continent  that  with  the 
colonial  system  abolished  there  would  be  a  large  increase 
of  commerce  between  the  United  States  and  other 
nations  and  a  decrease  with  England.  Hence  quite  a 
desire  was  manifested  on  the  continent  to  cultivate  this 
trade.  Several  months  even  before  the  permanent 
treaty  of  peace  was  signed,  Sweden  followed  the  example 
of  France  and  Holland,  and  negotiated  with  Dr.  Frank- 
lin at  Paris  a  treaty  of  commerce,  and  negotiations 
were  opened  with  Denmark  and  Portugal,  but  not 
brought  to  a  conclusion  at  that  time.  As  indicating 
the  spirit  of  the  period  and  as  a  curious  specimen  of 
the  stilted  official  language  then  in  use,  the  following 
extract  is  made  from  a  letter  dated  March  29,  1783, 
sent  to  Congress  by  the  Burgomasters  and  Senate  of 
the  Free  City  of  Hamburg.^     It  is  addressed  :     "  Right 

1  1  Dip.  Cor.  1783-1789,  p.  45. 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  89 

Noble,  High,  Mighty,  Most  Honorable  Lords  :  Since  by 
the  preliminary  articles  of  peace  lately  between  the  high 
belligerent  Powers  concluded,  the  illustrious  United 
States  of  North  America  have  been  acknowled<>'ed  free, 
sovereign,  and  independent,  and  now,  since  European 
Powers  are  courting  in  rivalry  the  friendship  of  your 
High  Mightinesses, 

"  We,  impressed  with  the  most  lively  sensations  on 
the  illustrious  event,  the  wonder  of  this,  and  the  most 
remote  future  ages,  and  desirous  fully  to  testify  the 
part  which  we  take  therein,  do  hereby  offer  your  High 
Mightinesses  our  service  and  attachment  to  the  cause. 

"  And  in  the  most  sincere  disposition  of  the  heart, 
■we  take  the  honor  to  wish,  so  far  as  from  Omnipotent 
Providence  we  do  pray,  that  the  most  illustrious  Re- 
public of  the  United  States  of  America  may,  during  the 
remotest  centuries,  enjoy  all  imaginable  advantages  to 
be  derived  from  that  sovereignty  which  they  gained  by 
prudence  and  courage.  That  by  the  wisdom  and  active 
patriotism  of  your  illustrious  Congress  it  may  forever 
flourish  and  increase,  and  that  the  High  Mighty  Regents 
of  these  free  United  States  may  with  ease  and  in  abun- 
dance enjoy  all  manner  of  temporal  happiness,  and  at 
the  same  time  we  most  obsequiously  recommend  our 
city  to  a  perpetual  friendly  intelligence,  and  her  trade 
and  navigation  in  matters  reciprocally  advantageous,  to 
your  favor  and  countenance. 

"  In  order  to  show  that  such  mutual  commerce  with 
the  merchant  houses  of  this  place  may  undoubtedly  be 
of  common  benefit,  your  High  Mightinesses  will  be 
pleased  to  give  us  leave  to  mark  out  some  advantages  of 
this  trading  city." 


90   '         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Then  they  proceed  to  show  the  advantages  of  a  con- 
nection with  their  city  where,  they  say,  there  prevails 
"  a  free,  unrestrained  repubHcan  commerce,  charged 
with  few  duties ;  "  they  set  forth  its  favorable  location, 
the  attractions  of  its  market,  and  inclose  with  the  letter 
a  long  list  of  merchandise  which  can  be  most  profitably 
bought  there,  "  imitating  the  French,  but  one-third 
cheaper,"  or  "  near  like  the  English,  but  twenty-nine 
per  cent,  cheaper."  They  inform  Congress  that  "  in 
testimony  of  our  most  attentive  obsequiousness  and 
sincere  attachment,"  they  have  deputed  a  citizen  (named) 
of  good  report  and  solidity  to  present  "  this  our  most 
obsequious  missive."  The  text  of  the  original  letter  is 
not  preserved,  and  it  has  evidently  suffered  somewhat 
at  the  hands  of  the  translator. 

Neither  the  anticipations  of  the  continental  countries 
nor  the  fears  of  the  British  were  realized,  as  from  that 
day  forward  the  bulk  of  our  trade  has  steadily  flowed 
to  and  from  England.  Independence  did  not  change 
the  stream  of  commerce. 

But  commercial  .subjects  were  not  the  only  ones  to 
which  the  attention  of  the  ministers  of  the  United  States 
was  directed  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  The  inde- 
pendence of  the  colonies  made  it  necessary  to  reorganize 
the  religious  denominations,  especially  those  which 
depended  upon  European  control.  The  Apostolic 
Nuncio  in  Paris  accordingly  addressed  himself  to  Dr. 
Franklin  in  July,  1783,  and  asked  him  to  forward  to 
Congress  a  note  explaining  the  necessity  of  a  change  in 
the  Apostolic  Vicar  for  the  United  States,  and  in  which 
Congress  was  asked  to  give  its  assent  to  the  appoint- 


PEACE   UNDER  THE   CONFEDERATION.  91 

ment.^  The  latter  body  after  due  deliberation  directed 
Franklin  to  reply  to  the  Nuncio  that  "  the  subject  of 
his  application  being  purely  spiritual,  it  is  without  the 
jurisdiction  and  power  of  Congress,  who  have  no  au- 
thority to  permit  or  refuse  it."  ^ 

The  independence  of  the  Colonies  found  the  Episco- 
pal or  English  Church  without  a  bishop  in  America, 
and  no  one  could  be  admitted  to  holy  orders  without  a 
resort  to  the  Episcopate  of  England,  and  without  taking 
the  oath  of  allegiance  and  acknowledging  the  king  as 
the  head  of  the  church.  A  young  divinity  student  from 
Maryland,  Mason  Weems,  having  completed  his  course 
in  England,  applied  first  to  the  Bishop  of  London  and 
then  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who  replied  that 
if  he  could  not  take  the  oath  nothing  could  be  done  till 
Parliament  changed  the  law.  He  thereupon  applied  to 
Dr.  Franklin  in  Parlfe,  and  to  Mr.  Adams  at  the  Hague, 
to  ascertain  if  there  mioht  not  be  found  on  the  con- 
tinent  some  Protestant  bishop  willing  to  ordain  him. 
Mr.  Adams  conferred  with  the  Danish  minister,  who  sub- 
mitted the  question  to  his  government,  which  obtained 
the  opinion  of  the  theological  faculty  of  the  Danish 
church  that  ordination  could  be  there  administered,  and 
that  to  obviate  the  difficulty  of  the  candidate's  want  of 
knowledge  of  the  Danish  language  the  Latin  would  be 
used  in  the  rites.  Mr.  Adams  communicated  the  cor- 
respondence to  Congress,  and  that  body  adopted  a  reso- 
lution expressing  its  "  high  sense  of  the  liberal  decision 
of  his  majesty,"  and  directed  that  copies  of  the  corres- 
pondence be  sent  to  the  governors  of  all  the  States.^     A 

'  6  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  614.  2  3  Secret  Journals,  493. 

*  1  Dip.  Cor.  1783-1789,  p.  4.53  ;  3  Secret  Journals,  549. 


92  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

resort  to  this  method  was,  however,  soon  made  unneces- 
sary by  the  modification  of  the  English  test  oath  law.^ 

The  next  diplomatic  event  calHng  for  notice  was  the 
treaty  made  with  Prussia  in  1785.  Reference  has 
already  been  made  to  the  efforts,  soon  after  the  procla- 
mation of  independence,  to  secure  some  recognition  on 
the  part  of  the  king,  Frederick  the  Great,  under  whose 
reign  that  kingdom  was  assuming  an  importance  which 
made  its  friendship  highly  desirable  to  the  revolted 
Colonies.  Frederick  was  not  friendly  to  England,  and 
encouraged  Louis  XVI.  to  enter  into  alliance  with  them, 
with  an  indication  on  his  part  that  such  a  step  would 
be  followed  by  his  recognition  of  the  new  state ;  but 
such  action  did  not  occur,  and  he  manifested  great 
indifference  to  the  cause  of  the  Colonies.  The  chief 
event  of  the  unrecognized  American  representative  was 
to  have  his  room  in  the  hotel  at  Berhn  broken  open 
and  his  dispatches  carried  away  by  the  servant  of  the 
British  minister,  by  whom  they  were  returned,  as  Ban- 
croft says,  after  he  had  read  them.  The  king  was 
aware  of  the  unseemly  conduct  of  the  British  represen- 
tative, but  he  took  no  notice  of  it. 

The  year  folloT\ang  the  peace  with  England,  John 
Adams,  Franklin,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  were  appointed 
commissioners  to  negotiate  treaties  of  commerce  with 
various   European    governments,    and    the  convention 

1  Additional  interest  attaches  to  this  incident  from  the  fact  that  the 
clergyman  Weems  afterwards  returned  to  Virginia,  was  attached  to  a 
.church  near  Mount  Vernon,  and  was  the  author  of  the  panegyric  entitled 
"The  Life  of  George  Washington,  with  Curious  Anecdotes,"  etc.,  in 
which  appears  the  now  discredited  story  of  the  cherry-tree  and  the 
hatchet. 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  93 

with  Prussia  of  1785  was  the  outcome  of  this  appoint- 
ment. It  was  mainly  the  work  of  Dr.  Frankhn,  and  in 
it  were  inserted  tlie  principles  for  which  he  had  so  long 
contended  as  to  neutrality,  privateering-,  and  the  exemp- 
tion of  private  property  on  the  sea  from  confiscation 
in  war.  It  was  called  "  a  heautiful  abstraction  ; "  a 
dream  of  the  philosopher  who  vainly  sought  to  mitigate 
the  cruelties  of  war ;  and  when  the  treaty  came  to  be 
renewed  in  1799  these  provisions  were  omitted.  Frank- 
lin's efforts,  however,  have  not  been  entirely  in  vain. 
In  the  Declaration  of  Paris  of  1856,  adopted  by  the 
great  powers  of  Europe,  privateering  was  abolished;  and 
when  the  adhesion  of  the  United  States  to  the  declara- 
tion was  asked.  Secretary  Marcy  proposed  as  an  amend- 
ment that  private  property  of  belligerents  at  sea  be 
exempt  from  capture ;  and  because  of  the  refusal  of  the 
powers  to  admit  that  principle,  the  adhesion  of  the 
United  States  was  withheld.  Our  country,  through 
the  recent  action  of  President  McKinley  in  asking  its 
adoption  by  the  Hague  conference,  is  on  record  as  still 
advocating  Franklin's  liberal  principle.  The  treaty 
with  Prussia  has  the  unique  feature  of  having  been 
signed  by  the  four  signatory  parties  thereto  at  four 
different  dates  and  at  three  different  places  ;  the  instru- 
ment being  signed  by  Mr.  Adams  in  London,  by  the 
Prussian  minister  at  the  Hague,  by  Dr.  Franklin  in 
Paris,  July  9,  and  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  July  28,  he  having 
arrived  in  the  interim  in  that  city  from  America. 

Other  treaties  of  the  ante-Constitutional  period  were 
those  with  Morocco  in  1787  and  the  consular  conven- 
tion of  1788  with  France.     It  is  of  interest  to  note  the 


94  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

part  Avhich  the  Continental  Congress  played  in  tlie  ne- 
gotiation of  all  the  treaties,  from  that  with  France  of 
1778  up  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  There 
being  no  distinct  executive  head  of  the  government, 
Congress  took  the  part  of  the  executive  in  initiating  and 
directing  the  negotiations.  The  terms  of  all  treaties  to 
be  made  were  discussed  in  their  details,  and  in  almost 
all  cases  the  draft  or  plan  was  first  adopted  by  Congress, 
before  being-  sent  to  our  ministers  abroad  for  neofotia- 
tion  with  the  other  contracting  party.  Mention  has  al- 
ready been  made  of  the  advanced  stage  of  international 
law  assumed  by  American  statesmen  as  indicated  in  the 
French  treaty  of  commerce  of  1778,  and  the  same 
characteristic  marks  all  the  other  commercial  treaties  — 
greater  guarantees  and  privileges  to  commerce,  the 
recognition  of  a  genuine  neutrahty,  an  effort  to  alleviate 
the  horrors  of  war,  and  a  restraint  upon  its  destructive 
propensities.  That  the  old  nations  of  Europe  were 
wilHng  at  the  instance  of  this  infant  republic  to  conse- 
crate these  advanced  principles  in  treaties  was  high 
praise  for  the  statesmen  of  our  Revolutionary  period. 
Nor  is  all  the  credit  to  be  given  to  our  representatives 
abroad,  Franklin,  Adams,  Jay,  and  Jefferson.  A  share 
of  the  praise  is  due  likewise  to  the  controlling  members 
of  the  Continental  Cong^ress. 

The  treaty  with  Prussia  was  Franklin's  last  diplo- 
matic work,  as  he  was  relieved  by  Jefferson  as  minister 
to  France,  and  returned  to  his  native  land  full  of  years 
and  of  honor.  Adams,  meanwhile,  had  been  appointed 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  Great  Britain,  and  had 
already  assumed  the  duties  of  his  new  post.     I  have 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  95 

referred  to  Adams's  mortification  at  the  action  of  Con- 
gress in  taking  from  him  the  sole  power  to  negotiate 
the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain.  After  the 
treaty  was  signed  he  sought  tlie  appointment  of  min- 
ister to  England  as  a  personal  vindication.  In  this 
connection  an  extract  is  given  from  a  letter  of  Mr.  Jay, 
from  Paris,  to  the  president  of  Congress :  "  It  cannot, 
in  my  opinion,  be  long  before  Congress  will  tliink  it 
expedient  to  name  a  minister  to  the  court  of  London. 
Perhaps  my  friends  may  wish  to  add  my  name  to  the 
number  of  candidates.  If  that  should  be  the  case,  I 
request  the  favor  of  you  to  declare  in  the  most  explicit 
terms  that  I  view  the  expectations  of  Mr.  Adams  on  that 
head  as  founded  in  equity  and  reason,  and  that  I  will 
not,  by  any  means,  stand  in  his  way.  Were  I  in  Con- 
gress I  should  vote  for  him.  He  deserves  well  of  his 
country,  and  is  very  able  to  serve  her.  It  appears  to 
me  to  be  but  fair,  that  the  disagreeable  conclusions, 
which  may  be  drawn  from  the  abrupt  repeal  of  his 
former  commission,  should  be  obviated,  by  its  being 
restored  to  him."  ^ 

Adams's  reception  by  George  III.  was  private,  but  we 
have  this  incident.  The  kinjr  in  the  interview  referred 
to  Adams's  well-known  want  of  confidence  in  the  French 
ministry,  to  which  Adams  replied  with  some  spirit :  ''I 
must  avow  to  your  majesty  that  I  have  no  attachment 
but  to  my  own  country."  Although  in  the  audience 
George  III.  conducted  himself  with  kingly  courtesy, 
Adams's  residence  at  his  court  was  full  of  embarrass- 
ment and  ill-treatment.    The  British  government  raised 

»  6  Dip.  Cor.  Rev.  457. 


96  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAX  DIPLOMACY. 

all  kinds  of  difficulty  as  to  the  observance  of  the  treaty 
of  peace,  and  Adams  was  received  with  much  coldness 
in  political  and  court  circles,  with  few  exceptions. 
Added  to  these  troubles,  Congress  saw  fit  to  reduce  his 
salary,  and  he  determined  no  longer  to  endure  his 
intolerable  relations.  After  a  three  years'  stay  he 
returned  to  America.  In  quitting  England,  Mrs.  Adams 
writes  :  "  Some  years  hence  it  may  be  a  pleasure  to 
reside  here  in  the  character  of  American  minister,  but 
with  the  present  salary  and  the  present  temper  of  the 
English,  no  one  need  envy  the  embassy." 

Mr.  Jay,  as  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  made  a 
favorable  report  to  Congress  upon  Mr.  Adams's  mission; 
but  with  great  difficulty  Congress  was  induced  to  ap- 
prove his  course,  a  feeling  being  prevalent  that  he  might 
have  manaofed  matters  with  more  skill  and  discretion. 
This  closed  the  services  of  Mr.  Adams  as  a  diplomatist. 
That  they  terminated  in  failure  cannot  be  attributed  to 
him,  as  no  one  could  have  brought  the  British  govern- 
ment to  a  compliance  with  the  just  demands  of  the 
United  States  at  that  time.  Although  his  temperament 
was  not  suited  to  diplomacy,  Mr.  Adams's  services  in 
Europe  cannot  be  too  highly  estimated.  Lacking  the 
qualities  which  made  Franklin  so  successful,  no  man  of 
his  day  had  a  clearer  conception  of  the  significance  of 
American  independence  or  of  the  great  future  reserved 
for  his  country,  and  none  of  our  foreign  representatives 
was  so  earnest  in  impressing  these  ideas  upon  the  public 
men  of  Europe. 

Mr.  Jay,  after  the  treaty  of  peace,  spent  a  short  time 
in  England,  and  then  returned  to  America,  fully  expect- 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  97 

ing  to  retire  from  public  life  and  resume  the  practice  of 
the  law.  Adams  wrote  :  "  Our  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Jay, 
returns  to  his  country  like  a  bee  to  his  hive,  with  both 
legs  loaded  with  merit  and  honor ; "  and  such  was  the 
judgment  of  his  countrymen.  He  was  disappointed  in 
his  expectations,  as  he  learned  on  landing  that  some 
months  before  Congress  had  selected  him  Secretary  for 
Forei2:n  Affairs,  Livinsrston  havinjj  resicrned.  The  latter 
had  acted  as  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  since  1781, 
during  an  important  period  in  the  diplomatic  affairs  of 
the  country.  He  labored  under  great  embarrassments, 
having  no  power  of  independent  action,  having  in  all 
matters  to  take  the  views  of  Congress  and  be  governed 
by  its  direction.  His  papers  show  a  high  order  of  talent, 
and  he  was  a  Taluable  public  servant. 

No  man  in  the  country  was  so  well  fitted  for  the 
post  of  secretary  as  Mr.  Jay.  Young,  industrious,  and 
able,  his  residence  abroad  had  made  him  thoroughly 
informed  on  European  affairs,  and  his  personal  ac- 
quaintance with  our  diplomatic  representatives  made 
communication  between  them  much  more  satisfactory. 
He  found  the  office  inadequately  equipped,  and  only 
enlarged  as  to  its  force  since  its  organization  by  the 
addition  of  one  clerk,  this  being  done,  as  the  report 
states,  to  enable  "  one  of  them  to  be  in  the  office  while 
the  other  is  absent  at  dinner."  From  the  same  report  ^ 
we  learn  that  the  office  quarters  of  the  department  con- 
sisted of  "  only  two  rooms,  one  of  them  being  used  as 
a  parlor,  and  the  other  for  the  workshop."  He  soon 
brought  order  out  of  confusion,  and  the  secretaryship 
^  The  Department  of  State,  42. 


98  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLO^^IACY. 

became  the  first  office  in  importance  under  the  Confed- 
eration. In  1786  the  French  representative  wrote : 
"  The  political  importance  of  Mr.  Jay  increases  daily. 
Congress  seems  to  me  to  be  guided  only  by  his  direc- 
tion." 

Soon  after  assuming  the  office,  the  arrival  of  a  Span- 
ish minister  added  increased  cares,  as  he  came  to  settle 
the  controversy  about  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
and  to  arrange  a  commercial  treaty ;  but  the  long  and 
weary  negotiations  came  to  naught,  and  the  vexed  ques- 
tion was  transmitted  as  a  legacy  to  the  Constitutional 
Government.  He  had  many  other  questions  on  his 
hands,  such  as  the  establishment  of  commercial  reci- 
procity with  France,  the  Algerine  pirates,  the  complaints 
as  to  the  non-observance  of  the  treaty  by  Great  Britain, 
the  Beaumarchais  and  other  Revolutionary  claims.  A 
secret  act  of  Congress,  taken  at  Jay's  suggestion,  is  of 
singular  interest  at  this  day,  authorizing  the  Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs  to  exercise  supervision  of  the  mails, 
and  in  his  discretion  to  open  letters  in  the  post  office ; 
but  it  is  said  that  Mr.  Jay  never  exercised  the  power. 
The  explanation  of  the  act  is  that  it  was  the  common 
practice  in  European  governments.  I  have  already 
noticed  the  expedients  resorted  to  during  our  Revolu- 
tionary war  to  prevent  the  correspondence  of  our  diplo- 
matic agents  abroad  being  tampered  with.  An  EngHsh 
author  on  diplomatic  topics,  writing  after  the  middle  of 
the  present  century,  states  that  the  correspondence  of 
ambassadors  was  even  at  that  date  systematically  inter- 
cepted and  opened  in  many  countries.^ 

1  Murray's  Embassies,  137. 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  99 

The  social  duties  of  the  secretary  were  a  promiuent 
feature  of  his  services.  He  built  a  sj^acious  residence 
in  New  York,  to  which  place  his  department  had  been 
removed,  and  it  became  the  centre  of  official  entertain- 
ments, in  which  he  was  gracefully  supported  by  Mrs. 
Jay.  The  daughter  of  John  Adams  writes  :  "  Mrs.  Jay 
gives  a  dinner  almost  every  week,  besides  one  to  the 
co?7:)S  d'qjlomatiqiie  on  Tuesday  evening." 

But  Mr.  Jay  found  that  all  his  labors  in  the  foreign 
department  were  to  little  purpose.  Under  the  Articles 
of  Confederation  both  he  and  the  Congress  were  clothed 
with  insufficient  power  to  meet  their  international  obli- 
gations. Vergennes  was  complaining  of  the  imperfect 
arrangement  to  meet  the  foreign  debts,  and  the  French 
minister  in  the  United  States  went  so  far  as  to  intimate 
that  "  no  nation  could  safely  trade  and  navigate  in 
their  ports."  Jefferson  and  his  associate  commissioners 
were  told  in  Paris  that  it  was  useless  to  make  acree- 
ments  with  the  United  States  which  the  latter  had  no 
power  to  enforce.*     Adams  reported  from  Holland  to 

•  Messrs.  Adams,  Franklin,  and  Jefferson,  then  in  Paris  under  instruc- 
tions of  Congress  to  negotiate  treaties  with  various  European  powers, 
addressed  a  note  to  the  British  ambassador  inviting  hira  to  join  them  in 
the  negotiation  of  a  political  and  commercial  treaty  ;  to  which  he  replied, 
March  26,  1785,  that  he  had  been  "  instructed  to  learn  from  you,  gentle- 
men, what  is  the  real  nature  of  the  powers  with  which  you  are  invested, 
whether  you  are  merely  commissioned  by  Congress,  or  whether  you  have 
received  separate  powers  from  tlie  respective  States.  .  .  .  The  apparent 
determination  of  the  respective  States  to  regulate  their  own  separate 
interests  renders  it  absolutely  necessary  towards  framing  a  permanent 
system  of  commerce,  that  my  court  should  be  informed  how  far  the  com- 
missioners can  be  duly  authorized  to  enter  into  any  engagements  with 
Great  Britain,  which  it  may  not  be  in  the  power  of  any  one  of  the  States 
to  render  totally  fruitless  and  ineffectual."     1  Dip.  Cor.  1783-1789,  574. 


100  A  CENTURY  OF  AilERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Jay,  before  entering  on  his  duties  in  London,  that 
American  credit  was  dead ;  and  from  that  capital  he 
wrote :  "  We  shall  never  have  a  satisfactory  arrange- 
ment with  this  country  until  Congress  shall  be  made  by 
the  States  siq^reme  in  matters  of  foreign  commerce." 
Meanwhile  the  States  refused  to  confer  upon  Congress 
authority  to  levy  a  five  per  cent,  import  tax  to  pay  its 
foreign  loans.  Massachusetts  imposed  a  heavy  duty  on 
British  commerce,  and  Connecticut  threw  open  its  ports 
free  to  British  ships,  and  placed  an  import  duty  on 
goods  from  Massachusetts.  Other  States  were  engaged 
in  legislative  warfare.  The  national  treasury  was  bank- 
rupt, and  calls  upon  the  States  received  little  attention. 
Shays'  rebellion,  a  direct  outgrowth  of  the  disordered 
state  of  the  finances,  was  an  alarming  indication  of  the 
weakness  of  the  Confederation.  Randolph  termed  it 
"  a  government  of  supplication."  The  British  govern- 
ment looked  upon  it  as  hkely  to  go  to  pieces.  In  this 
state  of  affairs  it  is  not  strange  that  the  negotiations 
with  Spain  came  to  a  fruitless  end  ;  ^  the  treaty  with 
Enoiand  could  not  be  enforced ;  and  when  loans  were 
to  be  negotiated  Secretary  Jay  was  forced  to  confess 
that  Congress  was  not  in  a  position  "  to  pledge  its  honor 
and  faith  as  a  borrower."  In  an  address  to  the  peo- 
ple of  his  own  State,"  he  said  Congress  may  make  war, 

^  Our  relations  with  Spain  at  this  time  were  of  a  most  threatening 
character.  Of  them  Mr.  Jay  wrote  :  "  Unblessed  with  an  efficient  gov- 
ernment, destitute  of  funds,  and  without  public  credit  at  home  or  abroad, 
we  should  be  obliged  to  wait  in  patience  for  better  days,  or  plunge  into 
an  unpopular  and  dangerous  war,  with  very  little  prospect  of  terminating 
it  by  a  peace  either  advantageous  or  glorious." 

2  3  John  Jay's  Works,  2M. 


PEACE  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION.  101 

but  they  are  not  empowered  to  raise  men  or  money  to 
carry  it  on  ;  it  may  make  peace,  but  is  without  power 
to  see  the  terms  of  it  observed;  may  form  alliances, 
but  without  ability  to  comply  with  the  stipulations  on 
their  part ;  may  enter  into  treaties  of  commerce,  but 
without  power  to  enforce  them ;  may  appoint  ministers, 
but  without  power  to  punish  them  for  misdemeanors  ; 
in  short.  Congress  may  consult,  and  deliberate,  and  re- 
commend, and  make  requisitions,  and  they  who  please 
may  regard  them.  These  were  among  the  most  cogent 
of  the  reasons  which  led  to  the  Convention  which  framed 
the  Constitution  of  1787,  and  under  which  the  foreism 
relations  of  the  United  States  underwent  a  great  trans- 
formation. 

In  closing  the  review  of  the  Revolutionary  period,  I 
desire  to  add  a  word  as  to  the  men  who  represented  our 
country  abroad  from  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  In  the  list  are  the 
illustrious  names  of  Franklin,  Adams,  Jay,  and  Jeffer- 
son, men  whose  career  abroad  compares  favorably  with 
that  of  the  best  trained  diplomats  of  Europe.  But 
there  were  many  others,  altogether  near  a  score  of 
agents  and  diplomatic  representatives,  some  associated 
with  Franklin,  and  others  on  independent  missions. 
The  record  they  made  was  not  altogether  a  creditable 
one.  While  most  of  them  were  inspired  by  patriotic 
motives,  some  were  guilty  of  treachery  ;  bickering, 
fault-finding,  and  jealousy  prevailed  ;  and  drunkenness 
and  dishonesty  marked  the  career  of  more  than  one  of 
them.  It  constitutes  a  record  which  I  am  pleased  to 
say  could  hardly  be  repeated  in  our  day.     In  the  midst 


102  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

of  this  mixture  of  good  and  evil,  the  calm  and  upright 
character  of  Franklin  stands  out  in  bold  relief.  He  did 
not  escajDe  criticism  and  scandal,  but  in  his  long  service 
he  never  failed  in  his  duty  as  a  diplomat  and  patriot. 
As  we  have  seen,  his  acts  were  not  above  criticism,  his 
temper  was  not  always  under  control,  and  we  could 
wish,  for  its  influence  on  the  generations  after  him, 
that  his  private  life  had  been  more  pure.  But  when 
we  review  the  history  of  our  Revolutionary  period,  the 
place  in  the  public  esteem  and  in  value  of  service  to 
the  country,  next  to  Washington,^  must  be  given,  not 
to  that  stern  patriot  John  Adams,  not  to  Patrick  Henry, 
Thomas  Jeiferson,  nor  to  any  military  hero,  but  to  Ben- 
jamin Franklin,  our  first  and  greatest  diplomat. 

^  There  is  a  curious  letter  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  which,  some  years  after 
the  event,  he  refers  to  the  death  of  Dr.  Franklin  in  connection  with  an 
incident  of  Washington's  cabinet.  The  King  and  Convention  of  France, 
and  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  had  decreed 
mourning,  and  Jefferson  proposed  that  the  executive  department  also 
should  wear  mourning.  To  this  Washington  objected,  because  he  should 
not  know  where  to  draw  the  line.  He  writes  :  "  I  told  him  the  world 
had  drawn  so  broad  a  line  between  himself  and  Dr.  Franklin,  on  the  one 
side,  and  the  residue  of  mankind,  on  the  other,  that  we  might  wear 
mourning  for  them,  and  the  question  remain  new  and  undecided  as  to  all 
others."     8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  264. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    ORGANIZATION    OF    THE    DEPARTMENT    OF    STATE. 

One  of  the  last  acts  of  the  expiring  Continental  Con- 
gress was  the  adoption  of  the  following  resolution  in 
September,  1788 :  — 

"  Resolved^  That  no  further  progress  be  made  in  the 
negotiations  with  Spain  by  the  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  but  that  the  subjects  to  which  they  relate  be  re- 
ferred to  the  Federal  Government,  which  is  to  assemble 
in  March  next." 

It  was  the  final  admission  by  that  body  of  its  impo- 
tence respecting  the  conduct  of  the  foreign  relations 
of  the  country,  and  this  was  a  leading  motive  for  the 
creation  of  a  new  government  which  should  be  clothed 
with  adequate  powers  for  that  purpose. 

The  Constitutional  Convention  when  it  assembled  was 
confronted  with  this  manifest  weakness  of  the  Confed- 
eration, and  it  addressed  itself  to  the  task  of  remedying 
the  defect ;  first,  by  conferring  upon  the  federal  govern- 
ment full  and  complete  power  over  the  relations  with 
foreign  nations ;  and,  second,  by  a  careful  division  of 
those  powers  between  the  executive  and  legislative  de- 
partments of  the  government.  The  experience  of  the 
Continental  Cong-ress  was  most  useful  to  the  Convention. 
It  had  shown  that  the  powers  reserved  to  the  Colonies, 
or  States,  deprived  Congress  of  authority  to  enforce  its 


104  A  CENTURY   OF  A]V1ERICAN   DIPLOMACY. 

international  obligations,  notably  in  the  case  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  in  a  less  degree  in 
its  commercial  relations  with  France  and  other  powers, 
in  the  negotiations  with  Spain  respecting  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  in  other  matters.  This  experi- 
ence had  also  made  it  clear  that  a  most  serious  defect 
was  in  the  absence  of  an  executive,  clothed  with  suffi- 
cient power  and  dignity  to  properly  conduct  intercourse 
with  foreign  sovereigns,  enforce  the  treaties  and  laws  of 
Congress,  and  administer  the  government.  An  attempt 
had  been  made  to  supply  these  wants  by  the  creation  of 
various  committees  or  boards.  For  example,  the  conduct 
of  the  war  was,  in  the  first  instance,  intrusted  to  what 
was  termed  a  "  Secret  Committee,"  then  a  "  Cannon 
Committee,"  and  a  "  Medical  Committee  "  ;  and  after  a 
time  all  of  these  were  combined  in  one  committee  termed 
the  "  Board  of  War  and  Ordnance,"  consisting  of  five 
members  of  Congress,  assisted  by  a  secretary  and  clerks ; 
and  to  this  was  added  a  further  body  of  officials  styled 
the  "Board  of  War,"  composed  of  generals  of  the  army, 
acting  under  the  Congressional  Board.  The  manage- 
ment of  the  finances  underwent  a  very  similar  experi- 
ence and  transformation.  I  have  already  referred  to  the 
action  of  Congress  in  the  conduct  of  its  foreign  relations 
by  the  creation,  first,  of  a  committee,  and,  near  the  close 
of  the  war,  of  a  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The 
experience  of  the  Confederation  with  its  various  boards 
was  most  unsatisfactory,  and  sometimes  pathetic. 

The  result  of  the  careful  deliberations  of  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention,  with  respect  to  the  division  of 
powers  as  to  international  affairs,  was  to  confer  upon 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.      105 

Congress  two  important  duties;  first,  ''  to  regulate  com- 
merce with  foreign  nations,"  and,  second,  "  to  declare 
war."  Other  subordinate  matters  were  also  intrusted 
to  Congress,  to  wit,  legislation  respecting  naturalization 
of  aliens,  and  the  punishment  of  piracy  and  felonies 
committed  on  the  high  sea,  and  offenses  against  the 
laws  of  nations.  The  President  was  made  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  ;  he  was  given  '•  power, 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to 
make  treaties,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  Senators  pre- 
sent concur  ;  "  it  was  made  his  duty  to  "  nominate,  and 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  .  .  . 
appoint  ambassadors,  public  ministers,  and  consuls  ;  " 
and  he  was  authorized  to  "  receive  ambassadors  and 
other  public  ministers." 

These  conclusions  of  the  Convention  were  reached 
after  many  lengthy  and  exhaustive  deliberations,  involv- 
ing the  executive  and  legislative  prerogatives.  The 
ancient  and  modern  history  of  nations  and  systems  of 
government,  and  the  opinions  of  publicists,  were  laid 
under  contribution ;  but  probably  the  most  trustworthy 
and  controlling  authority  in  these  discussions  was  Black- 
stone,  who  then,  even  more  than  now,  possibly,  was 
held  in  high  esteem  by  American  lawyers.  His  treat- 
ment of  the  royal  powers  in  Book  I.,  chapter  vii.,  was 
especially  helpful,  and  the  evidences  of  his  influence  are 
seen  particularly  in  Articles  I.  and  II.  of  the  Consti- 
tution, which  relate  to  the  legislative  and  executive  de- 
partments. At  the  date  of  the  Convention,  the  power  to 
declare  war  and  to  make  peace  was  almost  universally 
exercised  by  the  king,  the  executive  head  of  the  gov- 


106  A  CENTURY  OF  A^IERICAX  DIPLOMACY. 

ernment.  The  provision  of  the  Constitution  giving  to 
Congress  the  power  to  declare  war  was  one  of  the  most 
marked  departures  from  the  existing  order.  The  power 
to  make  peace,  however,  was  conferred  upon  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Senate  jointly,  under  the  treaty-making 
clause,  as  war  between  two  nations  can  only  be  brought 
to  a  close  by  a  convention  or  agreement,  which  must 
eventually  take  the  shape  of  a  treaty. 

The  provisions  of  the  Constitution  above  cited  were 
adopted  not  only  after  much  debate,  but  they  evoked 
strong  opposition  among  the  people  of  the  States,  to 
whom  that  instrument  was  submitted  for  ratification. 
A  very  heated  discussion  was  carried  on  throughout  the 
country,  in  which  the  ablest  and  most  effective  defenders 
of  the  Constitution  were  John  Jay,  Alexander  Hamilton, 
and  James  Madison.  They  prepared  a  series  of  papers 
which  were  published  in  the  periodicals  of  the  day 
under  assumed  names,  and  they  were  afterwards  col- 
lected in  a  volume  under  the  title  of  the  "  Federalist," 
which  has  become  a  standard  authority  upon  the  object 
and  intent  of  the  various  provisions  of  this  organic  act. 
As  indicating  the  style  of  these  papers,  and  the  char- 
acter of  the  discussion  of  the  period  on  the  subjects 
under  review,  I  give  a  few  extracts  from  the  "  Feder- 
alist." 

John  Jay  was  not  a  member  of  the  Constitutional 
Convention,  being  at  the  time  Secretary  of  Foreign 
Affairs  under  the  Confederation ;  but  his  experience  in 
the  diplomatic  service  in  Spain  and  at  Paris,  and  his 
duties  as  secretary,  specially  fitted  him  for  the  discus- 
sion of  the  provisions  of  the  new  Constitution  affecting 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPAR'niENT  OF  STATE.      107 

foreign  relations.  The  following  is  a  quotation  from 
his  article  on  the  clause  of  that  instrument  relating  to 
the  negotiation  and  ratification  of  treaties  :  — 

"  Some  are  displeased  with  the  Constitution,  not  on 
account  of  any  errors  or  defects  in  it,  but  because,  as 
the  treaties,  when  made,  are  to  have  the  force  of  laws, 
they  should  be  made  only  by  men  invested  with  legisla- 
tive authority.  These  gentlemen  seem  not  to  consider 
that  the  judgments  of  our  courts  and  the  commissions 
constitutionally  given  by  our  governor  [of  New  York], 
are  as  valid  and  as  binding  on  aU  persons  whom  they 
concern,  as  the  laws  passed  by  our  legislature.  All 
constitutional  acts  of  power,  whether  in  the  executive 
or  the  judicial  department,  have  as  much  legal  validity 
and  obligation  as  if  they  proceeded  from  the  legisla- 
ture ;  and  therefore,  whatever  name  be  given  to  the 
power  of  making  treaties,  or  however  obligatory  they 
may  be  when  made,  certain  it  is  that  the  people  may, 
with  much  propriety,  commit  the  power  to  a  distinct 
body  from  the  legislature,  the  executive,  or  the  judi- 
ciary. It  surely  does  not  follow  that  because  they  have 
given  the  power  of  making  laws  to  the  legislature,  that 
therefore  they  should  likewise  give  them  power  to  do 
every  other  act  of  sovereignty  by  which  the  citizens  are 
to  be  bound  and  affected. 

"  Others,  though  content  that  treaties  should  be  made 
in  the  mode  proposed,  are  averse  to  their  being  the 
supreine  laws  of  the  land.  They  insist,  and  profess  to 
believe,  that  treaties,  like  acts  of  assembly,  should  be 
repealable  at  pleasure.  This  idea  seems  to  be  new  and 
peculiar  to  this  country ;  but  new  errors,  as  well  as  new 


108  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

truths,  often  appear.  These  gentlemen  would  do  well 
to  reflect  that  a  treaty  is  only  another  name  for  a  bar- 
gain, and  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  find  a  nation 
who  would  make  any  bargain  with  us  which  would  be 
binding  on  them  absolutely ,  but  on  us  only  so  long 
and  so  far  as  we  may  think  proper  to  be  bound  by  it. 
They  who  make  laws  may,  without  doubt,  amend  or  re- 
peal them ;  and  it  will  not  be  disputed  that  they  who 
make  treaties  may  alter  or  cancel  them ;  but  still  let  us 
not  forget  that  treaties  are  made,  not  only  by  one  of 
the  contracting  parties,  but  by  both  ;  and  consequently, 
that  as  the  consent  of  both  was  essential  to  their  for- 
mation at  first,  so  must  it  ever  afterward  be  to  alter 
or  cancel  them.  The  proposed  Constitution,  therefore, 
has  not  in  the  least  extended  the  obligation  of  trea- 
ties. They  are  just  as  binding,  and  just  as  far  beyond 
the  lawful  reach  of  legislative  acts  now  as  they  will 
be  at  any  future  period  or  under  any  form  of  govern- 
ment." 

In  answer  to  the  objection  that  the  President  and 
Senate  may  not  make  treaties  in  the  interest  of  all  the 
States,  or  may  act  corruptly,  Mr.  Jay  wrote :  — 

"  As  all  the  States  are  equally  represented  in  the 
Senate,  and  by  men  the  most  able  and  the  most  willing 
to  promote  the  interests  of  their  constituents,  they  will 
all  have  an  equal  degree  of  influence  in  that  body, 
especially  while  they  continue  to  be  careful  in  appoint- 
ing proper  persons,  and  to  assist  on  their  punctual 
attendance.  In  proportion  as  the  United  States  assume 
a  national  form  and  a  national  character,  so  will  the 
good  of  the  whole  be  more  and  more  an  object  of 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.     109 

attention ;  and  the  government  must  be  a  weak  one 
indeed,  if  it  should  forget  that  the  good  of  the  whole 
can  only  be  promoted  by  advancing  the  good  of  each 
of  the  parts  or  members  which  compose  the  whole.  It 
will  not  be  in  the  power  of  the  President  and  Senate  to 
make  any  treaties  by  which  they  and  their  families  and 
estates  will  not  be  equally  bound  and  affected  with  the 
rest  of  the  community  ;  and  having  no  private  inter- 
ests distinct  from  that  of  the  nation,  they  will  be  under 
no  temptations  to  neglect  the  latter. 

"  As  to  corruption,  the  case  is  not  supposable.  He 
must  either  have  been  very  unfortunate  in  his  inter- 
course with  the  world,  or  possess  a  heart  very  suscepti- 
ble of  such  impressions,  who  can  think  it  probable  that 
the  President  and  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  will  ever  be 
capable  of  such  unworthy  conduct.  The  idea  is  too 
gross  and  too  invidious  to  be  entertained.  But  in  such 
a  case,  if  it  should  ever  happen,  the  treaty  so  obtained 
from  us  would,  like  all  other  fraudulent  contracts,  be 
null  and  void  by  the  law  of  nations. 

"  With  respect  to  their  responsibility,  it  is  difficult 
to  conceive  how  it  should  be  increased.  Every  con- 
sideration that  can  influence  the  human  mind,  such  as 
honor,  oaths,  reputations,  conscience,  the  love  of  coun- 
try, and  family  affections  and  attachments,  afford  se- 
curity for  their  fidelity.  In  short,  as  the  Constitution 
has  taken  the  utmost  care  that  they  shall  be  men  of 
talents  and  integrity,  we  have  reasons  to  be  persuaded 
that  the  treaties  they  make  will  be  as  advantageous  as, 
all  circumstances  considered,  could  be  made ;  and  so 
far  as  the  fear  of  punishment  and  disgrace  can  operate, 


110  A  CENTURY  OF  AIMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

that  motive  to  good  behavior  is  amply  afforded  by  the 
article  on  the  subject  of  impeachments."  ^ 

Alexander  Hamilton  had  no  experience  in  diplomatic 
service^  and,  although  a  member  of  the  Constitutional 
Convention,  circumstances  had  prevented  him  from  tak- 
ing an  active  and  continuous  part  in  the  framing  of 
that  instrument.  His  colleagues  from  the  State  of  New 
York  opposed  the  creation  of  a  new  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  thereby  greatly  lessened  his  influence.  Be- 
sides, while  he  heartily  favored  a  new  form  of  govern- 
ment, his  own  views  respecting  it  were  not  adopted,  and 
that  detracted  from  his  interest  in  the  framino;-  of  the 
details.  He  was  by  instinct  and  association  an  aristo- 
crat, and  doubted  the  wisdom  of  conferring  upon  the 
people  so  great  and  direct  a  participation  in  the  federal 
government;  but  he  was  an  ardent  patriot.  Although 
absent  during  a  considerable  part  of  the  sessions,  he 
returned  towards  the  close,  and  entered  with  zeal  into 
the  final  deliberations,  throwing  his  influence  in  favor 
of  the  Constitution  as  agreed  upon. 

Before  the  final  adjournment,  the  venerable  Franklin 
made  an  appeal  for  unanimous  action,  saying  :  "I  con- 
sent to  this  Constitution,  because  I  expect  no  better," 
and  he  asked  each  member  to  "  doubt  a  little  of  his 
own  infallibility."  It  was  in  this  spirit  Hamilton  gave 
it  his  support.  His  contributions  to  the  "  Federalist  " 
constitute  much  the  greater  portion  of  the  work.  Madi- 
son's part  in  the  convention,  in  controlling  and  fram- 
ing its  conclusions,  justly  confers  upon  him  the  title  of 
"  Father  of  the  Constitution;"  but  his  task  in  bringing 

1  Lodge's  Federalist,  404. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.     Ill 

Virginia  to  its  acceptance  prevented  him  from  using  so 
freely  his  pen  in  its  defense.  To  Hamilton  avus  given 
the  preeminence  as  the  ablest  and  most  effective  advo- 
cate before  the  country,  and  in  no  part  of  his  career 
was  his  matchless  intellect  more  conspicuous.  The  fol- 
lowing is  his  discussion  of  the  diplomatic  functions  of 
the  President,  and  his  executive  powers  under  the  Con- 
stitution, in  contrast  with  the  king  of  Great  Britain  :  — 
"  The  President  is  to  have  power,  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided 
two  thirds  of  the  Senators  present  concur.  The  king 
of  Great  Britain  is  the  sole  and  absolute  representative 
of  the  nation  in  all  foreign  transactions.  He  can,  of 
his  own  accord,  make  treaties  of  peace,  commerce,  alli- 
ance, and  of  every  other  description.  It  has  been 
insinuated  that  his  authority,  in  this  respect,  is  not 
conclusive,  and  that  his  conventions  with  foreign  pow- 
ers are  subject  to  the  revision,  and  stand  in  need  of 
the  ratification,  of  Parliament.  But  I  believe  this  doc- 
trine was  never  heard  of  until  it  was  broached  upon 
the  present  occasion.  Every  jurist  of  that  kingdom, 
and  every  other  man  acquainted  with  its  Constitution, 
knows,  as  an  established  fact,  that  the  prerogative  of 
making  treaties  exists  in  the  crown  in  its  utmost  pleni- 
tude ;  and  that  the  compacts  entered  into  by  the  royal 
authority  have  the  most  comjjlete  legal  validity  and 
perfection,  independent  of  any  other  sanction.  The 
Parliament,  it  is  true,  is  sometimes  seen  employing 
itself  in  alterino;  the  existino-  laws  to  conform  them  to 
the  stipulations  of  a  new  treaty ;  and  this  may  have 
possibly  given  birth  to  the  imagination,  that  its  co- 


112  A  CENTURY  OF  AIVIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

operation  was  necessary  to  the  obligatory  efficacy  of  the 
treaty.  But  this  parUamentary  interposition  proceeds 
from  a  different  cause ;  from  the  necessity  of  adjust- 
ing a  most  artificial  and  intricate  system  of  revenue 
and  commercial  laws  to  the  changes  made  in  them  by 
the  operation  of  the  treaty ;  and  of  adapting  new  pro- 
visions and  precautions  to  the  new  state  of  things,  to 
keep  the  machine  from  running  into  disorder.  In  this 
respect,  therefore,  there  is  no  comparison  between  the 
intended  power  of  the  President  and  the  actual  power 
of  the  British  sovereign.  The  one  can  perform  alone 
what  the  other  can  do  only  with  the  concurrence  of  a 
branch  of  the  legislature. 

"  The  President  is  also  to  be  authorized  to  receive 
ambassadors  and  other  public  ministers.  This,  though 
it  has  been  a  rich  theme  of  declamation,  is  more  a 
matter  of  dignity  than  of  authority.  It  is  a  circum- 
stance which  will  be  without  consequence  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  government ;  and  it  was  far  more 
convenient  that  it  should  be  arranged  in  this  manner 
than  that  there  should  be  a  necessity  of  convening  the 
legislature,  or  one  of  its  branches,  upon  every  arrival  of 
a  foreign  minister,  though  it  were  merely  to  take  the 
place  of  a  departed  predecessor. 

"  The  President  is  to  nominate,  and,  loitli  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  appoint  ambassadors  and 
other  public  ministers,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
in  general  all  officers  of  the  United  States  established 
by  law,  and  whose  appointments  are  not  otherwise  pro- 
vided for  by  the  Constitution.  The  king  of  Great 
Britain  is  emphatically  and  truly  styled  the  fountain  of 


ORGANIZATION  OF   DEPARTMENT  OF  ^TATE.     113 

honor.  He  not  only  appoints  to  all  offices,  but  can 
create  offices.  He  can  confer  titles  of  nobility  at 
pleasure ;  and  has  the  disposal  of  an  immense  number 
of  church  preferments.  There  is  evidently  a  great 
inferiority  in  the  power  of  the  President,  in  this  par- 
ticular, to  that  of  the  British  king ;  nor  is  it  equal  to 
that  of  the  governor  of  New  York,  if  we  are  to  inter- 
pret the  meaning  of  the  constitution  of  the  State  by 
the  practice  which  has  obtained  under  it." 

One  of  the  objections  most  strongly  urged  against 
the  Constitution  was  the  creation  of  a  President  and  the 
powers  conferred  upon  him  ;  the  opponents  likening 
him  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain.  In  the  same  article, 
Mr.  Hamilton  continues :  — 

"  It  appears  yet  more  unequivocally  that  there  is  no 
pretense  for  the  parallel  which  has  been  attempted 
between  him  and  the  king  of  Great  Britain.  But  to 
render  the  contrast  in  this  respect  still  more  striking, 
it  may  be  of  use  to  throw  the  principal  circumstances 
of  dissimilitude  into  a  closer  group. 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States  would  be  an 
officer  elected  by  the  people  for  four  years ;  the  king 
of  Great  Britain  is  a  perpetual  and  hereditary  prince  ; 
the  one  would  be  amenable  to  personal  punishment  and 
disgrace  ;  the  person  of  the  other  is  sacred  and  invio- 
lable. The  one  would  have  a  qualified  negative  upon 
the  acts  of  the  legislative  body  ;  the  other  has  an  abso- 
lute negative.  The  one  would  have  a  right  to  com- 
mand the  military  and  naval  forces  of  the  nation  ;  the 
other,  in  addition  to  this  right,  possesses  that  of  der 
daring  war,  and  of  raising  and  regulating  fleets  and 


114  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

armies  by  his  own  authority.  The  one  would  have  a 
concurrent  power  with  a  branch  of  the  legislature  in 
the  formation  of  treaties ;  the  other  is  the  sole  jms- 
sessor  of  the  power  of  making  treaties.  The  one 
would  have  a  like  concurrent  authority  in  appointing 
to  of&ces ;  the  other  is  the  sole  author  of  all  appoint- 
ments. The  one  can  confer  no  privileges  whatever ; 
the  other  can  make  denizens  of  aliens,  noblemen  of 
commoners ;  can  erect  corporations  with  all  the  rights 
incident  to  corporate  bodies.  The  one  can  prescribe 
no  rules  concerning  the  commerce  or  currency  of  the 
nation  ;  the  other  is  in  several  respects  the  arbiter  of 
commerce,  and  in  this  capacity  can  establish  markets 
and  fairs,  can  regulate  weights  and  measures,  can  lay 
embargoes  for  a  limited  time,  can  coin  money,  can 
authorize  or  prohibit  the  circulation  of  foreign  coin. 
The  one  has  no  particle  of  spiritual  jurisdiction ;  the 
other  is  the  supreme  head  and  governor  of  the  national 
church  !  What  answer  shall  we  give  to  those  who 
would  persuade  us  that  things  so  unlike  resemble  each 
other  ?  The  same  that  ought  to  be  given  to  those 
who  tell  us  that  a  government,  the  whole  power  of 
which  would  be  in  the  hands  of  the  elective  and  peri- 
odical servants  of  the  people,  is  an  aristocracy,  a  mon- 
archy, and  a  despotism."  -^ 

Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  framers  of  the 
Constitution  to  that  end,  the  division  of  powers  as  to 
foreiofn  relations  between  the  lesrislative  and  executive 
departments  has  not  been  so  sharply  defined  as  to  pre- 
vent seemingf  conflict  at  times.     Congfress  was   g-iven 

^  Lodge's  Federalist,  432. 


ORGANIZATION  OF   DEPARTMENT  OF   STATE.      115 

the  power  "  to  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations," 
and  yet  the  President  and  the  Senate  have  often  modi- 
fied our  laws  as  to  foreign  commerce  by  treaty.  Again, 
it  is  provided  that  Congress  shall  "  declare  war ;  "  but 
the  President,  intrusted  with  the  management  of  our 
foreign  relations,  or  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
and  navy,  can,  without  any  action  of  Congress,  so  far 
commit  the  nation  as  to  make  war  inevitable.  For 
instance,  we  shall  see  in  a  later  chapter  that  upon  the 
annexation  of  Texas  the  President  ordered  the  army  of 
the  United  States  into  disputed  territory,  which  brought 
on  a  war  with  Mexico,  without  any  direct  action  of 
Conofress. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  within  the  power  of  Con- 
gress to  nullify  the  action  of  the  treaty-making  power, 
the  President  and  the  Senate,  by  the  passage  of  laws 
which  operate  to  defeat  the  provisions  of  treaties. 
From  the  quotation  made  from  the  "  Federalist,"  it 
would  seem  that  it  was  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Jay  that 
Congress  would  have  no  such  power ;  as  he  argued  that 
a  treaty  was  a  contract  between  two  parties,  and  that  it 
could  only  be  repealed  by  the  consent  of  both  parties. 
But  Congress,  as  in  the  Chinese  immigration  law,  has 
intentionally  legislated  in  direct  contravention  of  an 
existing  treaty,  and  the  Supreme  Court  has  sustained 
the  act  as  binding  municipally,  on  the  principle  that 
the  last  act  of  Congress  repeals  all  previous  laws  in 
conflict  with  it,  even  though  they  may  be  treaties. 

Congress  can  also  greatly  embarrass  the  President  in 
treaty  negotiations  by  the  passage  of  resolutions  or 
laws  not  in  harmony  with  the  objects  had  in  view  in 


116  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

the  negotiations.  Congress  has  also  assumed  the  func- 
tions of  treaty-making  by  joint  resolution,  a  purely 
lesfislative  act.     Such  was  the  case  in  the  annexation  of 

o 

Texas  and  Hawaii. 

The  usual  practice  has  been  for  the  President  to 
initiate  and  carry  to  a  conclusion  all  treaty  negotia- 
tions, but  it  is  held  that  under  the  constitutional  pro- 
vision, "  with  the  advice  ...  of  the  Senate  ;"  it  is  in 
the  power  of  that  body  to  initiate  treaty  negotiations 
by  a  resolution  expressive  of  its  wishes  for  executive 
information  and  action.  It  has  often  occurred  that  the 
President  has  consulted  the  Senate  as  to  the  wisdom  of 
certain  negotiations  before  they  have  been  initiated,  or 
before  their  conclusion.  Under  the  Constitution,  the 
Senate  was  made  an  important  factor  in  the  conduct  of 
our  foreign  affairs,  and  experience  has  shown  that  it 
was  a  wise  provision  on  the  part  of  the  founders  of  the 
government.  It  makes  negotiations  cumbersome  and 
uncertain,  but  it  operates  as  a  wholesome  check  upon 
the  executive,  and  introduces  into  treaty-making  an 
element  of  popular  opinion  which  is  not  unbecoming  in 
a  democratic  government. 

While  the  Constitution  reserves  to  Conofress  the  f  unc- 
tion  to  declare  war,  when  that  act  is  taken  the  powers 
of  the  President  suddenly  become  greatly  enlarged. 
Lawrence,  editor  of  Wheaton,  says  of  the  "  war  powers  " 
of  the  executive  :  "  It  was  during  the  war  of  secession 
that  the  powers  of  the  President  were  exercised  to  an 
extent  unprecedented  in  English  history."  Secretary 
Seward,  in  a  note  to  the  British  minister,  in  October, 
1861,   used    this  language.     "  It   seems    necessary   to 


ORGANIZATION   OF   DEPARTMENT   OF   STATE.      117 

state,  for  the  information  of  that  government,  that 
Congress  is  by  the  Constitution  invested  with  no  execu- 
tive power  or  responsibihty  whatever,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  President  of  the  United  States  is,  by  the 
Constitution  and  Uiws,  invested  with  the  whole  execu- 
tive power  of  the  government,  and  charged  with  the 
supreme  direction  of  all  municipal  and  ministerial  civil 
asrents,  as  well  as  of  the  whole  land  and  naval  forces  of 
the  United  States,  and  that,  invested  with  these  ample 
powers,  he  is  charged  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  with 
the  absolute  duty  of  suppressing  insurrections,  as  well 
as  of  preventing  and  repelling  invasion,  and  that  for 
these  purposes  he  constitutionally  exercises  the  right 
of  suspending  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  whenever  and 
wherever  and  in  whatsoever  extent  the  public  safety, 
endangered  by  treason  or  invasion  in  arms,  in  his 
judgment  requires."  ^ 

Mr.  Bryce,  the  author  of  that  admirable  work,  "  The 
American  Commonwealth,"  in  speaking  of  the  presi- 
dential power,  says  that  in  war  time  "  it  expands  with 
portentous  speed.  Both  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  and  navy,  and  as  charged  with  the  'faithful  exe- 
cution of  the  laws,'  the  President  is  likely  to  be  led  to 
assume  all  the  powers  which  the  emergency  requires."  ^ 

John  Quincy  Adams,  in  his  discourse  on  "  The  Ju- 
bilee of  the  Constitution,"  says  :  "  It  has  perhaps  never 
been  duly  remarked  that,  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  the  powers  of  the  executive  department, 
explicitly  and  emphatically  concentrated  in  one  person, 
are  vastly  more  extensive  and  complicated  than  those 

1  Dip.  Cor.  U.  S.  1861,  p.  171.        2  l  American  Commonwealth,  50. 


118  A  CENTURY   OF  AJ^IERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

of  the  legislative.  The  language  of  the  instrument  in 
conferring  authority  is,  *  All  legislative  power,  herein 
granted,  shall  be  vested  in  a  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives.'  But  the  executive  authority  is  unre- 
served in  terms,  — '  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested 
in  a  President  of  the  United  States  of  America.'  " 

In  the  Constitutional  Convention  there  was  a  numer- 
ous and  influential  party  strongly  opposed  to  giving 
the  President  the  large  powers  finally  conferred  upon 
him,  and  the  "  Committee  on  Detail  "  provided,  in  the 
first  instance,  that  the  Senate  should  possess  the  exclu- 
sive power  to  make  treaties  and  appoint  ambassadors, 
thus  reserving  to  one  branch  of  the  legislative  depart- 
ment these  most  important  international  functions.  In 
defense  of  the  ultimate  action  of  the  Convention  in 
clothing  the  President  with  the  large  powers  which  he 
now  possesses,  Hamilton  wrote  at  considerable  length, 
from  which  I  extract  the  f ollowino;' :  — 

"  There  is  an  idea,  which  is  not  without  its  advo- 
cates, that  a  vigorous  executive  is  inconsistent  with  the 
genius  of  republican  government.  The  enlightened 
well-wishers  of  this  species  of  government  must  at  least 
hope  that  the  supposition  is  destitute  of  foundation ; 
since  they  can  never  admit  its  truth,  without  at  the 
same  time  admittinor-  the  condemnation  of  their  own 
principles.  Energy  in  the  executive  is  a  leading  char- 
acter in  the  definition  of  good  government.  It  is 
essential  to  the  protection  of  the  community  against 
foreign  attacks ;  it  is  not  less  essential  to  the  steady 
administration  of  the  laws  3  to  the  protection  of  pro- 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.     119 

perty  against  those  irregular  and  high-handed  combina- 
tions which  sometimes  interrupt  the  ordinary  course  of 
justice ;  to  the  security  of  Uberty  against  the  enter- 
prises and  assaults  of  ambition,  of  faction,  and  of 
anarchy.  Every  man  the  least  conversant  in  Roman 
story,  knows  how  often  that  republic  was  obliged  to 
take  refuge  in  the  absolute  power  of  a  single  man, 
under  the  formidable  title  of  dictator,  as  well  against 
the  intrigues  of  ambitious  individuals  who  aspired  to 
the  tyranny,  and  the  seditions  of  whole  classes  of  the 
community  whose  conduct  threatened  the  existence  of 
all  government,  as  against  the  invasions  of  external 
enemies  who  menaced  the  conquest  and  destruction  of 
Rome. 

"  There  can  be  no  need,  however,  to  multiply  argu- 
ments or  examples  on  this  head.  A  feeble  executive 
implies  a  feeble  execution  of  the  government.  A 
feeble  execution  is  but  another  phrase  for  a  bad  execu- 
tion ;  and  a  government  illy  executed,  whatever  it  may 
be  in  theory,  must  be,  in  practice,  a  bad  government."  ^ 

It  was  the  conclusion  of  the  framers  of  the  govern- 
ment that,  especially  respecting  international  affairs, 
involving  matters  of  momentous  national  dignity  and 
importance,  and  secret  and  delicate  complications,  the 
President  should  be  intrusted  with  their  sole  conduct ; 
and,  hence,  it  was  made  his  duty  to  appoint  and 
receive  ambassadors  and  ministers  (thus  making  him 
the  organ  of  communication  with  other  governments), 
and  to  initiate  negotiations  and  conclude  treaties.  At 
the  same   time  they  did  not  give  him  the  unlimited 

*  Lodge's  Federalist,  436. 


120  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

powers  possessed  by  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  but 
conferred  very  important  functions  as  to  foreign  affairs 
upon  Congress  and  the  Senate.  It  was  thus  made 
necessary  that  there  should  be  cooperation  and  mutual 
confidence  between  the  President  and  Congress,  in 
order  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  should 
maintain  a  dignified  and  proper  position  before  the 
nations  of  the  world.  And  the  expectations  of  the 
makers  of  the  Constitution,  as  to  the  patriotic  impulses 
which  would  inspire  their  successors,  who  would  have 
in  their  hands  the  government  of  the  country,  have 
not  been  disappointed.  In  times  of  high  political  ex- 
citement, when  the  legislative  and  executive  depart- 
ments were  not  in  party  harmony,  Congress  has  been 
tempted  to  antagonize  the  President  in  his  foreign 
policy,  but  rarely,  if  ever,  has  it  failed  to  respond  to 
his  call  when  the  honor  or  the  interests  of  the  country 
were  plainly  at  stake. 

The  federal  organic  law  having  clothed  the  Presi- 
dent with  vast  powers  and  great  responsibilities  as  to 
international  as  well  as  domestic  relations,  it  remains 
for  us  to  examine  the  manner  in  which  the  provisions 
of  the  Constitution  have  been  supplemented  by  con- 
gressional legislation  and  executive  action.  At  the 
outset,  the  matter  which  attracts  our  notice  is  that  the 
Constitution  makes  no  express  provision  for  an  execu- 
tive cabinet  or  council,  and  in  this  respect  it  is  a  de- 
parture from  the  then  existing  forms  of  government, 
and  especially  that  of  Great  Britain.  A  strong  effort 
was  made  in  the  Convention  to  establish  such  a  body, 
clothed  with  executive  or  advisory  powers,  eitlier  to 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.  121 

keep  ■watch  over  or  to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  Pre- 
sident. Various  projects  to  this  end  were  brought  for- 
ward ;  among  others  it  was  proposed  that  a  privy  coun- 
cil shouhl  be  created,  to  consist  of  "  the  President  of 
the  Senate,  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the 
principal  ofheer  in  each  of  five  departments,  as  they 
shall  ...  be  established."  Another  plan  was  for  the 
Senate  to  appoint  a  privy  council  of  six  members  to 
hold  office  for  six  years,  two  each  to  be  selected  from 
Southern,  Middle,  and  Eastern  States,  and  one  third  to 
retire  every  second  year.^  One  or  the  other  of  these 
plans  had  the  support  of  such  influential  delegates  as 
Ellsworth,  Gouverneur  Morris,  Madison,  Franklin,  Wil- 
son, Mason,  and  Dickinson. 

But  all  the  projects  failed,  and  were  substituted  by 
the  colorless  provision  in  the  Constitution  authorizing 
the  President  "  to  require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of 
the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments." The  theory  upon  which  the  government  was 
constructed  was  that  what  belongs  to  the  executive 
power  is  to  be  exercised  by  the  uncontrolled  will  of 
the  President.  It  was  arjjued  in  the  Convention  that  if 
a  council  was  created,  it  would  relieve  the  President 
of  responsibility,  and  nullify  the  provision  for  his  im- 
peachment for  malfeasance.  Cooley,  in  his  Blackstone, 
says  :  "  The  cabinet,  as  a  body  of  councilors,  has  no 
necessary  place  in  our  constitutional  system,  and  each 
President  will  accord  to  it  such  weight  and  influence  in 
his  administration  as  he  shall  see  fit.     The  President  — 

1  2  Bancroft's  History  of  Constitution,  188-190. 


122  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

not  the  cabinet  —  is  responsible  for  all  the  measures 
of  the  administration,  and  whatever  is  done  by  one 
of  the  heads  of  departments  is  considered  as  done  by 
the  President,  through  the  proper  executive  agent.  In 
this  fact  consists  one  important  difference  between  the 
executive  of  Great  Britain  and  of  the  United  States ; 
the  acts  of  the  former  being  considered  as  those  of  his 
advisers,  who  alone  are  responsible  therefor,  while  the 
acts  of  the  advisers  of  the  American  executive  are  con- 
sidered as  directed  and  controlled  by  him."  ^  The  fail- 
ure to  provide  for  an  executive  council  had  a  decided 
influence  in  the  adoption  of  the  provisions  of  the  Con- 
stitution giving  the  Senate  a  share  of  the  control  in  the 
making  of  treaties  and  in  appointments  to  office. 

While,  as  noted,  the  Constitution  contains  no  ex- 
press provision  for  a  cabinet  or  council,  the  creation 
of  officials  who  would  bear  some  such  relation  to  the 
President  is  inferentially  stated  in  Article  II.,  which 
treats  of  the  executive  power.  It  has  already  been 
noticed  that  the  President  was  authorized  to  require 
opinions,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of 
the  executive  departments,  and  the  "  heads  of  depart- 
ment" are  referred  to  in  the  next  clause  of  the  same 
section.  When  the  first  Congress  under  the  Constitu- 
tion assembled  in  1789,  one  of  its  first  duties  was  to 
provide  the  President  with  the  means  and  instruments 
by  which  to  conduct  the  executive  duties  of  the  new 
government.  The  experience  under  the  Confederation, 
as  already  mentioned,  furnished  useful  information  for 
its  guidance.  It  had  been  made  manifest  that  an  ad- 
ministration by  boards  would  not  answer  the  purpose. 

1  1  Cooley's  Blackstone,  232,  note. 


ORGANIZATION   OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.     123 

Congress  turned  instinctively  to  the  system  followed 
by  the  Confederation  in  its  conduct  of  foreign  affairs 
as  the  only  successful  method,  to  wit,  the  placing  of  the 
departments  under  a  single  responsible  head.  Where- 
upon Madison  introduced  in  the  House  a  resolution, 
which  was  adopted,  that  in  the  opinion  of  the  House 
there  ought  to  be  a  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  of 
War,  and  of  the  Treasury,  each  presided  over  by  an 
officer  appointed  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  and  removable  by 
the  President.  Thereupon  a  bill  was  introduced  cre- 
ating the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,^  and  its  chief 
features  were  passed  upon  with  little  debate ;  but  a 
long  discussion  was  occasioned  by  the  provision  making 
the  secretary  removable  from  office  by  the  President. 
The  clause  was  stricken  out,  not,  however,  because  the 
majority   believed   the   President   did    not  possess  the 

'  1  U.  S.  Stat,  at  Large,  28  :  "  An  Act  for  establishing  an  Executive 
Department,  to  be  denominated  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
Section  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled.  That  there 
shall  be  an  Executive  Department,  to  be  denominated  the  Department  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  and  that  there  shall  be  a  principal  officer  therein,  to  be 
called  the  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  who  shall 
perform  and  execute  such  duties  as  shall  from  time  to  time  be  enjoined 
on  or  intrusted  to  him  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  agreeable 
to  the  Constitution,  relative  to  correspondences,  commissions,  or  instruc- 
tions to  or  with  public  ministers  or  consuls  from  the  United  States,  or  to 
negotiations  with  public  ministers  from  foreign  states  or  princes,  or  to 
memorials  or  other  applications  from  foreign  public  ministers  or  other 
foreigners,  or  to  such  other  matters  respecting  foreign  affairs,  as  the 
President  of  the  United  States  shall  assign  to  the  said  department  ;  and 
furthermore,  that  the  said  principal  officer  shall  conduct  the  business  of 
the  said  department  in  such  manner  as  the  President  of  the  United 
States  shall  from  time  to  time  order  or  instruct.  .  .  .  Approved  July  27, 
1789." 


124  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

power,  but  because  under  their  construction  of  the  Con- 
stitution he  already  possessed  the  power,  and  it  would 
have  the  appearance  of  conferring  the  power  by  act  of 
Congress  if  it  was  retained  in  the  bill. 

The  act  was  approved  by  the  President  July  27, 
1789;  but  soon  thereafter  another  bill  was  considered 
by  Congress,  entitled  "  An  Act  to  provide  for  the  Safe- 
keeping of  the  Acts,  Records,  and  Seal  of  the  United 
States,  and  for  other  purposes,"  by  the  first  section  of 
which  the  name  of  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs 
was  changed  to  the  "  Department  of  State,"  and  the 
head  of  it  to  "  Secretary  of  State."  The  only  reason 
why  the  change  of  name  should  have  been  made  was 
that  the  secretary  was  to  become  the  medium  of  com- 
munication and  correspondence  of  the  President  with 
the  executives  of  the  several  States,  although  it  was  not 
so  provided  in  the  act,  which  became  a  law  September 
15,  1789.^  It  was  an  unwise  and  misleading  change, 
as  the  name  indicates  that  the  main  business  of  the 
department  was  of  a  domestic  character,  whereas  it  is 
almost  wholly  international  in  its  functions,  and  should 
be  termed  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  as  pro- 
vided in  the  original  law.  This  action  was  in  the  nature 
of  a  compromise,  as  members  were  urging  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  separate  department  to  be  presided  over 
by  a  Secretary  of  Home  Affairs,  and  Congress  was  un- 
willing to  create  another  department  at  that  time.  It 
is  unfortunate  that  the  name  should  have  been  changed, 
as  the  new  duties  might  have  been  added  without  alter- 
ing the  character  of  the  department,  and  the  misnomer 

M  U.  S.  Stat,  at  Large,  68. 


ORGANIZATION   OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.     125 

which  has  adhered  to  it  for  more  than  a  century  might 
have  thus  been  avoided. 

The  act  of  July  27,  1789,  which  was  very  brief,  has 
stood  to  this  day  as  the  organic  law  of  the  department, 
without  any  essential  modifications  so  far  as  foreign 
relations  are  concerned,  and  is  a  striking  proof  of  the 
wisdom  of  the  men  who  framed  and  enacted  it.  In 
the  earlier  years  of  the  nation  other  duties  were  added 
to  it,  as  will  be  seen,  but  most  of  those  have  been  rele- 
gated to  other  departments,  as  the  growth  of  the  coun- 
try has  called  them  into  existence.  The  organization 
of  the  departments  of  War,  the  Treasury,  and  of  Jus- 
tice was  hkewise  authorized  by  this  Congress  at  its  first 
session,  and  the  Cabinet,  as  it  has  since  come  to  be 
known,  was  at  first  composed  of  four  members,  the 
heads  of  these  respective  departments. 

It  is  a  matter  of  interest,  but  somewhat  foreign  to 
the  topics  we  have  in  hand,  to  note  how,  as  an  extra- 
constitutional  body,  it  has  grown  into  recognized  exist- 
ence and  prominence  as  a  part  of  the  executive  branch 
of  the  government.  It  appears  that  Washington  began 
his  administration  by  observing  the  practice,  apparently 
marked  out  in  the  Constitution,  of  calling  upon  the 
heads  of  departments  for  written  opinions,  but  he  not 
infrequently  called  them  together  for  consultation. 
The  same  practice  was  observed  under  John  Adams ; 
but  in  Jefferson's  time  the  Cabinet  assumed  more  the 
definite  shape  now  given  to  it.  There  is  no  obligation 
resting  upon  the  President  under  the  laws  of  Congress, 
as  we  have  seen  there  is  none  under  the  Constitution, 
to  consult  or  be  governed  by  the  opinions  of  his  depart- 


126  A  CENTURY   OF  AMERICAN   DIPLOMACY. 

ment  chiefs.  For  instance,  the  act  creating  the  De- 
partment of  Foreign  Affairs  (Statej  pro\4d.es  in  express 
terms  that  the  secretary  "shall  conduct  the  business 
of  the  department  in  such  manner  as  the  President  of 
the  United  States  shall  from  time  to  time  order  or 
instruct."  It  is  stated,  upon  the  authority  of  one  of  its 
members,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  ask  the  advice 
of  his  Cabinet  in  the  most  important  event  of  his  ad- 
ministration—  the  purchase  of  Louisiana;  Mr.  Lincoln 
made  the  final  decision  respecting  his  proclamation  of 
emancipation  without  consulting  his  Cabinet ;  ^  and 
Mr.  McKinley  is  understood  to  have  resolved  upon  the 
annexation  of  Hawaii  contrary  to  the  views  of  his  Sec- 
retary of  State. 

Although  the  head  of  the  State  Department  is  in  a 
certain  sense  the  mere  clerk  of  the  President,  it  has 
been  asserted  that  his  position  is  of  such  importance 
that  he  is  one  of  six  men,  who,  through  constitutional 
forms,  constitute  a  nearly  irresponsible  despotism,  the 
other  five  being  the  President,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  the  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  the  chahmen 
of  the  two  important  committees  of  the  two  houses  of 
Congress.-  This  is  an  exaggerated  figure  of  speech, 
but  there  is  no  doubt  the  Secretary  of  State  occupies 
a  jDOsition  whereby,  through  his  own  hasty  or  intem- 
perate action,  or  that  of  his  agents  abroad,  he  could 
involve  the  country  in  complications  which  might  seri- 
ously jeopardize  its  interests  or  its  honor,  or  even  em- 
broil it  in  war.     Fortunately,  the  care  with  which  the 

^  6  Xicolay  and  Hay's  Lincoln,  405. 
2  Schuyler's  American  Diplomacy,  4. 


ORGANIZATION  OF   DEPARTMENT   OF   STATE.     127 

office  has  been  filled  has  not  exposed  the  country  to 
any  such  peril.  Washington  called  to  the  place  as  first 
secretary  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  stood  in  the  first  rank 
of  our  Revolutionary  statesmen.  For  three  successive 
terms  the  Secretary  of  State  succeeded  to  the  Presi- 
dency. John  Quincy  Adams  and  Lincoln  appointed 
their  party  rivals  to  the  post.  The  selection  of  his 
Secretary  of  State  is  the  first  duty  of  every  newly 
elected  President,  and  is  made  with  more  care  than 
that  of  any  other  officer.  Six  Secretaries  of  State 
have  been  elected  President,  and  in  the  list  appear,  be- 
sides, the  illustrious  names  of  John  Marshall,  Henry 
Clay,  Daniel  Webster,  John  C.  Calhoun,  William  L. 
Marcy,  Lewis  Cass,  William  H.  Seward,  and  James  G. 
Blaine. 

While  the  Secretary  of  State  cannot,  as  understood 
in  Europe,  be  termed  the  Prime  Minister,  in  a  certain 
sense  he  is  the  head  of  the  Cabinet.  By  law  he  suc- 
ceeds to  the  Presidency  on  the  death  or  disabihty  of 
the  President  and  Vice-President ;  he  sits  at  the  right 
of  the  President  at  the  Cabinet  table,  and  is  given  pre- 
cedence over  his  colleagues  on  all  occasions  of  cere- 
mony. The  secretary  also  holds  very  intimate  relations 
with  the  President,  owing  to  the  important  and  often 
delicate  character  of  his  duties,  and  the  work  of  no 
member  of  the  Cabinet  is  more  closely  scrutinized  by 
his  chief.  Such  has  been  the  case  since  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  government,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  follow- 
ing extracts  from  notes  of  Secretary  Jefferson  to  Presi- 
dent Washington  :  — 

"  Mr.  Jefferson  has  the  honor  of  enclosing  for  the 


128  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

perusal  of  the  President  rough  drafts  of  the  letters  he 
supposes  proper  to  send  to  the  court  of  France  on  the 
present  occasion.  He  will  have  that  of  waiting  on  him 
in  person  immediately  to  make  any  changes  in  them 
that  the  President  will  be  so  good  as  to  direct,  and  to 
communicate  to  him  the  letters  just  received  from  Mr. 
Short  [charge  d'affaires  to  France]. 
"  April  5,  1790,  a  quarter  before  one."  * 

And,  again :  "  He  sends  some  letters  for  the  Presi- 
dent's perusal,  praying  him  to  alter  freely  anything  in 
them  which  he  thinks  may  need  it." 

The  duties  of  the  Department  of  State  are  not  con- 
fined exclusively  to  the  business  of  the  foreign  rela- 
tions of  the  government,  and  this  was  much  more  the 
case  in  past  years.  For  a  considerable  period  this  de- 
partment had  charge  of  patents,  copyrights,  the  census, 
the  affairs  of  the  Territories,  pardons,  and  the  prepara- 
tion and  pubhcation  of  the  "Official  Register,"  or  "Blue 
Book ;  "  but  from  time  to  time  these  have  been  trans- 
ferred to  other  departments.  Among  the  present  duties 
of  the  Department  of  State  not  directly  relating  to 
foreign  affairs  is  that  of  receiving  and  publishing  the 
laws  of  Congress.  The  acts  when  engrossed  and  signed 
are  deposited  in  this  department,  and  from  these  certi- 
fied copies  are  made  when  required  ;  and  under  its 
supervision  they  are  published.  This  department  like- 
wise acts  as  the  medium  of  the  President's  communica- 
tion and  correspondence  with  the  governors  of  States. 
The  Secretary  of  State  also  attests  the  issuance  of  all 
presidential  proclamations. 

1  Department  of  State  :  Its  History  and  Functions,  65. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPARTVIENT  OF  STATE.     129 

The  Department  of  State  is  made  by  law  the  cus- 
todian of  what  is  known  as  "  the  Great  Seal  of  the 
United  States."  Each  department  and  various  other 
branches  of  the  public  service  have  been  authorized  by 
law  to  use  a  special  seal  in  the  course  of  their  business ; 
but  the  Great  Seal  is  only  affixed  to  the  commissions  of 
cabinet,  diplomatic,  and  consular  officers,  to  ceremoni- 
ous communications  from  the  President  to  foreign  gov- 
ernments, to  all  treaties  and  formal  agreements  of  the 
President  with  foreign  powers,  to  exequaturs,  to  war- 
rants of  extradition  of  criminals  surrendered  to  foreign 
governments,  and  to  the  commissions  of  civil  officers 
appointed  by  the  President  not  by  law  authorized  to 
bear  some  other  seal.  This  seal  has  been  guarded  with 
jealous  care,  it  having  been  in  the  charge  of  a  single 
custodian  (who  has  recently  died)  for  more  than  forty 
years.  By  the  provisions  of  the  law  of  Congress  enacted 
in  1789,  it  cannot  be  affixed  to  any  commission  or  docu- 
ment until  the  same  has  been  first  signed  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  nor  without  the  specially 
signed  warrant  of  the  President  in  each  particular  case.* 

One  of  the  effects  of  the  reorganization  of  the  gov- 

1  1  U.  S.  Stat,  at  Large,  68.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the 
Act  of  June  20,  1782,  of  the  Continental  Congress,  establishing  the  Great 
Seal  :  — 

"  The  device  for  an  armorial  achievement  and  reverse  of  the  Great 
Seal  for  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  is  as  follows  :  — 

"Arms  :  Paleways  of  thirteen  pieces,  argent  and  gules  ;  a  chief,  azure; 
the  escutcheon  on  the  breast  of  the  American  eagle  displayed  proper, 
holding  in  his  dexter  talon  an  olive  branch,  and  in  his  sinister  a  bundle  of 
thirteen  arrows,  all  proper,  and  in  his  beak  a  scroll,  inscribed  with  this 
motto,  '  E  Pluribus  Unum.' 

"For  the  Crest:  —  Over  the  head  of  the  eagle,  which  appears  above 
the  escutcheon,  a  glory,  or,  breaking  through  a  cloud,  proper,  aud  sur- 


130  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOaiACY. 

ernment  under  the  Constitution,  clothing  the  executive 
■svith  abundant  power  to  enforce  its  international  obliga- 
tions and  to  conduct  its  diplomatic  intercourse,  was  to 
greatly  enlarge  the  importance  and  usefulness  of  the 
Department  of  State.  But  from  the  beginning  up  to 
the  present  it  has  been  one  of  the  smallest  of  the  de- 
partments in  its  official  force,  and  least  expensive  in  its 
cost  to  the  government.  The  force  of  the  department 
at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  was  the 
secretary,  the  chief  clerk,  and  three  subordinates,  at  a 
total  cost  of  $6500.  During  the  first  Congress  the 
salary  of  the  Secretary  of  State  was  fixed  at  $3500, 
the  chief  clerk  at  $800,  and  the  clerks  at  not  to  exceed 
$500  each.    In  1800  the  salary  of  the  secretary  was  in- 

ronnding  thirteen  stars,  forming  a  constellation,  argent,  on  an  azure 
field." 

(The  reverse  side  is  then  given,  but  as  it  was  never  cut  or  used  offi- 
cially, it  is  omitted  here.) 

"  REMARKS   AND  EXPLANATIONS. 

"The  escutcheon  is  composed  of  the  chief  and  pale,  the  two  most 
honorable  ordinaries.  The  pieces,  paly,  represent  the  several  States  all 
joined  in  one  solid  compact  entire,  supporting  a  Chief,  which  unites  the 
whole  and  represents  Congress.  The  Motto  alludes  to  the  Union.  The 
pales  in  the  arms  are  kept  closely  united  by  the  chief  and  the  chief 
depends  on  that  Union  and  the  strength  resulting  from  it  for  its  support, 
to  denote  the  Confederacy  of  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  pre- 
servation of  their  Union  through  Congress.  The  colours  of  the  pales  are 
those  used  in  the  flag  of  the  United  States  of  America  ;  White  signifies 
purity  and  innocence,  Red,  hardiness  and  valour,  and  Blue,  the  colour 
of  the  Chief,  signifies  vigilance,  perseverance,  and  justice.  The  Olive 
branch  and  arrows  denote  the  power  of  peace  and  war,  which  is  exclu- 
sively vested  in  Congress.  The  Constellation  denotes  a  new  State  taking 
its  place  and  rank  among  other  sovereign  powers.  The  Escutcheon  is 
borne  on  the  breast  of  an  American  Eagle  without  any  other  supporters, 
to  denote  that  the  United  States  ought  to  rely  on  their  own  virtue." 
(Secret  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  vii.  301.) 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.     131 

creased  to  $5000,  but  the  total  pay  roll  only  amounted 
to  $12,950.  In  1830  the  clerks  had  increased  to  thir- 
teen and  the  pay  roll  to  $23,650 ;  in  1854  the  total 
force  was  twenty-five  and  the  pay  roll  $37,700.  The 
present  force  of  the  department,  including  the  secretary 
and  assistants,  numbers  ninety  persons,  and  the  pay  roll 
amounts  to  $130,000. 

The  present  salary  of  the  Secretary  of  State  is 
$8000,  which  is  entirely  inadequate  to  meet  the  neces- 
sary expenses  of  the  position.  Other  Cabinet  officers 
may  follow  their  own  pleasure  or  convenience,  in  great 
measure,  as  to  their  style  of  living ;  but  there  are  cer- 
tain requirements  as  to  the  entertainment  of  the  diplo- 
matic corps,  international  commissions,  and  official  for- 
eign visitors  which  the  head  of  the  State  Department 
cannot  omit  without  serious  injury  to  his  usefulness  and 
the  credit  of  his  government.  The  social  demands  of 
the  position  are  such  that  no  public  man,  not  possessed 
of  a  private  fortune,  can  afPord  to  accept  and  continue 
in  the  office  for  any  great  length  of  time.  The  places 
of  honor  and  influence  in  a  republic  should  always  be 
open  to  men  of  merit  and  talent,  whatever  their  finan- 
cial standing.  It  will  be  a  sad  day  for  the  country 
when  its  high  offices  can  be  filled  only  by  rich  men. 

Up  to  1853  the  only  assistant  which  the  secretary 
had,  except  the  clerical  force,  was  a  chief  clerk,  who 
represented  the  department  in  the  absence  of  the  secre- 
tary. In  that  year  an  assistant  secretary  was  authorized 
by  Congress ;  in  18G6  a  second  assistant  secretary  was 
created  ;  and  in  1875  a  third  assistant  secretary.  The 
business  of  the  department  is  dispatched  by  the  assist- 


132  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

ant  secretaries,  under  the  instructions  of  the  secretary, 
and  with  the  cooperation  of  the  various  bureaus  into 
which  the  clerical  force  is  divided.  The  secretary,  also, 
has  the  assistance  of  a  laAV  officer,  nominally  belonging 
to  the  Department  of  Justice,  but  permanently  attached 
and  denominated  the  solicitor,  to  whom  are  referred 
questions  of  law,  the  large  volume  of  business  arising 
from  claims  against  foreign  governments,  and  the  cases 
of  the  surrender  of  criminals  to  foreign  governments 
under  extradition  treaties. 

A  reference  to  the  different  bureaus  will  convey  some 
idea  of  the  character  of  the  business  of  the  depart- 
ment. The  chief  clerk  is  the  executive  officer  of  the 
department,  has  the  supervision  of  the  clerks,  the  dis- 
tribution amongf  the  assistant  secretaries  and  bureaus 
of  the  correspondence,  receives  visitors  seeking  infor- 
mation, and  attends  to  a  great  variety  of  business  not 
specifically  assigned. 

The  Diplomatic  Bureau  has  charge  of  the  conduct  of 
the  diplomatic  correspondence,  both  with  our  missions 
abroad  and  with  the  representatives  of  foreign  gov- 
ernments in  Washington.  It  has,  also,  the  preparation 
of  the  credentials  of  our  diplomatic  officials,  of  ceremo- 
nious letters  to  foreign  sovereigns,  the  engrossing  of 
treaties  and  other  formal  instruments. 

The  Consular  Bureau  is  intrusted  with  the  vast  and 
expanding  business  of  the  United  States  consular  ser- 
vice. It  embraces  about  800  officers  scattered  all  over 
the  world  ;  its  correspondence,  both  with  consuls  and 
the  commercial  interests  of  the  United  States,  is  very 
voluminous,  and  the  variety  of  its  business  is  great. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.     133 

The  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives  first  receives 
all  correspondence,  where  it  is  opened  and  classified 
into  diplomatic,  consular,  and  miscellaneous  business ; 
a  careful  index  of  each  paper  is  made,  after  which  the 
correspondence  is  sent  to  the  chief  clerk  for  proper  dis- 
tribution and  attention.  After  receiving  the  necessary 
attention,  all  correspondence  is  returned  to  the  index 
room,  bound  and  retained  as  part  of  tlie  archives  of  the 
deiDartment. 

The  Bureau  of  Accounts  has  the  supervision  of  money 
and  appropriations  to  be  disbursed  under  the  direction 
of  the  Secretary  of  State,  including  the  salaries  and 
allowances  of  officers  of  the  diplomatic  and  consular 
service,  the  expenses  of  international  and  other  commis- 
sions, and  the  adjustment  of  their  accounts.  It  also 
has  charge  of  moneys  received  by  the  United  States 
from  foreign  governments  in  the  nature  of  indemnities 
and  awards  of  commissions.  It  attends  to  the  business 
of  issuing  passports. 

The  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  the  Library  embraces  two 
distinct  duties.  The  first  has  to  do  with  the  custody 
and  promulgation  of  laws,  treaties,  proclamations,  and 
executive  orders.  It  is  also  the  custodian  of  the  re- 
cords of  international  commissions,  of  the  original  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation, the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  of 
various  Revolutionary  papers,  private  and  public  cor- 
respondence of  the  founders  of  the  government,  other 
historical  manuscripts,  and  valuable  presents  from  for- 
eign governments.  The  library  of  the  department 
numbers  more  than  G0,000  volumes,  is  especially  rich 


134  A  CENTUKY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

in  international  law  and  diplomatic  publications,  includ- 
ing memoirs  of  diplomatic  personages,  biographies  and 
maps.  It,  in  connection  with  the  historical  manu- 
scripts, has  proven  a  mine  of  information  for  writers 
on  American  history  and  diplomacy. 

Other  bureaus  are  those  of  Foreign  Commerce,  for 
the  compilation  and  publication  of  reports  from  consuls 
and  others  ;  and  of  Appointments,  havmg  charge  of  the 
papers  connected  with  applications  and  nominations  to 
office. 

The  Department  of  State  publishes  annually  one  or 
more  volumes,  entitled  "  Foreign  Relations  of  the 
United  States."  These  contain  selections  from  the 
correspondence  of  the  department  with  the  diplomatic 
representatives  of  the  United  States  abroad  and  with 
the  foreign  representatives  resident  in  Washington,  and 
constitute  a  fairly  consecutive  history  of  our  diplomatic 
affairs.  It  is  not,  however,  complete,  as  many  docu- 
ments are  withheld  because  of  their  confidential  char- 
acter. The  department  also  issues  quite  a  number  of 
publications  compiled  from  the  reports  of  consuls, 
which  are  of  special  value  to  the  business  interests  of 
the  country. 

This  department,  which  has  done  so  much  for  the 
nation's  prestige,  deserves  more  liberal  consideration 
than  it  has  heretofore  received  from  Congress.  More 
adequate  salaries  should  be  allowed  the  secretary  and 
his  assistants,  and  the  clerical  force  should  be  in- 
creased. It  is  now  located  in  a  building  with  two 
other  departments,  and  is  thereby  restricted  in  its  ac- 
commodations and  dwarfed  in  its  importance.    In  many 


ORGANIZATION  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.  135 

of  the  countries  of  Europe  there  are  attached  to  the 
Department  of  Foreign  Affairs  elegantly  furnished 
rooms,  which  are  used  for  the  sessions  of  international 
commissions,  and  also  for  official  receptions,  dinners, 
and  other  entertainments  for  foreian  ouests.  The  De- 
partment  of  State  does  not  have  a  single  room  which  it 
can  place  at  the  disposal  of  an  international  commis- 
sion, and  when  such  bodies  assemble  in  the  capital  of 
the  nation  upon  the  invitation  of  our  gov^ernment,  they 
are  assigned  to  rooms  in  a  hotel  or  a  hired  house. 

Extravagance  and  display  are  not  to  be  encouraged 
in  a  democratic  government;  but  the  people  of  this 
country  would  heartily  approve  of  the  erection  of  a 
public  building  expressly  designed  for  this  department, 
with  suitable  apartments  for  the  reception  and  enter- 
tainment of  international  commissions,  foreign  guests, 
and  other  like  purposes,  as  well  as  for  the  safe-keeping 
of,  and  ready  access  to,  its  invaluable  historic  treasures. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    ADMINISTRATIONS    OF    WASHINGTON    AND    ADAMS. 

The  new  form  of  government  having  been  provided 
by  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  respon- 
sible duty  of  setting  the  government  in  motion  under 
it  devolved  upon  George  Washington  as  President. 
It  was  natural  that  he  should  be  summoned  to  this 
duty,  not  because  as  commander  of  its  forces  he  had 
been  the  chief  actor  in  achieving  the  independence  of 
the  country,  but  because  he  was  among  the  first  to 
discern  that  such  a  constitution  was  the  only  hope  for 
its  perpetuity,  and  by  his  great  personal  influence  more 
than  that  of  any  other  man  was  the  Constitution  made 
a  reality.  No  man  ever  entered  with  a  higher  sense 
of  responsibility  upon  the  task  which  was  to  tax  his 
wisdom,  patience,  and  reputation  to  the  utmost.  In 
his  inaugural  address  he  said  that  no  event  could  have 
filled  him  with  greater  anxiety  than  the  notification  of 
his  election,  and  that  the  magnitude  and  difficulty  of 
the  trust  to  which  the  voice  of  his  countrymen  called 
him  awakened  a  distrustful  scrutiny  into  his  qualifi- 
cations ;  and  as  his  first  official  act  he  made  "  fervent 
supplications  to  that  Almighty  Being  who  presides  in 
the  councils  of  nations,  that  his  benediction  may  con- 
secrate to  the  Uberties  and  happiness  of  the  people  of 


ADMINISTRATIONS   OF  WASHINGTON  AND   ADAMS.     137 

the  United  States  the  government  instituted  by  them- 
selves." ^ 

A  member  of  the  first  Congress,  Fisher  Ames,  of 
Massachusetts,  in  describing  the  inaugural  exercises, 
■wrote :  "  It  was  a  very  touching  scene,  and  quite  of 
the  solemn  kind.  His  [Washington's]  aspect,  grave 
almost  to  sadness ;  his  modesty,  actually  shaking ;  his 
voice  deep,  a  little  tremulous,  and  so  low  as  to  call  for 
close  attention  ;  added  to  the  series  of  objects  presented 
to  the  mind,  and  overwhelming  it,  produced  emotions 
of  the  most  affecting  kind  upon  the  members."  ^  The 
French  minister  reported  to  his  government :  "  Every 
one  without  exception  appeared  penetrated  with  ven- 
eration for  the  illustrious  chief  of  the  republic.  The 
humblest  was  proud  of  the  virtues  of  the  man  who  was 
to  govern  him.  Tears  of  joy  were  seen  to  flow  in  the 
hall  of  the  Senate,  at  church,  and  even  in  the  streets, 
and  no  sovereign  ever  reigned  more  completely  in  the 
hearts  of  his  subjects  than  Washington  in  the  hearts  of 
his  fellow-citizens.  He  had  at  once  the  soul,  the  look, 
and  the  fij^ure  of  a  hero."  ^ 

In  organizing  the  executive  departments,  Washington 
called  to  his  Cabinet  three  of  his  companions  in  arms, 
—  Hamilton  to  the  Treasury,  Knox  to  the  War  port- 
folio, and  Edmund  Randolph  to  be  Attorney-General ; 
but  the  first  place  was  reserved  to  the  distinguished 
civilian  who  had  borne  the  prominent  part  in  framing 
the   Declaration    of  Independence,   and  had    done  so 

1  1  Richardson's  Messages  of  the  Presidents,  51. 
^  1  Fisher  Ames's  Life  and  Work,  34. 
'  2  Bancroft's  Constitution  of  U.  S.  3C3. 


138  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

much  to  achieve  the  independence  of  the  country. 
Thomas  Jefferson,  when  chosen  by  the  President  to  be 
his  Secretary  of  State,  was,  as  we  have  seen,  absent  in 
Paris  as  minister  to  France,  and  pending  his  return 
John  Jay,  who  had  been  made  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  was  asked  to  continue  in  the  conduct  of 
foreign  affairs,  of  which  he  had  had  charge  during  the 
last  years  of  the  Confederation. 

Jefferson's  residence  in  Paris  led  him  to  form  opinions 
■which  had  an  important  influence  on  his  later  public 
career.  He  became  an  ardent  admirer  of  the  French 
people  and  an  enthusiastic  champion  of  the  French 
Eevolution.  He  came  to  entertain  an  intense  hatred  of 
the  English  people  and  all  things  connected  with  them, 
except  their  government,  the  excellence  of  which  he 
recognized.  In  a  visit  to  London  he  was  presented  to 
the  king  and  queen,  and  he  reports,  "  It  was  impossible 
for  anvthino"  to  be  more  ungfracious  than  their  notice 
of  Mr.  Adams  and  myself,"  ^  He  adds :  "  That  nation 
hates  us,  their  ministers  hate  us,  and  their  king  more 
than  aU  other  men."^  Again  he  writes:  the  English 
"  require  to  be  kicked  into  common  good  manners." 
He  carried  this  early  formed  hatred  into  his  later  pub- 
lic life,  and  seldom  omitted  an  opportunity  to  show  his 
resentment  towards  what  he  termed  "  the  harlot  Eng- 
land." But  in  his  old  age,  after  he  had  been  long  out 
of  office,  he  seems  to  have  undergone  a  change  of  senti- 
ment. In  a  letter  written  to  President  Monroe  in  1823, 
replying  to  one  from  the  President  about  the  wisdom 
of  promulgating  his  famous  "  Doctrine  "  against  Euro- 

1  1  Writings  of  Jefferson  (Ford),  89.  *  4  lb.  214. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.    139 

pean  intervention,  Jefferson  wrote  :  "  Great  Britain  is 
the  nation  which  can  do  us  the  most  harm  of  any  one 
or  all  on  the  earth,  and  with  her  on  our  side  we  need 
not  fear  the  whole  world.  With  her,  then,  we  should 
most  sedulously  cherish  a  cordial  friendship,  and  no- 
thins:  would  tend  more  to  knit  our  affections  than  to  be 
fighting  once  more  side  by  side  in  the  same  cause."  ^ 

His  diplomatic  service,  from  1784:  to  1789,  covered 
an  important  epoch  in  French  history,  and  he  was  a 
most  interested  spectator  of  its  stirring  events.  When 
the  Revolution  came  he  was  more  than  a  spectator. 
He  went  daily  to  Versailles  to  listen  to  the  debates  of 
the  assembly,  was  consulted  by  Lafayette  and  by  the 
leaders  of  the  Revolution,  and  rejoiced  in  the  fall  of  the 
Bastile.  The  British  ambassador,  writing  from  Paris 
in  1789,  says  :  "  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  American  minister 
at  this  court,  has  been  a  great  deal  consulted  by  the 
principal  leaders  of  the  Tiers  Etat ;  and  I  have  great 
reason  to  think  it  was  owing  to  his  advice  that  order 
called  itself  L'Assemblee  Nationale."  Althouo-h  he 
had  strong  sympathy  for  the  revolutionary  movement, 
he  does  not  appear  to  have  lost  his  standing  with  the 
court,  and  was  highly  esteemed  in  diplomatic  circles. 
Of  him,  Daniel  Webster  said  :  "  No  court  in  Europe 
had  at  that  time  in  Paris  a  representative  commanding 
or  enjoying  higher  regard  for  political  knowledge  or 
for  general  attainments,  than  the  minister  of  this  then 
infant  republic." 

During  his  residence  in  Paris,  Mr.  Jefferson  set  an 
example,  often  followed  since,  of  taking  "  a  handsome 

1  10  lb.  277. 


140  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

house  ...  of  considerable  magnificence,"  and  he  Hved 
in  such  style  that  after  spending  his  salary,  "  with  all 
the  aid  he  could  get  from  his  private  fortune,  he  was 
hard  pressed  to  meet  his  expenses."  He  wrote  to  his 
friends  in  Cong-ress  sug'o^esting^  that  an  effort  be  made 
to  increase  his  salary,  but  no  relief  came  from  that 
quarter,  and  it  is  understood  that  his  later  bankruptcy 
dates  its  origin  to  his  life  in  Paris.  It  has  been  seen 
that  John  Adams  found  the  allowances  of  Congress 
were  utterly  inadequate  to  meet  his  expenses  in  London, 
and  such  has  been  the  complaint  of  our  representatives 
at  the  leading  capitals  of  Europe  from  that  day  to  the 
present.  The  parsimony  of  Congress  has  operated  to 
keep  men  of  merit  without  large  private  means  from 
accepting  diplomatic  positions.  Mr.  Calhoun,  for  in- 
stance, was  offered  by  John  Quincy  Adams  the  mission 
to  France,  and  by  President  Polk  the  mission  to  Eng- 
land, but  he  declined  both,  saying  he  was  well  aware 
that  a  long  and  familiar  practical  acquaintance  with 
Europe  was  indispensable  to  complete  the  education  of 
an  American  statesman,  and  regretted  that  his  fortune 
would  not  bear  the  cost  of  it. 

Jefferson's  absence  in  Europe  had  made  him  a  greater 
admirer  than  ever  of  his  own  country.  He  wrote  to 
Monroe,  advising  him  to  visit  France,  because  "  it  will 
make  you  adore  your  own  country,  its  soil,  its  climate, 
its  equality,  liberty,  laws,  people,  and  manners."  ^  He 
predicted  the  emigration  from  Europe  which  our  country 
has  enjoyed  ever  since  his  day.  "  No  man  now  living," 
he  said,  "  will  ever  see  an  instance  of  an  American  re- 

^  4  Writings  of  Jefferson  (Ford),  59. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON   AND   ADAMS.     141 

moving  to  settle  in  Europe  and  continuing  there.  .  .  . 
The  comparison  of  our  governments  with  those  of 
Europe  is  like  a  comparison  of  Heaven  and  Hell. 
England,  like  the  earth,  may  he  allowed  to  take  the 
intermediate  station." 

The  choice  of  Jefferson  to  he  the  head  of  the  first 
Cabinet  seemed  to  be  most  fitting ;  but  it  proved  to  be 
an  unfortunate  selection.  In  his  early  public  career  he 
had  been  brou<rlit  into  antao'onism  with  the  established 
order  of  society  in  his  own  State,  had  taken  the  lead  in 
breaking  down  class  legislation,  had  early  secured  reli- 
gious freedom,  and  from  his  philosophic  turn  of  mind 
had  formed  quite  radical  views  of  social  polity.  His 
residence  in  Paris  during  the  stormy  times  which  up- 
turned the  ancient  order  of  things  and  ushered  in  the 
Revolution,  had  strengthened  his  radical  tendencies. 
He  was  absent  from  the  country  during  the  sessions  of 
the  Constitutional  Convention  and  the  fierce  discussion 
which  preceded  its  adoption,  but  in  his  correspondence 
he  made  severe  criticisms  on  various  of  its  provisions. 
He  has  been  described  by  one  of  his  partisans  as  neither 
an  advocate  nor  an  opponent  of  the  Constitution,  but 
as  one  who  "  looked  upon  that  instrument  rather  as  an 
experiment  than  an  achievement."  ^  His  first  impres- 
sion upon  receipt  of  a  copy  of  the  Constitution  was 
decidedly  unfavorable.  In  a  letter  to  John  Adams  in 
London  he  writes  :  "  How  do  you  like  our  new  Consti- 
tution ?  I  confess  there  are  thinos  in  it  which  staoorer 
my  disposition  to  subscribe  to  what  such  an  assembly 
has  proposed.  .  .  .  Indeed,  I  think  all  the  good  of 

*  Trescot'a  American  Diplomatic  History,  G4. 


142  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

this  new  Constitution  might  have  been  couched  in  three 
or  four  new  articles  to  be  added  to  the  good,  old,  and 
venerable  fabric  [the  Articles  of  Confederation],  which 
should  have  been  preserved  even  as  a  religious  relique."  ^ 
On  the  same  date,  November  13,  1787,  he  wrote  a  re- 
markable letter  to  a  friend  who  had  sent  him  a  copy,  in 
which  he  refers  to  Shays'  rebellion,  which  had  a  decided 
influence  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution. 
He  says  the  convention  was  too  much  impressed  by  this 
insurrection  :  "  God  forbid  we  should  ever  be  twenty 
years  without  such  a  rebellion.  .  .  .  We  have  had  thir- 
teen States  independent  for  eleven  years.  There  has 
been  one  rebellion.  That  comes  to  one  rebellion  in  a 
century  and  a  half  for  each  State.  What  country  ever 
existed  a  century  and  a  half  without  a  rebellion  ?  .  .  . 
What  signifies  a  few  lives  lost  in  a  century  or  two  ? 
The  tree  of  liberty  must  be  refreshed  from  time  to 
time  with  the  blood  of  patriots  and  tyrants.  It  is  its 
natural  manure  ;  "  and  he  refers  to  the  Constitution  as 
*'  a  kite  set  up  to  keep  the  hen-yard  in  order."  ^ 

Such  language  smacks  of  the  period  in  Paris  when 
the  guillotine  was  in  active  oj)eration  ;  but  a  month 
later  he  wrote  to  Madison  in  a  more  moderate  tone, 
and  rested  his  objection  to  the  Constitution  on  two 
points.  The  first  was  the  omission  of  a  bill  of  rights, 
and  the  second,  the  failure  to  provide  for  rotation  in 
office,  and  especially  the  absence  of  a  prohibition  against 
the  reelection  of  the  President.  He  was  not  sure 
whether  it  was  better  to  adopt  the  Constitution  and 
trust  to  procuring  its  amendment,  or  to  have  it  re- 
1  2  Dip.  Cor.  1783-1789,  p.  114.  «  2  lb.  116. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.     143 

jected,  hold  another  convention,  and  frame  one  free 
from  objection.  He  confessed  he  "  was  not  a  friend  to 
a  very  energetic  government.  It  is  always  oppressive."  ^ 
The  opponents  of  the  Constitution  in  Virginia  classed 
him  as  of  their  party ;  but  as  the  discussion  went  on  in 
the  States,  he  came  to  feel  that  it  was  better  to  ratify  the 
Constitution,  and  seek  for  its  amendment  afterwards, 
which  was  the  course  adopted  by  the  less  radical  of  the 
opposition,  and  made  the  new  government  a  certainty. 
It  has  been  a  matter  of  conjecture  by  writers  on  the 
Constitution,  what  might  have  been  its  character  if  a 
man  of  such  radical  views  and  great  personal  influence 
as  Jefferson  had  been  a  member  of  the  convention 
which  framed  it. 

From  the  foregoing  review  and  from  a  study  of  his 
earlier  life,  it  may  readily  be  seen  that  when  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son was  called  to  the  post  of  Secretary  of  State,  his 
views  and  theories  were  not  entirely  in  harmony  with 
the  more  sedate  character  of  Washington,  and  more 
especially  w^ith  the  conservative  tendencies  of  Hamil- 
ton ;  and  the  situation  of  our  relations  with  France  and 
England,  which  developed  soon  after  the  new  govern- 
ment was  organized,  brought  into  marked  contrast  the 
divergent  ideas  of  the  two  men  who  became  the  leaders 
of  the  great  parties  into  which  the  country  was  early 
divided. 

Some  reference  to  the  relations  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  with  the  President  and  his  associates  in  Cabinet, 
although  somewhat  a  departure  from  the  topic  I  have 
in  hand,  may  not  be  out  of  place,  especially  as  illus- 

1  2  lb.  121. 


144  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

trating  the  state  of  politics  of  that  day  and  having  an 
important  influence  on  our  foreign  relations.  Jeffer- 
son was  not  only  one  of  the  first  statesmen  our  coun- 
try has  j^roduced,  but  was  probably  the  most  astute 
politician  of  all  our  history.  He  did  not  scruple  to 
resort  to  expedients  which  would  hardly  be  tolerated  in 
this  day.  His  voluminous  personal  correspondence  and 
the  reading  of  his  private  notes  or  "  Anas  "  show  that 
he  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  model  of  political  morality. 
Hamilton,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  as  the  parties 
began  to  take  shape  after  the  new  government  was  put 
in  operation,  became  the  leader  of  the  Federalists,  and 
Jefferson  of  the  Republicans.  Their  relations,  at  first 
pleasant,  soon  became  strained,  and  for  more  than  three 
years  they  were  known  to  be  bitter  enemies,  though 
members  of  the  same  Cabinet. 

Jefferson,  in  his  intercourse  with  his  friends,  both  in 
conversation  and  in  correspondence,  denounced  Hamil- 
ton in  the  most  merciless  manner.  He  charged  him 
with  being  the  head  of  a  treasonable  conspiracy  to  over- 
throw the  government  and  establish  a  monarchy,  styl- 
ing him  "  a  monarchist  .  .  .  bottomed  on  corruption  ; " 
and  he  repeatedly  declared  that  the  majority  in  Con- 
gress were  corruptly  and  directly  influenced  by  Hamil- 
ton through  his  control  of  the  public  securities  and 
funds.  It  was  much  the  practice  in  those  days  for 
public  men  to  write  for  the  press  under  assumed  names. 
We  have  seen  that  the  articles  which  compose  ''  The 
Federalist  "  originally  appeared  under  fictitious  signa- 
tures. John  Adams,  then  Vice-President,  was  the  au- 
thor of  certain  political  letters  styled  "  Discourses  of 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.     145 

Davila."  These  were  mercilessly  attacked  by  Paine  in 
his  "  Rights  of  Man,"  which  made  its  first  appearance 
in  the  United  States  with  a  prefatory  letter  by  Jeffer- 
son, a  letter  which  the  writer  never  expected  would  be 
published.  This  brought  down  upon  him  the  bitter 
abuse  of  the  Federalists  and  the  religious  writers,  among 
whom  was  John  Quincy  Adams  under  the  nom  de  j^hime 
of  "  Publicola."  Jeli'erson  felt  impelled  to  write  Vice- 
President  Adams  a  letter  of  explanation,  deprecating 
any  quarrel,  and  speaking  with  especial  animosity  and 
contempt  of  the  mischief-maker  "  Publicola,"  the  Vice- 
President's  son. 

The  quarrel  between  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  had  its 
culmination  over  the  conduct  of  one  Freneau,  who  had 
been  given  a  clerkship  in  the  Department  of  State,  and 
■who  published  a  bitter  partisan  newspaper,  full  of 
scurrilous  abuse  of  Hamilton,  and  even  referring  to 
President  Washington  in  most  disrespectful  terms. 
Finally  Hamilton  became  so  exasperated  that  he  wrote 
a  series  of  articles  under  the  guise  of  "  An  American" 
(but  the  authorship  was  illy  concealed),  in  wdiich  he 
bitterly  attacked  Jefferson  for  retaining  in  his  depart- 
ment the  publisher  of  a  newspaper  daily  engaged  in 
defaming  the  President,  and  attacking  the  policy  of 
and  abusing  a  colleague.  The  controversy  became  so 
bitter  that  President  Washington  sought  to  allay  it  by 
writing  each  of  them  a  personal  letter,  appealing  to 
their  patriotism  and  begging  for  concord.^  Hamilton 
replied  with  much  feeling,  but  in  a  dignified  manner." 

1  12  Writings  of  Washington  (Ford),  174. 

2  4  Hamilton's  Works,  303. 


146  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Jefferson  answered  the  President  in  a  much  more 
lengthy  letter,  defending  his  conduct  and  repeating  his 
charges  of  corruption,  conspiracy,  and  treason  which  he 
had  so  often  made  before.^  I  quote  only  one  or  two 
sentences :  "  I  have  never  inquired  what  number  of 
sons,  relatives,  and  friends  of  Senators,  Representatives 
and  printers,  or  other  useful  partisans.  Colonel  Hamil- 
ton has  provided  for  among  the  hundred  clerks  of  his 
department,  the  thousand  excisemen  at  his  nod,  and 
spread  over  the  Union  ;  nor  could  ever  have  imagined 
that  the  man  who  has  the  shuffling  of  millions  back- 
wards and  forwards  from  paper  into  money,  and  money 
into  paper,  from  Europe  to  America,  and  America  to 
Europe  ;  the  dealing  out  of  Treasury  secrets  among  his 
friends  in  what  shape  and  measure  he  pleases ;  and  who 
never  slips  an  occasion  of  making  friends  with  his 
means,  —  that  such  an  one,  I  say,  would  have  brought 
forward  a  charge  against  me  for  having  appointed  the 
poet,  Freneau,  a  translating  clerk  to  my  office  with  a 
salary  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  a  year."  He 
added,  referring  to  Hamilton's  career,  that  "  from  the 
moment  history  could  stoop  to  notice  him,  it  was  a 
tissue  of  machinations  against  the  liberty  of  a  country 
which  had  not  only  received  and  fed  him,  but  heaped 
its  honors  on  his  head." 

Such  a  letter  as  this  would  hardly  be  tolerated  in  our 
time  in  a  politician  of  any  standing,  much  less  a  member 
of  the  Cabinet ;  and  yet  Jefferson  continued  to  hold  the 
post  of  Secretary  of  State  for  more  than  a  year  after  it 
was  written. 

1  6  Writings  of  Jefferson,  101. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND   ADAMS.     147 

Knox,  Secretary  of  War,  always  sided  with  Hamilton. 
Of  Randolph,  the  Attorney-General,  a  fellow-Virginian, 
Jefferson  said :  "  He  always  contrives  to  agree  in 
principle  with  me,  but  in  conclusion  with  the  other 
[Hamilton].  ...  He  generally  gives  his  principles  to 
the  one  party,  and  his  practice  to  the  other ;  the  oyster 
to  one,  the  shell  to  the  other."  ^  Or,  as  he  expressed  it 
on  another  occasion,  referring  to  the  Cabinet  councils, 
"  Our  votes  were  generally  two-and-a-half  against  one- 
and-a-half." 

Freneau,  the  clerk  of  the  Department  of  State  al- 
luded to,  was  a  noted  character  of  that  stormy  j^olitical 
period.  He  had  a  varied  experience ;  was  well  educated 
and  possessed  quite  a  reputation  as  a  poet ;  made  several 
voyages  as  a  sea  captain ;  but  finally  settled  down  as  an 
editor.  With  letters  from  James  Madison,  his  old  col- 
lege friend,  and  other  prominent  Virginians,  he  secured 
an  appointment  from  Secretary  Jefferson  as  clerk  in  the 
Department  of  State,  and  became  the  editor  of  a  news- 
paper which  was  an  organ  of  Jefferson's  party.  His 
bitter  personal  abuse  was  quite  irritating  to  the  Presi- 
dent, as  will  be  seen  from  the  following  extracts  from 
the  notes  of  Jefferson  which  he  afterwards  published. 
At  a  Cabinet  meeting  Washington  observed  :  "  That 
rascal  Freneaii  sent  him  three  copies  of  his  jiapers 
every  day,  as  if  he  thought  he  would  become  the  dis- 
tributer of  his  papers ;  that  he  could  see  in  this  no- 
thing but  an  impudent  design  to  insult  him ;  he  ended 
in  this  high  tone."  ^     Again,  on  another  day :     "  He 

^  G  Writings  of  Jefferson,  251. 
'  1  Writiugs  of  Jefferson,  254. 


148  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

adverted  to  a  piece  in  Freneau's  paper  of  yesterday  ;  he 
said  he  despised  all  their  attacks  on  him  personally. 
.  .  .  He  was  evidently  sore  and  warm,  and  I  took  his 
intention  to  be,  that  I  should  interpose  in  some  way 
with  Freneau,  perhaps  withdraw  his  appointment  of 
translating  clerk  to  my  office.     But  I  will  not  do  it."  ^ 

When  this  vilification  was  going  on  Freneau  made 
oath  that  none  of  the  abusive  articles  were  written  by 
Jefferson  ;  but  later  in  life  he  recanted  this  oath,  and 
said  that  Jefferson  wrote  or  dictated  them,  and  showed 
a  file  of  his  paper  with  the  articles  marked  which  he 
said  were  those  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  His  declara- 
tions are  hardly  worthy  of  credence,  but  it  was  such 
a  man  that  was  retained  in  office  by  a  member  of  the 
Cabinet  while  daily  pouring  out  abuse  upon  the  Presi- 
dent. 

In  establishing  the  foreign  relations  on  a  permanent 
basis,  adjusting  them  to  the  new  federal  government, 
and  meeting  and  disposing  of  the  questions  which  had 
been  transmitted  from  the  Confederation,  and  the  new 
ones  which  were  constantly  arising,  the  Secretary  of 
State  found  much  to  occupy  his  attention,  aside  from 
the  domestic  and  party  questions  in  which  he  was  an 
interested  participant.  His  dispatches  are  valuable,  not 
only  because  they  laid  the  foundation  of  American 
diplomacy,  but  because  they  are  his  own  composition, 
the  work  of  the  department  in  those  days  not  being,  as 
now,  divided  among  the  assistant  secretaries. 

The  first  subject  relating  to  foreign  affairs  which 
called  for  the  action   of  the   Senate   during  the  first 

1  Writings  of  Jefferson,  231. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.     149 

Congress  under  the  Constitution  was  a  consideration  of 
the  consular  treaty  with  France,  which  Mr.  JeiTerson, 
as  minister  in  Paris,  had  negotiated.  The  first  con- 
sular convention  had  been  signed  by  Dr.  Franklin  in 
1784,  but  it  had  been  disapproved  by  the  Continental 
Congress,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  instructed  to 
negotiate  one  free  from  its  objectionable  features.  This 
he  had  done  in  1788,  and  in  the  first  year  of  the  new 
government  it  came  before  the  Senate  for  ratification. 
Mr.  Jay,  still  acting  as  Secretary  of  State,  advised  its 
approval,  though  not  yet  free  from  objection,  and  the 
Senate  gave  its  advice  and  consent  to  its  ratification. 
And  thus  began  the  participation  of  the  Senate  in  the 
long  series  of  treaty  negotiations  of  the  government. 

One  of  the  earliest  effects  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  was  seen  in  the  rapid  improvement  of 
the  public  credit.  In  September,  1789,  Mr.  Jefferson 
reported  from  Paris  to  Secretary  Jay  that  the  credit  of 
the  United  States  at  Amsterdam,  then  the  money  centre 
of  the  world,  had  become  the  first  on  that  exchange, 
England  at  that  time  not  being  a  borrower ;  that  our 
bonds  had  risen  to  99,  theretofore  at  93  ;  that  several 
individuals  and  companies  in  France,  England,  and 
Holland  were  then  negotiating  for  large  parcels  of  our 
debt ;  and  that  in  the  present  state  of  our  credit  every 
dollar  of  the  debt  would  be  transferred  to  Europe  in 
a  short  tirae.^  This  was  in  gratifying  contrast  to  the 
reports  which  he  and  Mr.  Adams  had  been  sending  from 
Europe  a  short  time  before.  Hamilton,  in  his  first 
statement  of  the  public  credit  and  national  debt  called 

'  2  Dip.  Cor.  (1783-89)  326. 


150  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

for  by  Congress,  showed  that  this  foreign  debt  amounted 
to  $11,710,378  ;  that  there  were  arrears  of  interest  to 
the  amount  of  over  a  million  and  a  half  of  dollars  ; 
and  that  several  installments  of  the  French  loan  were 
already  overdue  and  unpaid.  Under  his  skillful  manage- 
ment a  sudden  change  occurred  in  our  financial  status ; 
the  revenues  of  the  government  rapidly  increased  ;  and 
not  only  were  the  arrears  of  interest  wiped  out,  and  the 
future  interest  promptly  met,  but  the  Treasury  was  en- 
abled to  anticipate  and  pay  off  the  entire  indebtedness 
before  it  fell  due. 

No  more  striking  confirmation  could  be  had  of  the 
wisdom  of  a  strong:  federal  s^overnment  under  the 
Constitution.  But  its  healthful  influence  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  public  credit.  Foreign  commerce  assumed 
a  marvelous  expansion ;  the  exports  were  rapidly  in- 
creased ;  shipbuilding  was  greatly  enlarged ;  not  only 
were  American  vessels  seen  in  every  port  in  Europe, 
but  a  profitable  trade  was  opened  with  India,  China, 
and  Russian  America.  The  ship  Columbia,  Captain 
Gray,  to  whose  enterprise  we  are  mainly  and  primarily 
indebted  for  our  Pacific  possessions  by  the  discovery  of 
the  Columbia  River,  in  1791  made  the  first  voyage  of 
an  American  vessel  around  the  world.  The  historian 
of  the  period  writes  :  "  Already  on  almost  every  sea 
the  stars  and  stripes  began  to  wave."  ^ 

Such  were  some  of  the  indications  in  our  foreign 
relations  of  the  new  career  which  was  opening  up  to  the 
country  under  the  reformed  government.  To  Hamil- 
ton, more  than  any  other  single  individual,  is  due  this 

1  4  Hildreth's  History  U.  S.  277. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.    151 

improvement  in  the  public  credit  and  our  commerce. 
We  recall  the  words  of  Daniel  Webster  :  "  The  fal^led 
birth  of  Minerva  from  the  brain  of  Jove  was  hardly 
more  sudden  or  more  perfect  than  that  of  the  financial 
system  of  the  United  States  from  the  conceptions  of 
Alexander  Hamilton."  This  crowning  achievement 
of  his  short  life  fixed  his  place  as  first  in  ability  of 
American  statesmen  of  the  Revolutionary  period,  and 
none  of  his  successors  have  eclipsed  his  fame  in  finance. 
The  diplomatic  service  was  not  fully  organized  until 
1791,  when  Thomas  Pinckney  was  appointed  minister 
to  London,  Gouverneur  Morris  to  Paris,  and  other  re- 
presentatives to  the  Hague,  Lisbon,  and  Madrid.  The 
arrival  of  these  ministers  at  their  posts  found  all 
Europe  on  the  verge  of  the  great  war  which  disturbed 
the  world  for  the  most  part  of  the  next  generation. 
The  overthrow  of  the  monarchy  and  the  excesses  of  the 
French  republicans  were  arraying  against  them  all  the 
powers  of  the  Old  World.  For  a  time  England  held 
aloof,  but  in  1793  against  her  also  war  was  declared 
by  the  Directory.  These  contests  led  to  reprisals,  and 
an  almost  complete  disregard  of  the  rights  of  neutral 
commerce.  The  United  States  was  the  great  sufferer. 
France  appealed  to  the  States  to  support  her  in  the  war 
by  discharging  their  obligations  under  the  treaty  of 
alliance  of  1778,  and  Great  Britain  claimed  that  if  the 
United  States  lent  material  support  to  France,  it  would 
be  tantamount  to  war  against  her.  The  sympathies  of 
the  American  people  were  strongly  in  favor  of  the  ally 
"who  had  so  materially  aided  in  their  independence. 
The  first  impulse  of  the  nation  was  well  expressed  by 


152  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Gouverneiir  Morris,  who  argued  for  the  faithful  com- 
pliance with  the  treaty  with  France,  however  onerous  its 
terms,  in  its  true  intent  and  meaning.  The  honest 
nation,  he  said,  is  that  which,  like  the  honest  man,  — 

"  Hath  to  his  plighted  faith  and  vow  forever  firmly  stood, 
And  tho'  it  promise  to  his  loss,  yet  makes  that  promise  good."  ^ 

But  as  events  rapidly  transpired  a  change  of  senti- 
ment was  wrought  in  the  United  States.  The  bloody 
excesses  of  the  revolutionists,  the  execution  of  the  king, 
who  was  held  in  high  esteem  as  our  best  friend  during 
the  war  of  independence,  and  the  disregard  of  our 
commercial  neutrality,  led  to  a  feeling  that  the  French 
government  of  the  day  had  no  claim  on  us  as  an  ally. 
It  was  held  that  the  Revolution  had  destroyed  the 
France  with  which  the  treaty  of  alliance  was  made,  and 
that  under  the  circumstances  there  was  no  obligation 
resting  on  us  to  t^ke  part  in  her  aggressive  wars.  The 
existing  government,  on  declaring  war  against  Austria, 
had  claimed  the  right,  under  the  circumstances,  of  de- 
termining for  itself  what  treaties  of  the  old  monarchy 
it  would  accept  and  what  reject.  Excitement  ran  high 
in  the  United  States,  and  the  country  was  divided  be- 
tween the  partisans  of  France  and  those  who  believed 
we  should  take  no  part  in  the  conflict. 

The  Cabinet,  sharing  the  public  sentiment,  was  also 
divided  on  the  subject.  Washington  called  for  the 
opinion  in  writing  of  its  members.  Hamilton  contended 
that  as  the  war  on  the  part  of  France  was  aggressive, 
and  as  the  government  of  that  country  ^ith  whom  we 
had  made  the  treaties  had  been  overthrown,  we  were 

1  3  Sparks's  G.  Morris,  264. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.    153 

not  bound  by  theni.^  JeiTerson,  an  enthusiastic  cham- 
pion of  the  French  revohitionists,  took  the  opposite 
ground,  and  hold  that  the  treaty  was  in  force  and 
should  be  observed  by  us.^  Hamilton,  in  order  to  'win 
the  country  to  his  view,  published  a  series  of  articles 
under  an  assumed  name.  Jefferson  wrote  Madison  in- 
forming him  that  Hamilton  was  the  author  of  these 
articles,  and  begged  him  to  reply.  He  said :  "  For 
God's  sake,  my  dear  sir,  take  up  your  pen  and  cut  him 
to  pieces  in  the  face  of  the  public.  There  is  nobody 
who  can  and  will  enter  the  lists  with  him."  ^  Madison, 
to  please  his  friend,  undertook  the  task,  and  the  two 
men  who  had  stood  together  as  collaborators  of  "  The 
Federalist"  were  now  violently  assailing  each  other's 
views  in  the  press  under  the  assumed  names  of  "  Paci- 
ficus  "  and  "  Helvidius." 

The  arrival  in  the  country  of  a  minister  from  the 
French  Directory,  in  the  person  of  M.  Genet,  brought 
the  question  to  an  issue.  He  landed  in  Charleston,  and 
at  once  set  to  work  organizing  public  opinion,  enlisting 
men,  equipping  vessels,  and  commissioning  privateers, 
as  if  the  United  States  had  declared  itself  the  ally  of 
France  against  England.  Every  remonstrance  of  Wash- 
ington's "'overnment  brousfht  forth  a  more  unreason- 
able  and  extravagant  reply  from  the  minister,  until 
finally  his  language  and  his  conduct  forced  the  Presi- 
dent to  suspend  his  diplomatic  functions,  and  ask  for 
his  recall. 

The  crisis  became  so  intense  that  Washington,  in  the 

1  4  Hamilton's  Works,  362. 

«  6  Writings  of  Jefferson,  218.  »  lb.  338. 


154  A  CENTURY  OF  Al^IERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

face  of  the  divided  counsels  of  his  Cabinet,  took  his 
resolution  to  issue  a  proclamation  of  neutraHty,  and 
the  preparation  of  the  document  was  intrusted  to  the 
Attorney-General,  Mr.  Randolph,  who  framed  a  paper 
which  has  had  a  greater  influence  in  moulding  inter- 
national law  than  any  single  document  of  the  last 
hundred  years.^  The  paper  itself  is  a  simple  announce- 
ment of  the  neutral  attitude  of  the  United  States,  and 
a  warning  to  American  citizens  to  observe  it,  but  its 
influence  is  in  the  significance  of  the  act  under  the 
embarrassing  circumstances  surrounding  the  govern- 
ment, the  strict  impartiality  of  its  enforcement,  and  the 
resulting  legislation  of  Congress,  which  became  a  model 
for  all  other  nations. 

The  authorship  of  the  proclamation  has  been  attrib- 
uted to  Mr.  Jay,  then  chief  justice,  but  the  claim  does 
not  appear  to  be  well  founded.  Mr.  Hamilton  wrote 
to  Jay,  April  9,  1793,  stating  that  a  declaration  of 
neutrality  was  being  considered,  and  asked  him,  if  he 
thought  it  prudent,  to  prepare  a  draft  of  a  proclamation. 
Jay  complied  with  the  request  April  11,  but  it  was  not 
the  one  that  was  issued,  being  much  more  voluminous. 
Jefferson  wrote  to  Madison,  June  23,  that  "  the  drawing 
of  the  instrument  was  left  to  E.  R."  (Randolph),  who 
doubtless  had  the  benefit  of  Jay's  draft.^ 

The  proclamation,  as  indicated,  met  with  strong  dis- 
approval from  a  large  party  in  the  United  States. 
Madison  expressed  his  extreme  regret  at  the  President's 

^  1  Richardson's  Messages,  156. 

'  1  Schouler's   History  U.    S.  2G3  ;   3  John  Jay's  Works  (Johnston, 
1891),  473,  474  ;  6  Writings  of  Jefferson,  316. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  AD.UIS.    155 

action,  and  declared  :  "  The  proclamation  was,  in  truth, 
a  most  unfortunate  error.  ...  It  will  be  a  millstone, 
which  would  sink  any  other  character  "  '  (than  Wash- 
ing-ton). Jefferson,  in  his  private  correspondence,  ex- 
pressed his  disgust  at  the  proclamation,  which  he  char- 
acterized as  an  act  of  pusillanimity  ; '  but  it  is  due  to 
him  to  say  that  in  his  official  relations  he  sustained  the 
principle  as  a  correct  policy  of  government,  and  his 
state  papers  on  the  subject  are  a  clear  and  forcible 
statement  of  the  attitude  of  the  administration. 

The  power  of  the  President  to  issue  such  a  procla- 
mation based  upon  the  principles  of  international  law, 
without  any  domestic  legislation  respecting  offenses 
against  neutrality,  was  seriously  questioned,  and  the 
next  year,  in  1794,  an  act  ^  was  passed  defining  what 
were  offenses  against  neutrality  and  affixing  penalties 
therefor.  During  the  revolt  of  the  Spanish-American 
colonies  so  much  trouble  was  occasioned  thereby  to  the 
United  States  authorities  that  the  law  was  carefully 
revised  in  1818,*  and  it  has  since  practically  remained 
unaltered.  This  law  forbids  any  person  to  enlist  within 
the  United  States,  to  serve  against  a  country  at  peace 
with  the  United  States ;  to  fit  out  or  aid  in  fitting  out 
vessels;  or  to  set  on  foot,  or  prepare  the  means  to 
set  on  foot,  any  military  expedition  against  a  friendly 
nation.  It,  however,  does  not  prohibit  the  sale  and 
shipment  of  arms  or  warlike  supplies,  this  being  recog- 
nized as  a  legitimate  commercial  enterprise,  but  such 

1  1  Madison's  Works  (18G5),  584. 

2  4  Writings  of  Jefferson,  259.  '  1  Statutes  at  Large,  38. 
♦  3  lb.  447. 


156  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

articles  become  subject  to  confiscation  by  the  belliger- 
ents as  contraband  o£  war. 

Canning,  the  British  statesman,  gave  the  following 
testimony  to  the  action  of  Washington,  in  ParHament 
in  1823 :  "  If  I  wished  for  a  guide  in  a  system  of  neu- 
trality, I  should  take  that  laid  down  by  America  in  the 
days  of  the  presidency  of  Washington  and  the  secretary- 
ship of  Jefferson."  Hall,  one  of  the  latest  English 
writers  on  international  law,  says  :  "  The  policy  of  the 
United  States  in  1793  constitutes  an  epoch  in  the  devel- 
opment of  the  usages  of  neutrality.  ...  It  represented 
by  far  the  most  advanced  existing  opinions  as  to  what 
the  obligations  [of  neutrality]  were.  ...  In  the  main 
it  is  identical  with  the  standard  of  conduct  which  is 
now  adopted  by  the  community  of  nations."  ^ 

The  intemperate  conduct  of  the  French  minister. 
Genet,  had  a  marked  influence  in  bringing  about  the 
decided  stand  of  the  government  in  favor  of  an  impar- 
tial neutrality,  and  in  securing  for  it  the  support  of  the 
country.  A  more  moderate  and  discreet  course  on  his 
part  would  have  made  it  difficult  to  ignore  the  treaty 
of  alliance  as  interpreted  by  the  French  republican  gov- 
ernment. When  our  government  gave  notice  of  the 
termination  of  his  mission,  he  turned  even  upon  his 
friends  in  America  who  had  favored  his  cause,  and, 
among  others,  he  charged  Jefferson  with  duplicity,  by 
encouraging  his  course  in  private  and  finally  abandon- 
ing him  officially.  He  was  recalled  by  his  government, 
and,  as  meanwhile  a  new  regime  had  been  installed  in 
France,  he  was  denounced  by  it  as  a  public  enemy,  and 

*  Hall's  International  Law,  3d  ed.  594. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.    157 

our  government  was  asked  to  surrender  him,  but  it  de- 
clined. He  never  returned  to  his  native  land ;  he  had 
married  a  daughter  of  George  Clinton,  then  governor 
of  New  York  and  afterwards  vice-president  of  the 
United  States ;  after  dismissal  from  his  post  as  minister 
he  became  a  naturalized  citizen  of  this  country,  and 
died  here  in  1834. 

It  is  now  plain  that  the  neutrality  proclamation  of 
the  President  was  a  most  wise  and  necessary  act  —  one 
of  the  most  important  in  the  history  of  the  country,  as 
it  was  the  inauguration  of  a  principle  of  international 
law  and  governmental  practice  which  has  won  for  us 
the  respect  of  the  world  and  contributed  very  materi- 
ally to  our  national  prosperity.  But  it  was  adopted 
against  the  advice  of  many  of  the  most  prominent  and 
able  of  our  public  men,  and  subjected  the  President  to 
bitter  abuse  and  calumny.  It  afforded  the  State  De- 
partment clerk,  Freneau,  a  fine  opportunity.  The  Pre- 
sident, he  said,  was  fast  debauching  the  country.  He 
was  seeking  a  crown.  He  was  passing  himself  off  as 
an  honest  man.  Jefferson  records  that  in  the  Cabinet 
Secretary  Knox  spoke  of  one  of  those  libels.  In  a 
moment  the  face  of  Washington  put  on  an  expression 
which  it  was  seldom  given  to  his  friends  to  see.  "  He 
got  into  one  of  those  passions  when  he  cannot  com- 
mand himself ;  ran  on  much  on  the  personal  abuse 
which  had  been  bestowed  on  him  ;  and  defied  any  man 
on  earth  to  produce  one  single  act  of  his  since  he  had 
been  in  the  "-overnment  which  was  not  done  on  the 

o 

purest  motives ;  that  he  had  never  repented  but  once 
the  having  slipped  the  moment  of  resigning  his  office, 


158  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

and  that  was  every  moment  since ;  that  by  G — !  he 
had  rather  be  in  his  grave  than  in  his  present  situation  ; 
that  he  had  rather  be  on  his  farm  than  to  be  made  Em- 
peror of  the  world ;  and  yet  they  were  charging  him 
with  wanting  to  be  a  king."  ^ 

Jefferson's  position  in  the  Cabinet  finally  became  so 
inconsistent,  and  the  constant  bickerings  with  his  col- 
leagues so  embarrassing,  that,  wearied  with  the  contest, 
he  tendered  his  resignation  in  December,  1793,  and  he 
was  succeeded  by  Edmund  Randolph,  whom,  as  a  col- 
league in  the  Cabinet,  he  had  so  severely  criticised. 

This  action  on  his  part  was  hastened  by  the  known 
resolution  of  the  President  to  bring  about  a  better  state 
of  relations  with  Great  Britain.  These  relations  had 
become  so  complicated  with  those  of  both  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  to  France  that  our  negotiations 
with  these  courts  were  made  in  a  great  degree  depend- 
ent upon  each  other.  The  two  countries,  at  war  with 
each  other,  were  preying  upon  American  commerce,  and 
seeking  to  force  us  into  an  attitude  of  hostility  to  the 
one  or  the  other.  The  proclamation  of  neutrality  was 
an  indication  to  France  that  we  could  not  become  her 
ally,  and  it  left  her  rulers  in  an  angry  mood.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  arbitrary  and  unfriendly  conduct  of 
Great  Britain  had  created  in  this  country  the  most  in- 
tense bitterness  of  feeling.  The  treaty  of  peace  of 
1783  had  never  been  complied  with  by  either  side  in 
its  exact  terms,  and  new  and  perplexing  questions  as  to 
commerce  had  arisen.  The  British  government  had 
not   sent   a  diplomatic   representative   to   the   United 

1  1  Writings  of  Jefferson,  491. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.    159 

States  after  the  treaty  of  peace.  In  1788,  when  Mr. 
Adams  was  about  leaving  London,  he  was  given  to 
understand  that  until  a  national  government  was  es- 
tablished capable  of  enforcing  its  obligations,  it  was 
useless  to  send  a  minister.  But  no  minister  was  sent 
to  the  United  States  till  three  years  after  the  Constitu- 
tion had  been  adopted,  and  after  he  arrived  it  was 
found  that  he  had  no  authority  to  conclude  a  treaty.^ 
President  Washington,  thereupon,  and  contrary  to  the 
advice  of  Jefferson,  decided  to  send  a  special  envoy 
to  London,  and  in  communicating  his  reasons  to  the 
Senate  he  called  attention  to  the  very  serious  aspect 
of  affairs.  "  But,"  he  said,  "  as  peace  ought  to  be  pur- 
sued wath  unremitting  zeal,  before  the  last  resource, 
which  has  so  often  been  the  scourge  of  nations,  and 
cannot  fail  to  check  the  advanced  prosperity  of  the 
United  States,  I  have  thought  proper  to  nominate,  and 
do  hereby  nominate,  John  Jay  as  Envoy  Extraordinary 
of  the  United  States  to  His  Britannic  Majesty.  My 
confidence  in  our  minister  plenipotentiary  in  London 
continues  undiminished.  But  a  mission  like  this,  while 
it  corresponds  with  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion,  will 
announce  to  the  world  a  solicitude  for  the  friendly 
adjustment  of  our  complaints,  and  a  reluctance  to  hos- 
tility. Going  immediately  from  the  United  States, 
such  an  envoy  will  carry  with  him  a  full  knowledge  of 
the   existing  temper  and   sensibility  of   our    country ; 

^  The  first  British  minister  to  the  United  States  was  George  Ham- 
mond, received  in  October,  1791.  He  had  been  secretary  to  the  British 
commissioner  in  Paris  who  negotiated  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783,  and 
at  the  time  of  his  appointment  he  was  secretary  of  the  British  legation 
at  Madi-id. 


160  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

and  "will  thus  be  tauo^ht  to  vindicate  our  rior-hts  with 
firmness,  and  to  cultivate  peace  with  sincerity."  ^ 

The  appointment  of  a  special  envoy,  while  not  infre- 
quent, is  always  exceptional  in  its  character,  and  only 
resorted  to  under  the  pressure  of  urgent  necessity. 
Thomas  Pinckney,  the  accredited  minister,  a  man  of 
high  character  and  ability,  in  announcing  Mr.  Jay's 
arrival  in  London,  wrote  the  Secretary  of  State  with 
frankness  :  "  With  respect  to  this  gentleman's  mission, 
as  it  personally  concerns  me,  if  I  were  to  say  I  had  no 
unpleasant  feeling  on  the  occasion,  I  should  not  be  sin- 
cere ;  but  the  sincerity  with  which  I  make  this  declara- 
tion will,  I  trust,  entitle  me  to  credit,  when  I  add  that 
I  am  convinced  of  the  expediency  of  adopting  any 
honorable  measures  which  may  tend  to  avert  the  calam- 
ities of  war,  or,  by  its  failure,  cement  our  union  at 
home." "  And  he  concluded  with  the  assurance  of  all 
possible  assistance  to  Mr.  Jay  in  his  negotiations,  and 
he  faithfully  kept  his  word. 

Jay's  nomination  met  with  much  opposition  in  the 
Senate,  and  was  publicly  denounced  as  unwise.  The 
fact  that  as  chief  justice  he  might  be  called  to  pass 
upon  his  own  treaty  was  urged  against  him ;  and  it  was 
stated  that  as  secretary  of  state  he  had  conceded  the 
position  of  Great  Britain  to  be  correct  as  to  the  unful- 
filled articles  of  the  treaty  of  peace.  A  storm  of  dis- 
approval followed  the  appointment,  and  it  was  predicted 
his  mission  would  end  in  failure  and  new  humiliation. 
He  had  received  elaborate  instructions  from  the  Secre- 

^  1  Richardson's  Messages,  153. 
2  Trescot's  Am.  Dip.  Hist.  106. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND   AD.UIS.     161 

tary  o£  State,  but  soon  after  his  arrival  in  London  he 
found  that  the  terms  desired  by  our  government  could 
not  be  obtained,  and  he  was  on  the  point  of  breaking 
off  negotiations.  A  more  favorable  situation,  however, 
developed,  and  the  treaty  was  agreed  upon  and  signed. 
When  it  reached  the  United  States  it  proved  a  disap- 
pointment even  to  the  supporters  of  Jay's  appointment, 
as  we  secured  none  of  the  points  contended  for  but  the 
evacuation  of  the  posts  which  had  been  held  by  the 
British  since  the  war,  and  a  concession  as  to  the  West 
India  trade  which  the  Senate  rejected  as  of  doubtful 
value. 

The  question  of  its  ratification  precipitated  the  most 
dangerous  crisis  through  which  the  country  has  passed 
up  to  the  Civil  War.  Of  this  crisis  John  Quincy 
Adams  has  said,  it  "brought  on  the  severest  trial 
which  the  character  of  Washington  and  the  fortunes 
of  our  country  have  ever  passed  through.  No  period 
of  the  War  of  Independence,  no  other  emergency  of 
our  history  since  its  close,  not  even  the  ordeal  of  estab- 
lishing the  Constitution  .  .  .  has  convulsed  to  its  in- 
most fibres  the  political  associations  of  the  North 
American  people  with  such  excruciating  agonies  as  the 
consummation  and  fulfillment  of  this  great  national 
composition  of  the  conflicting  rights,  interests,  and  pre- 
tensions of  this  country  and  Great  Britain." 

After  a  heated  debate  in  secret  session,  the  treaty 
was  ratified  in  the  Senate  on  party  lines  by  the  exact 
two  thirds  vote  required  by  the  Constitution.  While 
it  was  awaiting  the  President's  approval,  a  copy  of  the 
treaty  was   furnished   to  the  press  by  a  senator  from 


162  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Virginia,  whicli  unauthorized  act  was  tlie  distinguish- 
ing event  of  his  career  and  saved  his  name  from  ob- 
scurity. At  once  the  whole  country  was  thrown  into 
a  ferment  of  intense  excitement.  The  partisans  of 
France  and  the  enemies  of  England  swept  the  land 
with  an  overwhelming  sentiment  against  the  treaty. 
Jay  was  burned  in  effigy  North  and  South.  Hamilton 
was  stoned,  and,  with  blood  streaming  from  his  face, 
was  driven  from  the  stand  in  his  own  city  when  he 
attempted  to  defend  the  treaty.  A  copy  of  it  was 
burned  before  the  British  minister's  house  with  riotous 
demonstrations.  Party  spirit  never  before  or  since 
probably  ran  so  high.  Nothing  but  the  imperturbable 
temper  of  Washington  and  the  hold  which  he  had 
upon  the  affections  and  confidence  of  the  American 
people  kept  us  from  internal  strife  or  war  with  Eng- 
land. 

The  President,  although  not  greatly  pleased  with 
the  treaty,  had  determined  to  sign  it,  when  a  denoue- 
ment occurred  which  hastened  his  approval  and  brought 
about  the  downfall  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  A  vessel 
carrying  dispatches  from  the  French  minister  in  the 
United  States  had  been  captured  by  a  British  man-of- 
war,  the  dispatches  were  sent  by  the  London  Foreign 
Office  to  the  British  minister  in  Washington,  and  one 
of  these  documents,  seriously  implicating  Mr.  Randolph, 
was  put  into  the  hands  of  a  member  of  the  Cabinet. 
In  this  paper  the  French  minister,  Fauchet,  gave  an 
account  to  his  government  of  the  relations  existing 
between  him  and  the  American  Secretary  of  State,  and 
he  narrates  what  he  terms  "  the  precious  confessions  " 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  \^  ASIIINGTON  AND  ADAMS.     103 

of  the  secretary,  which,  if  true,  showed  that  the  latter 
had  been  guilty  of  treachery  to  his  country  or  to  the 
President,  was  conspiring  with  the  minister  to  defeat 
the  treaty,  and  had  made  corrupt  propositions  for  the 
use  of  French  money  in  the  United  States. 

Although  Randolph  had  been  for  many  years  his 
intimate  and  trusted  friend,  the  President  on  reading 
the  dispatch  seemed  to  be  satisfied  of  the  former's 
guilt.  As  soon  as  the  Cabinet  could  be  assembled  a 
meeting  was  held,  and,  Randolph  alone  dissenting,  it 
was  decided  that  the  treaty  should  be  ratified.  The 
act  of  signing  the  ratification  took  place  two  days 
after,  and  when  the  notification  of  that  act  was  sent 
to  the  British  government,  and  within  a  week  another 
meeting  of  the  Cabinet  was  called,  and,  in  the  presence 
of  all  the  members,  the  President  handed  Randolph 
the  Fauchet  dispatch,  asked  him  first  to  read  it,  and 
then  make  such  explanations  as  he  desired.  His  expla- 
nations were  brief,  he  retired  from  the  meeting,  and 
immediately  sent  his  resignation  to  the  President. 

The  episode  was  the  subject  of  much  correspond- 
ence, publication,  and  discussion  at  the  time,  and  it  has 
been  revived  in  recent  years.  Randolph  went  out  of 
office  a  disgraced  man,  notwithstanding  the  lengthy 
"  vindication  "  of  his  conduct  which  he  published  soon 
after  his  resignation  ;  ^  but  time  and  investigation  have 
somewhat  modified  the  adverse  judgment  of  his  day. 
After  reading  his  "vindication,"  Madison  wrote:  "His 
greatest  enemies  will  not  easily  persuade  themselves 
that  he  was  under  a  corrupt  influence   of  France,  and 

1  A  Vindication  of  Mr.  Randolph's  Resignation,  Philadelphia,  1795. 


164  A   CENTCRY   OF   AMEEI  TAN   DIPLOMACY. 

his  best  friends  cannot  save  him  from  the  self-condem- 
nation of  his  political  career."  ^  There  is  no  doubt  that 
the  French  minister  interwove  with  what  he  termed 
Randolph's '•' confessions  "  much  of  his  own  narrative 
of  the  events  of  that  exciting  period,  and  sought  to 
exaggerate  the  importance  of  the  communication  to  his 
own  benefit  with  his  government."  Randolph's  vindi- 
cation and  the  contemporary  correspondence,  however, 
made  it  clear  that  he  acted  with  great  indiscretion,  and 
with  little  less  than  treachery  towards  the  President 
and  his  colleagues.  But  his  conduct  must  be  judged 
in  the  light  of  the  time. 

A  perur5al  of  the  biographies  and  correspondence  of 
the  first  generation  of  our  national  history  shows  that 
some  advance  has  been  made  since  that  day  in  political 
and  party  ethics.  Nothing  more  fully  illustrates  this 
than  Mr.  Jefferson's  life  and  letters.  To  one  familiar 
with  his  acts  and  correspondence,  it  does  not  seem 
strange  that  ]Mr.  Randolph,  a  much  weaker  man, 
should  be  ensfa^-ed  in  machinations  ag'ainst  his  col- 
leaofues  in  the  Cabinet,  or  in  seeking-  to  defeat  the 
policy  of  the  administration.  And  there  is  some  pal- 
liation for  his  relations  with  the  French  minister,  when 
it  is  known  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  at 
the  same  time  maintaining  with  the  British  minister 
relations  not  very  dissimilar  in  character ;  and  when 
there  is  strong  eWdence  to  believe  that  only  a  little 
later  the  commander  of  the  American  army  was  in  the 
pay  of  the  Spanish  government  and  a  vice-president  in 

'  For  Faachet's  dispatch,  see  Randolph's  T indication,  41. 
2  2  Madison's  Works,  74. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.     1G5 

communication  with  diplomats  in  Washington  to  dis- 
memher  the  country. 

'  Of  the  Jay  treaty,  which  created  all  this  excitement 
and  discussion,  the  best  defense  ever  made  of  it  was  by 
its  negotiator,  that  there  was  "  no  reason  to  believe  or 
conjecture  that  one  more  favorable  to  us  was  attain- 
able." While  the  treaty  failed  to  secure  most  of  the 
objects  for  which  the  negotiations  were  initiated,  it 
proved  of  immense  benefit  to  the  country.  So  long  as 
British  troops  remained  on  our  soil,  it  was  not  possible 
to  resent  the  insolent  tone  of  the  French  Directory  or 
its  exacting  demands.  The  treaty  removed  the  danger 
of  a  war  with  England,  and  left  us  free  to  follow  up 
with  more  independence  the  negotiations  with  France. 
It  redounds  greatly  to  the  credit  of  the  administration 
of  Washington  that  it  had  the  wisdom  to  make  the  ad- 
justment and  the  courage  to  ratify  and  proclaim  it  in 
the  face  of  the  strong  opposing  public  sentiment. 

While  it  was  a  disappointment  to  the  country,  it 
possessed  a  number  of  valuable  features,  and  as  the  first 
treaty  negotiated  under  the  new  government  it  marked 
a  distinct  advance  in  international  practice.  It  sought, 
as  far  as  the  British  system  of  that  day  would  permit, 
to  establish  reciprocal  conditions  of  trade  ;  it  contained 
our  first  treaty  provision  for  the  extradition  of  crimi- 
nals ;  it  sought  to  ameliorate  the  harshness  of  war  and 
make  more  clear  neutral  rights ;  and  it  provided  for 
the  settlement  of  certain  differences  by  arbitration,  one 
of  the  results  of  which  was  that  American  merchants 
and  shipowners  received  ^6,000,000  for  damages  suf- 
fered at  the  hands  of  British  officials. 


166  A   CENTURY   OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

An  incident  connected  with  the  treaty  has  a  curious 
interest  in  this  day.  By  the  rejected  article  twelve, 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  British  West  Indies^ 
was  to  be  permitted  under  certain  conditions,  one  of 
which  was  that  Americans  were  forbidden  to  carry, 
among  other  products,  cotton  to  any  part  of  the  world 
except  from  those  islands  to  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Jay  seemed  to  have  been  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  cotton 
was  then  beginning  to  be  a  product  of  the  Southern 
States,  but  his  want  of  knowledge  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at  when  a  member  from  South  Carolina  in  the  First 
Congress  observed  that  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States  were  contemplating  the  cultivation  of  cotton, 
"  and  if  good  seed  could  be  procured,  he  believed  they 
might  succeed." 

The  year  before  this  treaty  was  signed  an  important 
event  occurred  destined  to  have  an  important  and  far- 
reaching  influence  on  the  United  States.  This  was  the 
invention  by  Eli  Whitney  of  the  cotton-gin.  The 
excessive  labor  required  to  separate  the  cotton  fibre 
from  the  seed  had  made  it  an  unprofitable  product,  but 
this  difficulty  overcome  and  the  great  manufacturing 
development  in  England  having  largely  increased  the 
demand,  cotton  soon  became  the  most  profitable  crop 
of  the  Southern  States.  The  importation  of  slaves  was 
soon  by  law  to  come  to  an  end,  and  the  public  men  of 
most  of  the  States  were  looking  forward  to  the  ultimate 
extinction  of  the  institution.  But  the  conditions  noticed 
gradually  changed  the  situation.  Before  a  generation 
was  passed  "  cotton  was  king  ;  "  breeding  of  slaves  was 
profitable  in  the  middle  Southern  States  j  and  the  in- 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.    1G7 

stitution  of  slavery  became  so  fixed  that  only  a  terrible 
civil  war  could  destroy  it,  and  restore  the  nation  to  the 
path  marked  out  for  it  by  its  founders.^ 

The  Jay  treaty,  as  amended  by  the  Senate,  was 
accepted  by  Great  Britain,  and  proclaimed  by  the  Presi- 
dent as  the  law  of  the  land,  and  then  communicated  to 
Conjrress.  This  led  to  a  resolution  offered  in  the  House 
requesting  the  President  to  communicate  to  it  his 
instructions  to  Jay,  and  the  correspondence  and  other 
documents  connected  with  the  negotiations,  and  it 
precipitated  a  lengthy  debate.  Under  the  treaty  it 
became  necessary  for  Congress  to  make  an  appropria- 
tion to  carry  certain  of  its  provisions  into  effect,  but 
the  debate,  in  its  first  stage,  turned  upon  the  right  of 
the  House  to  call  for  such  papers,  and,  upon  inquiry, 
the  mover  of  the  resolution  stated  that  it  was  his  firm 

*  In  the  early  years  of  our  history,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Patent  Office 
was  attached  to  the  Department  of  State,  and  Mr.  Whitney  accordingly 
filed  his  application  in  that  department  for  a  patent.  Mr.  Jefferson, 
Secretary  of  State,  in  acknowledging  its  receipt  and  asking  for  some 
further  details  required  by  the  rules,  inserted  in  his  letter  such  personal 
interest  in  the  invention  that,  in  the  light  of  our  subsequent  history,  it 
is  worthy  of  reproduction.  He  wrote  :  "  As  the  State  of  Virginia,  of 
which  I  am,  carries  on  manufactures  of  cotton  to  a  great  extent,  as  I  also 
do  myself,  and  as  one  of  our  greatest  embarrassments  is  the  cleaning  of 
the  cotton  of  the  seed,  I  feel  a  considerable  interest  in  the  success  of  your 
invention,  for  family  use.  Permit  me  therefore  to  ask  information  from 
you  on  these  points.  Has  the  machine  been  thoroughly  tried  in  the 
ginning  of  cotton,  or  is  it  as  yet  but  a  machine  of  theory  ?  What  quan- 
tity of  cotton  has  it  cleaned  on  an  average  of  several  days,  and  worked 
by  hand,  and  by  how  many  hands  ?  What  will  be  the  cost  of  one  of 
them  made  to  be  worked  by  hand  ?  Favorable  answers  to  these  ques- 
tions would  induce  me  to  engage  one  of  them  to  be  forwarded  to  Rich- 
mond for  me."  Mr.  Jefferson  to  Eli  Whitney,  Nov.  16,  1793.  6  Writ- 
ings of  Jefferson,  418. 


168  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

conviction  that  the  House  was  vested  with  a  dis- 
cretionary power  whether  or  not  to  carry  a  treaty  into 
effect ;  and  to  this  question  the  debate  in  the  first 
instance  was  addressed. 

After  a  very  animated  discussion  continuing  three 
weeks,  the  resolution  was  carried  and  transmitted  to  the 
President.  He  sent  a  message  to  the  House  declining 
to  comply  with  the  resolution,  in  which  he  stated  his 
conviction  that  the  assent  of  the  House  was  not  neces- 
sary to  the  validity  of  a  treaty.^  This  subject  was 
renewed  upon  a  motion  for  an  appropriation  to  execute 
the  treaty,  and  upon  this  another  long  discussion 
occurred  upon  the  merits  of  the  treaty.  The  debate 
occasioned  intense  interest  and  anxiety  in  the  country, 
as  the  fate  of  the  treaty  and  the  peace  of  the  nation 
seemed  still  to  rest,  not  upon  the  ratification  of  the 
Senate  and  the  proclamation  of  the  President,  but  upon 
the  ultimate  action  of  the  House.  Of  this  debate 
Chief  Justice  Marshall  wrote  :  "  At  no  time  perhaps 
had  the  members  of  the  national  legislature  been 
stimulated  to  great  exertions  by  stronger  feelings  than 
impelled  them  on  this  occasion.  Never  had  a  greater 
display  been  made  of  argument,  of  eloquence,  and  of 
passion."  ^  The  leading  speech  on  the  Republican 
side,  claiming  the  right  of  the  House  to  pass  upon  a 
treaty,  was  made  by  Albert  Gallatin,  which  Jefferson  said 
was  worthy  of  being  included  in  "  The  Federalist."  ^ 

^  1  Richardson's  Messages,  194. 
2  2  Marshall's  Washington  (1848),  383. 
*  7  "Writings  of  JefFerson,  68. 

For  report  of  debates  on  the  Jay  Treaty,  see  Annals  of  Congress,  4th 
Congress,  1st  Session. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.     1G9 

The  debate  was  closed  for  the  Federalists,  who  sup 
ported  the  President,  by  Fisher  Ames,  a  man  of  great 
oratorical  powers.  The  Vice-President,  John  Adams, 
in  a  letter  to  his  wife,  reports  the  impression  made  on 
him  and  his  companion,  one  of  the  justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court :  "  Judge  Iredell  and  I  happened  to 
sit  together.  Our  feelings  beat  in  unison.  '  My  God  ! 
how  great  he  is,'  says  Iredell.  .  .  .  '  Noble ! '  said  I. 
After  some  time,  Iredell  broke  out,  '  Bless  my  stars  ! 
I  never  heard  anything  so  great  since  I  was  born.' 
*  Divine  ! '  said  I ;  and  thus  we  went  on  with  our  inter- 
jections, not  to  say  tears,  to  the  end." 

The  opposition  were  not  content  to  have  the  vote 
taken  after  such  a  speech,  and  an  adjournment  was 
had,  but  the  necessary  appropriation  was  made,  by  the 
close  vote,  however,  of  51  to  48.  For  the  time  the 
question  was  settled,  but  it  has  several  times  arisen  in 
Congress  in  later  years,  as  we  shall  see  in  succeeding 
chapters.  Mr.  Jefferson,  when  Secretary  of  State,  had 
given  an  opinion  to  the  President  that  a  treaty,  without 
any  further  action  of  Congress,  operated  to  modify 
duties  on  imports,  as  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 
But  on  the  present  question  he  reversed  this  opinion, 
and  held,  with  his  party  friends,  that  when  a  treaty 
"  included  matter  confided  by  the  Constitution  to  the 
three  branches  of  the  legislature,  an  act  of  legislation 
will  be  requisite  to  confirm  these  articles  ;  that  the 
House  of  Representatives,  as  one  branch  of  the  legis- 
lature, is  perfectly  free  to  pass  the  act  or  refuse  it."  * 
In  a   very  intemperate  letter  to  Madison   during  the 

1  7  Writings  of  Jefferson,  67. 


170  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

debate,  he  said  he  could  not  see  "  much  harm  in  anni- 
hilating the  whole  treaty-making  power,  except  as  to 
making  peace  j "  and,  expressing  his  strong  condem- 
nation of  the  conduct  of  President  Washington  respect- 
ing the  treaty,  he  adds :  "  I  wish  that  his  honesty 
and  his  political  errors  may  not  furnish  a  second  occa- 
sion to  exclaim,  ^  Curse  on  his  virtues,  they  have  un- 
done his  country.'  "  ^ 

Jefferson  held  the  pen  of  a  ready  writer,  and  his 
multifarious  correspondence  not  infrequently  brought 
him  into  trouble.  A  private  letter  written  during  the 
heat  of  the  debate  on  the  Jay  treaty  to  an  ItaHan 
friend,  Mazzei,^  found  its  way,  unexpectedly  to  its 
author,  into  the  press,  like  the  letter  to  Paine,  and 
caused  him  abundant  embarrassment.  It  went  through 
various  transformations  of  a  translation  for  an  Italian 
newspaper,  was  reproduced  in  French  in  the  Paris 
Official  Journal,  and,  translated  from  the  French,  it 
appeared  in  an  opposition  newspaper  in  New  York  in 
1797,  by  which  it  was  denounced  as  treasonable  and 
damnable,  and  the  Vice-President  was  called  upon  to 
pronounce  upon  its  authenticity.  The  letter  mainly 
related  to  private  affairs,  but  concluded  with  a  violently 
partisan  and  gloomy  review  of  the  condition  of  the 
country,  charging  the  executive,  the  Senate,  and  the 
judiciary  with  aristocratic  and  monarchical  tendencies 
and  as  wholly  under  British  influence.  The  follow- 
ing sentence  will  indicate  the  spirit  of  the  epistle :  "  It 
would  give  you  a  fever  were  I  to  name  to  you  the 
apostates  who  have  gone  over  to  these  heresies ;  men 

1  7  Writings  of  Jefferson,  68.  "  lb.  72. 


ADMINISTRATIONS   OF  WASHINGTON   AND   ADAMS.     171 

who  were  Samsons  in  the  field  and  Solomons  in  the 
council,  but  who  have  had  their  heads  shorn  by  the 
harlot  England." 

Althou<rh  challenjred  to  declare  whether  he  was  the 
author  of  the  letter,  Jeiierson  held  his  peace.  Writing 
to  Madison,  he  gave  as  a  reason  for  his  silence  that  if  he 
made  any  statement  he  feared  it  would  bring  about  a 
personal  difference  with  Washington.^  It  is  said,  how- 
ever, that  it  did  cause  a  breach  between  them  that  was 
never  healed.  In  his  old  age  the  story  was  revived  by 
Timothy  Pickering,  and  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  Van 
Buren  in  1824,  denied  it ;  ^  but  the  latest  and  most 
careful  editor  of  his  correspondence  says  his  denial  is 
disingenuous  and  not  sustained  by  the  facts.  In  a 
note  to  the  Mazzei  letter,  Mr.  Ford,  the  editor,  says : 
"  Washington  himself  took  the  reference  so  wholly  to 
himself  that  from  the  publication  of  this  letter  he 
ceased  all  correspondence  and  intercourse  with  his  former 
secretary.^  In  a  letter  written  a  few  months  after  the 
publication  of  the  Italian  epistle,  Washington  plainly 
indicated  to  John  Nicholas  his  belief  in  the  insincerity 
of  Jefferson's  friendship.^ 

Randolph  was  succeeded  in  the  State  Department 
by  Timothy  Pickering,  who  was  transferred  from  the 
War  Department,  and  he  was  continued  as  Secretary 
of  State  by  President  Adams  upon  the  retirement  of 
Washington.  Pickering  passed  through  an  experience 
as  tumultuous  politically  and  unfortunate  personally  as 
his  predecessor.     The  Jay  treaty  saved   us  from  war 

1  7  Writings  of  Jefferson,  ICG.  -  10  lb.  307.         »  7  lb.  77. 

*  13  Writings  of  Washington,  449. 


172  A   CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

with  England,  but  we  were  confronted  with  an  equally 
threateninof  dang-er  from  France.  Gouverneur  Morris 
had  become  a  persona  non  grata  to  the  French  govern- 
ment, and  his  recall  had  been  requested.  Soon  after 
Jay's  nomination  to  London,  the  name  of  James  Monroe 
was  sent  to  the  Senate  as  minister  to  France.  This 
selection  proved  to  be  even  more  unfortunate  than  that 
of  Jay.  At  the  time  he  was  a  senator  from  Virginia, 
and  a  strong  opponent  of  the  President  and  his  foreign 
policy,  arrayed  against  the  British  sjDecial  mission  and 
the  neutrality  proclamation.  He  was  known  to  be  an 
ardent  partisan  of  France,  and  the  President  felt  that 
he  might  exert  a  more  salutary  influence  on  the  French 
government  than  a  person  strongly  in  sympathy  with 
the  administration.  He  was  warmly  welcomed  in  Paris, 
received  in  public  audience  by  the  National  Convention, 
the  presiding  officer,  amid  the  cheers  of  the  members, 
giving  him  the  fraternal  embrace  {accolade)  and  im- 
printing upon  his  cheek  a  kiss  in  the  name  of  France, 
with  tragic  effect.  This  ceremony  was  preceded  by  an 
address  by  the  President,  concluding  with  these  words : 
"  You  see  here  the  effusion  of  soul,  that  accompanies 
this  simple  and  touching  ceremony.  I  am  impatient  to 
give  you  the  fraternal  embrace,  which  I  am  ordered  to 
give  in  the  name  of  the  French  people.  Come  and 
receive  it  in  the  name  of  the  American  people,  and  let 
this  spectacle  complete  the  annihilation  of  an  impious 
coalition  of  tyrants."  ^ 

'  HUdreth's  History  U.  S.  652. 

Mr.  Washburne,  minister  to  France,  in  1876  sent  to  the  Department  of 
State  a  copy  of  the  Journal  of  the  National  Convention  giving  an  account 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND   ADAMS.    173 

Mr.  Monroe  in  his  reception  address  failed  to  follow 
his  instructions,  for  which  he  was  severely  censured  by 
his  government.  In  doing  this  Secretary  Randolj^h 
wrote  him  that  it  was  supposed  his  reception  would 
have  taken  place  in  private  and  not  with  the  public 
display  attending  it ;  that  his  instructions  did  not  im- 
pose "  the  extreme  glow  of  some  parts  of"  Monroe's 
address ;  and  that  it  was  his  duty  "  to  cultivate  the 
French  Republic  with  zeal,  but  without  any  unnecessary 
eclat."  ^ 

During  his  residence  he  was  more  the  representative 
of  his  party  (then  in  opposition  to  the  administration) 
than  of  his  government.  His  public  conduct  and  his 
correspondence  at  the  time  make  this  clear,  but  the 
later  writings  of  the  French  historians  of  the  period 
bring  out  this  fact  in  a  clear  light.  I  quote  only  from 
M.  Thiers.  He  whites :  "  In  the  French  government 
there  were  persons  in  favor  of  a  rupture  with  the 
United  States.  Monroe,  who  was  ambassador,  gave  the 
Directory  the  most  prudent  advice  on  this  occasion. 
*  War  with  France,'  said  he,  ^  will  force  the  American 
government  to  throw  itself  into  the  arms  of  England, 
and  submit  to  her  influence  ;  aristocracy  will  gain  com- 
plete control  in  the  United  States,  and  liberty  will  be 
compromised.  By  patiently  enduring,  on  the  contrary, 
the  wrongs  of  the  present  President,  you  will  leave  him 
without  excuse,  you  will  enlighten  the  Americans,  and 

of  the  ceremony  of  Monroe's  reception,  for  the  first  time  published.     Mr. 
Washbnrne  accompanied  it  with  a  statement  of  bis  own  experience,  show- 
ing that  in  liis  day  the  accolade  was  a  part  of  the  official  ceremonies  of 
France.     (See  Foreign  Relations  U.  S.  1876,  129.) 
1  1  Foreign  Relations  U.  S.  (folio)  G89. 


174  A  CENTUEY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

decide  a  contrary  choice  at  the  next  election.  All  the 
wrongs  of  which  France  may  have  to  complain  will  then 
be  repaired.'  This  wise  and  provident  advice  had  its 
effect  upon  the  Directory."  ^ 

While  Jay  was  in  London  negotiating  his  treaty, 
Monroe  did  not  hesitate  to  manifest  his  opposition  to  it. 
Our  ministers  at  the  two  capitals  were  working  at  cross- 
purposes.  Monroe's  conduct  became  so  displeasing  to 
the  government  that  President  Washington  recalled 
him,  and  has  left  on  record  a  very  severe  criticism  of 
his  acts,  from  which  I  quote  the  following :  "  The 
truth  is  Mr.  Monroe  was  cajoled,  flattered,  and  made 
to  believe  strange  things.  In  return  he  did,  or  was 
disposed  to  do,  whatever  was  pleasant  to  that  nation, 
reluctantly  urging  the  rights  of  his  own."  ^  Nothing 
more  forcibly  illustrates  the  intensity  of  party  feeling 
at  that  day  than  the  injudicious  conduct  in  Paris  of 
Mr.  Monroe,  a  man  of  large  experience,  well-balanced 
temper,  and  the  truest  patriotism. 

He  returned  to  America  indignant  at  the  administra- 
tion on  account  of  his  recall,  and  immediately  on  his 
arrival  at  Philadelphia  he  addressed  a  request,  in  im- 
perative terms,  to  the  Secretary  of  State  to  be  informed 
of  the  grounds  of  his  removal.  This  led  to  a  corre- 
spondence in  which  several  letters  were  exchanged  bc' 
tween  him  and  Secretary  Pickering,  the  conclusion  of 
which  on  the  part  of  the  latter  was  that  the  President, 
under  the  Constitution,  was  invested  with  full  power 

^  3  Histoire  de  la  Rev.  FranQais,  torn.  9,  ch.  1,  Shobert's  translation, 
p.  189. 

2  13  Writings  of  Washington,  484. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.    175 

over  the  residence  of  a  minister  at  a  foreign  court, 
which  he  could  terminate  at  his  discretion  ;  and  that  he 
was  not  bound  to  explain  and  justify  his  conduct  to 
the  individual  removed,  which,  besides  objections  of  an 
international  character,  would  expose  the  executive  to 
perpetual  altercations  and  controversies  with  the  offi- 
cers removed.  The  propriety  of  this  rule  has  been 
recognized  in  all  the  subsequent  practice  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  State.  But  in  his  excited  frame  of  mind  it 
was  not  accepted  by  Mr.  Monroe,  who  at  once  published 
a  voluminous  vindication  of  his  conduct  in  France  con- 
stituting a  volume  of  over  four  hundred  pages,^  in 
which  he  inserted  the  correspondence  between  himself 
and  his  government,  some  of  it  of  a  confidential  char- 
acter, and  made  a  bitter  attack  upon  the  administration, 
in  which  President  Washington  himself  was  included. 

Aside  from  the  indelicacy  and  impropriety  of  the 
publication,  it  was  most  unwise  at  the  time,  when  our 
relations  with  France  were  in  a  very  critical  condition, 
almost  verging  on  a  state  of  open  hostilities.  "  The 
View,"  although  it  had  very  little  influence  on  the  pub- 
lic, owing  to  the  warm  passions  prevailing  in  the  parties 
into  which  the  country  was  divided,  received  at  the 
hands  of  Washington  considerable  attention,  as  is  evi- 
denced by  a  long  "  Memorandum  "  ^  which  he  prepared 
reviewing  the  publication,  and  which  he  left  among  his 
papers.  In  a  letter  to  his  friend  John  Nicholas  he 
wrote :    "  As  to  the  propriety  of  exposing  to  public 

^  A  View  of  the  Conduct  of  the  Executive  on  the  Foreign  Affairs  of 
the  United  States,  etc.     By  James  Monroe.     Philadelphia.     1797. 
^  13  Writings  of  Washington,  452. 


176  A  CEXTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

view  his  [Monroe's]  private  instructions  and  correspond- 
ence with  his  own  government,  nothing  needs  be  said : 
for  I  should  suppose  that  the  measure  must  be  repro- 
bated by  the  well-informed  and  intelligent  of  all  nations, 
and  not  less  by  his  abettors  in  this  country,  if  they 
were  not  blinded  by  party  ^dews,  and  determined  at  all 
hazard  to  catch  at  anything,  that  in  their  opinion  will 
promote  them.  The  mischievous  and  dangerous  ten- 
dency of  such  a  practice  is  too  glaring  to  require  a 
comment."  ^  Charles  C.  Pinckney  was  appointed  to 
succeed  Monroe,  but  the  French  government  refused  to 
receive  him,  treated  him  with  the  greatest  indignity, 
and  finally  ordered  him  to  leave  the  country. 

On  the  accession  of  John  Adams  to  the  presidency, 
in  1797,  in  the  earnest  desire  to  avoid  a  war,  he  nomi- 
nated to  go  to  Paris  and  treat  with  the  French  govern- 
ment a  special  commission  consisting  of  Pinckney,  John 
Marshall,  and  Elbridge  Gerry .^  Talleyrand  was  then 
at  the  head  of  the  French  Foreio^n  Office.  He  had  en- 
joyed  a  refuge  in  the  United  States,  and  it  was  thought 
would  exhibit  a  friendly  disposition  ;  but,  true  to  his 
character  for  duplicity,  his  conduct  was  the  reverse. 
In  place  of  recei\ang  the  commissioners  officially,  com- 
munication was  established  with  them  in  a  clandestine 
manner,  and  they  were  approached  with  dishonorable 
and  corrupt  proposals.  The  commissioners,  with  the 
exception  of  Gerry,  withdrew  from  Paris,  diplomatic 
relations  were  broken  ofP,  and  the  correspondence  re- 
specting the  clandestine  negotiations  was  submitted  to 
Congress  by  the  President.     It  became  known  as  the 

1  13  Writings  of  Washington,  451.  ^  2  Foreign  Relations,  19. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND   ADAMS.     177 

X  Y  Z  correspondence/  and  led  to  Pinckney's  famous 
utterance,  "  Millions  for  defense,  but  not  one  cent  for 
tribute." 

The  wisdom  of  Gerry's  action  was  seriously  ques- 
tioned in  remaining  in  Paris  after  his  colleagues,  hav- 
ing regard  for  the  honor  of  their  country  and  their 
own  self-respect,  had  withdrawn.  His  defense  was  that 
he  feared  open  war  would  ensue  if  relations  were  ab- 
ruptly and  immediately  severed,  and  that  he  hoped 
through  his  personal  friendship  with  Talleyrand  to  ward 
off  that  calamity.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Repub- 
lican party,  in  opposition  to  the  President  and  his  two 
colleagues,  and  a  marked  partiality  had  been  shown 
him  during  the  negotiations.  His  delay  in  Paris,  how- 
ever, was  fruitless  ;  and,  after  experiencing  for  some 
weeks  longer  the  insincerity  and  double-dealing  of 
Talleyrand,  he  returned  to  the  United  States. 

The  treatment  of  the  American  commissioners  cre- 
ated a  storm  of  indignation,  and  steps  were  taken  to 
put  the  country  on  a  war  footing.  Washington  was 
recalled  from  Mount  Vernon  and  made  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army ;  Congress  was  convened  in  extraor- 
dinary session  ;  energetic  measures  were  taken  in  view 
of  the  impending  hostilities;  and  for  a  time  at  least 
there  seemed  to  be  a  truce  to  the  fierce  party  strife 
which  had  prevailed.  The  storm  of  patriotism  which 
was  awakened  is  now  best  remembered  as  having  jjiven 
birth  to  our  patriotic  air  and  hymn,  "  Hail  Columbia." 
Among  the  other  poetical  appeals  of  that  stirring 
time  was  a  patriotic  ode  by  a  student,  sung  in  Harvard 

1  The  correspoudeuce  iu  full  will  be  fuuiid  in  2  For.  Rel.  153-238. 


178  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

College  Chapel.  As  this  student,  Joseph  Story,  after- 
wards became  the  great  jurist  and  expounder  of  the 
Constitution,  I  quote  one  of  its  verses  as  a  specimen  of 
the  poetic  patriotism  of  the  period :  — 

"  Shall  Gallia's  clan  our  coast  invade, 

With  hellish  outrage  scourge  the  main, 
Insult  our  nation's  neutral  trade, 

And  we  not  dare  our  rights  maintain  ? 
Rise,  united  Harvard's  baud, 
Rise,  the  bulwark  of  our  land." 

President  Adams  declared  in  a  message  to  Congress, 
"  I  will  never  send  another  minister  to  France  without 
assurances  that  he  will  be  received,  respected,  and  hon- 
ored as  the  representative  of  a  great,  free,  powerful, 
and  independent  nation."  ^  The  French  government 
having  no  disposition,  in  the  face  of  its  European 
troubles,  to  push  the  controversy  to  the  extreme  of 
war,  presently  gave  assurance  to  the  American  minister 
at  the  Hague  that  an  envoy  or  commission  would  be 
officially  and  properly  received  ;  whereupon  President 
Adams  nominated  a  new  minister  to  France,  but  imme- 
diately afterwards,  upon  the  advice  of  senators,  this 
was  superseded  by  the  nomination  of  three  commission- 
ers, Oliver  Ellsworth,  William  Vans  Murray,  and  W.  R. 
Davie.  In  view  of  the  President's  declaration  and  of 
the  strong  and  prevailing  sentiment  in  favor  of  war, 
this  action  was  received  throughout  the  country  with 
great  surprise,  and  was  condemned  by  much  the  larger 
body  of  the  Federalists. 

The  President  did  not  take  the  advice  of  his  Cabinet 
because  he  was  satisfied  they  would  oppose  it,  and  he 

1  1  Richardson's  Messages,  266. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.    179 

assumed  the  entire  responsibility  for  the  step.  Wash- 
ington, who  was  busily  engaged  in  putting  the  army 
on  a  war  footing,  received  his  first  information  of  it 
from  McHenry,  Secretary  of  War,  who  was  secretly 
hostile  to  the  President,  and  from  Hamilton,  openly  his 
opponent.  To  the  one  he  writes  :  "  With  the  contents 
[of  your  letter]  I  have  been  struck  dumb  ;  "  and  to  the 
other :  "  I  was  surprised  at  the  measure  ;  how  much 
more  so  at  the  manner  of  it."  ^  The  act  caused  a 
breach  in  the  Federalist  party,  which  constantly  wid- 
ened till  the  close  of  the  administration,  when  it  went 
out  of  power  forever.  Adams  believed  he  was  right, 
and  he  was  not  of  the  stuff  that  would  allow  party 
expediency  or  personal  popularity  to  stand  in  the  way 
of  the  interests  of  the  country. 

The  sequel  proved  that  the  President's  course,  if  not 
consistent,  was  timely.  Writing  in  1809,  he  said  it 
was  the  most  disinterested,  the  most  determined,  pru- 
dent, and  successful  act  of  his  whole  life.  The  com- 
missioners, upon  their  arrival  in  Paris,  found  a  new 
government  in  power  with  Napoleon  at  its  head.  They 
were  promptly  received,  and  after  tedious  negotiations 
a  treaty  was  signed  September  30,  1800,  the  effect  of 
which,  with  its  amendment  by  the  Senate  and  Napoleon, 
was  to  release  the  United  States  forever  from  the  obli- 
gations of  the  treaty  of  alliance  of  1778,  and  to  release 
France  from  responsibility  for  all  the  damage  inflicted 
upon  American  vessels  and  commerce.  Like  the  Jay 
treaty  with  England,  it  was  a  disappointment  to  the 
country,  but  it  delivered  us  from  the  dangers  of  a  war, 

1  14  Writings  of  Washington,  215,  216. 


180  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

and  settled  our  long,  vexatious,  and  somewhat  unseemly 
controversy  with  our  old  ally  and  friend.  One  of  its 
evil  effects  upon  a  large  body  of  American  citizens  was 
the  sacrifice  of  what  are  known  as  the  "  spoliation 
claims  "  in  exchange  for  release  from  the  treaty  of  al- 
liance. After  a  hundred  years  of  persistent  appeals 
to  Congress,  the  grandchildren  of  these  honest  and 
long-suffering  claimants  are  only  just  at  the  close  of  a 
century  receiving  their  just  dues. 

Happily  the  war  was  averted,  but  it  left  the  domi- 
nant party,  the  Federalists,  hopelessly  divided,  and  the 
President  and  his  Cabinet  at  cross-purposes  with  each 
other.  The  enthusiasm  with  which  the  country  sup- 
ported the  war  policy  of  the  President  had  resulted  in 
a  large  majority  for  the  administration  in  both  houses 
of  Congress,  but  the  internal  dissensions  of  the  Fed- 
eralists soon  dissipated  that  advantage.  Pickering  and 
his  colleagues  were  the  devoted  friends  of  Hamilton, 
who  had  become  the  bitter  opponent  of  the  President. 
The  Cabinet  ministers  were  in  secret  communication 
with  Hamilton,  and  kept  him  informed  of  the  Cabinet 
counsels.  Gradually  the  President  became  impressed 
with  their  unfaithfulness.  After  an  open  and  unbe- 
coming quarrel  -^dth  his  Secretary  of  War,  the  President 
asked  him  to  resign,  which  he  did  promptly.  This  was 
soon  followed  by  a  rupture  with  Pickering,  and  he  was 
likewise  requested  to  tender  his  resignation,  but  he 
stubbornly  refused  ;  whereupon  the  President  sent  him 
a  letter  by  which  he  was  "  discharged  from  any  fur- 
ther service  as  Secretary  of  State."  ^     Mr.  Pickering 

^  The  letter  discharging  Secretary  Pickering  is  as  follows  (3  Life  of 
Pickering,  448)  :  — 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.    181 

enjoys  the  distinction  of  being  the  only  one  who  was 
dismissed  from  this  high  office,  but  he  does  not  appear 
to  have  suffered  greatly  therefrom,  as  he  was  twice 
thereafter  elected  a  United  States  senator,  and  held 
other  honorable  positions. 

During-  the  remainder  of  the  term  of  President 
Adams  the  duties  of  the  department  were  discharged 
by  John  Marshall,  whose  brief  services  as  secretary 
were  overshadowed  by  his  greater  fame  as  chief  jus- 
tice. An  anecdote  is  told  of  Marshall  as  secretary, 
which  is  interesting  because  of  his  later  dignified  career 
and  as  illustrative  of  the  state  of  politics  of  the  period. 
After  the  defeat  of  Adams  and  within  a  month  of  his 
retirement,  the  expiring  Congress,  with  a  Federal  ma- 
jority in  both  Houses,  passed  a  law  creating  a  consider- 
able number  of  new  judicial  districts.  This  necessi- 
tated the  appointment  of  quite  a  number  of  new 
federal  judges,  whose  nominations  were  only  confirmed 
by  the  Senate  in  the  last  days  of  the  session. 

Sir  :  Divers  causes  and  considerations  essential  to  the  administration 
of  the  government,  in  my  judgment  requiring  a  change  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  State,  you  are  hereby  discharged  from  any  further  service  as 
Secretary  of  State.  John  Adams, 

President  of  the  United  States. 

Timothy  Pickering,  Esq.,  May  12, 1800. 

Eight  years  afterwards  Pickering  and  John  Quincy  Adams  being  en- 
gaged in  political  opposition  in  Massachusetts,  the  ex-President  felt 
impelled,  in  a  private  letter,  to  recall  his  impressions  of  his  dismissed 
secretary,  from  which  I  quote  :  "  He  is  a  man  in  a  mask,  sometimes  of 
silk,  sometimes  of  iron,  and  sometimes  of  brass,  and  he  can  change  them 
very  suddenly,  and  with  some  dexterity.  .  .  .  Under  the  simple  appear- 
ance of  a  bald  head  and  straight  hair,  and  under  profession  of  profound 
Republicanism,  he  conceals  an  ardent  ambition,  envious  of  every  superior 
ftnd  impatient  of  obscurity." 


182  A  CENTURY  OF  AJMERICAN  DIPLOilACT. 

It  is  related  that  Secretary  Marshall  was  engaged 
at  the  department  during  the  late  hours  of  the  night  of 
March  3,  countersigning  and  af&xing  the  Great  Seal 
to  the  commissions  of  these  judges,  who  were  all  hostile 
politically  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  incoming  President, 
and  of  whose  appointment  he  strongly  disapproved. 
Just  before  twelve  Mr.  Levi  Lincoln,  selected  to  be  At- 
torney-General, entered  the  department,  and  said  to  the 
secretary  :  "  I  have  been  ordered  by  Mr.  Jefferson  to 
take  possession  of  this  office  and  its  papers."  "  Why, 
Mr.  Jefferson  has  not  yet  qualified,"  exclaimed  the  sec- 
retary. "  Mr.  Jefferson  considers  himself  in  the  light  of 
an  executor,  bound  to  take  charge  of  the  papers  of  the 
government  until  he  is  duly  qualified,"  was  the  reply. 
"But  it  is  not  yet  twelve,"  said  the  secretary,  taking 
out  his  watch.  Lincoln  pulled  out  his,  received  from 
Jefferson,  and  said  :  "  This  is  the  President's  watch, 
and  rules  the  hour."  The  secretary  retired,  leaving 
the  unfinished  commissions  on  the  table.  In  later  years, 
alluding  to  the  incident,  he  used  to  laugh  and  say  he 
had  been  allowed  to  pick  up  nothing  but  his  hat. 

The  persons  who  received  the  perfected  commissions, 
of  which  there  were  a  number,  were  called  "  the  mid- 
night judges ; "  but  the  next  Congress  legislated  them 
out  of  office.^  President  Jefferson,  four  years  later,  in 
a  letter  to  Mrs.  Adams,  shows  how  strongly  he  resented 
these  appointments,  citing  the  act  as  one  personally 
unkind  to  him,  and  the  only  one  which  had  ever  tended 
to  interfere  with  his  long  friendship  with  her  husband.^ 

1  Domestic  Life  of  Jefferson,  308  ;  1  Schooler's  History  U.  S.  504. 

2  8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  306. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ADAMS.     183 

This  letter  led  to  an   extended  correspondence,  quite 
interesting,  but  not  pertinent  to  the  subject  in  hand. 

Marshall  had,  some  months  previous  to  the  close  of 
his  service  as  Secretary  of  State,  been  appointed  and 
confirmed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  and  he  immediately  entered  upon  his 
duties  in  the  latter  office.  In  the  opinion  of  many  of 
the  early  supporters  of  the  Constitution,  and  among 
them  "was  Hamilton,  that  instrument  was  placed  in 
great  peril  by  the  success  of  the  party  which  had  called 
Jefferson  to  the  presidency.  The  new  Chief  Justice 
took  his  seat  at  what  seemed  to  be  a  critical  period  for 
constitutional  government.  His  first  entrance  upon 
political  life  was  in  the  memorable  convention  of  Vir- 
ginia called  to  decide  upon  the  acceptance  of  the  new 
federal  Constitution,  in  which  he  is  described  as  a  tall, 
gawky,  bright-eyed,  and  rising  member  of  the  Rich- 
mond bar.  In  that  body  he  rendered  important  ser- 
vice in  favor  of  acceptance ;  later,  as  a  member  of  Con- 
gress, he  had  been  its  valiant  defender  ;  and  President 
Adams  recognized  in  him  a  worthy  successor  of  Jay 
and  Ellsworth.  Probably  the  most  unique  feature  of 
the  Constitution,  and  that  which  distinguishes  it  from 
other  formulas  of  government,  is  the  power  and  the 
duty  which  it  imposes  upon  the  federal  judiciary,  of 
interpreting  that  instrument,  and  of  harmonizing  with 
it  the  acts  of  the  executive  and  legislative  departments. 
It  was  this  task  which  ens^afjed  the  attention  of  John 
Marshall  for  the  long  period  of  a  generation,  and  it  is 
no  exaggeration  of  his  services  to  say  that  they  entitle 
him  to  a  foremost  place  among  the  founders  of  our  gov- 


184  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

eminent.  To  him  more  than  any  other  is  due  the  fact 
that  this  court  stands  before  the  world  as  the  most 
distinguished  and  influential  tribunal  of  Christendom. 

The  administrations  of  Washing-ton  and  Adams  were 
an  important  epoch  in  our  diplomatic  history.  By  pa- 
tient and  prudent  negotiations  they  saved  the  country 
in  its  infancy  and  weakness  from  the  perils  of  war 
with  the  two  most  powerful  nations  of  the  world ;  they 
established  the  great  principle  of  real  neutrahty  on 
such  a  just  basis  that  it  has  been  accepted  as  the  in- 
ternational rule  of  practice  of  all  governments ;  and 
they  vindicated  the  perfect  independence  of  the  nation 
in  its  relations  with  the  Old  World. 


THE   LOUISIAl] 


'URCHASK,    1S03 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   ADMINISTRATION    OF    JEFFERSON. 

The  election  o£  Thomas  Jefferson  as  President 
ushered  the  country  into  a  new  political  era,  wherein 
it  was  claimed  the  principles  of  a  free  democracy  were 
to  enjoy  their  fullest  fruition.  Adams  had  lost  his 
reelection  partly  because,  in  his  earnest  desire  for  peace, 
he  went  further  than  the  heated  patriotism  of  the 
masses  would  approve  towards  an  adjustment  with 
England  and  a  composition  of  our  differences  with 
France.  Coupled  with  this  was  the  unpopularity  of  his 
two  legislative  measures  occasioned  by  these  troubles, 
the  alien  and  sedition  laws.  "  Free  speech  "  and  "  a 
free  press  "  were  among  the  most  taking  of  Jefferson's 
party  cries,  based  upon  hostility  to  these  acts.  With 
the  overthrow  of  the  FederaHsts,  the  enforcement  of 
the  Constitution  went  into  the  hands  of  those  who  in 
minority  had  given  it  a  construction  which  would  return 
to  plague  them  both  in  foreign  and  domestic  affairs 
when  burdened  with  the  responsibilities  of  government. 

Mr.  Jefferson  selected  as  Secretary  of  State  his  faith- 
ful friend  and  champion,  James  Madison,  who  had  won 
distinction,  not  in  the  diplomatic  service,  of  which  he 
possessed  no  experience,  but  since  the  war  in  the  im- 
portant field  of  reconstruction  of  the  government.  We 
have  seen  that  he  bore  a  conspicuous  part  with  Hamil- 


186  A  CENTURY   OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

ton  in  framing  and  afterwards  in  defending  the  Con- 
stitution. During  the  past  twelve  years  since  that 
instrument  had  been  the  guide  and  rule  of  government, 
he  had  been  an  active  member  of  Congress,  but  in  the 
opposition,  and  usually  in  the  minority.  His  taste  and 
training  fitted  him  best  for  service  in  deliberative 
assemblies,  and  it  was  in  such  bodies  his  life  had  been 
spent  up  to  the  date  of  his  call  to  the  Department  of 
State.  Fisher  Ames,  who  was  associated  with  him  in 
CongresSj  in  a  private  letter  freely  discussed  his  quali- 
ties and  temperament  during  the  First  Congress.  He 
writes  that  he  is  a  man  of  sense,  reading,  address,  and 
integrity  ;  in  person  he  is  low  and  ordinary;  he  speaks 
low,  decently  as  to  manner,  no  more ;  his  language  is 
very  pure,  perspicuous,  and  to  the  point ;  much  Frenchi- 
fied in  his  politics ;  a  little  too  much  of  a  book  politi- 
cian ;  has  a  most  exalted  estimate  of  Virginia ;  is  timid 
in  politics,  and  very  sensitive  as  to  his  popularity.  He 
concludes  :  "  He  is  our  first  man."  ^  Chief  Justice 
Marshall  said  that  if  eloquence  includes  persuasion  by 
convincing,  Madison  was  the  most  eloquent  man  he 
ever  heard.^ 

During  all  his  political  life  he  had  been  the  warm 
friend  and  devoted  follower  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and 
because  of  this  relation  and  of  Jefferson's  impressive 
personality  and  his  disposition  to  rule,  Madison's  ser- 
vices as  Secretary  of  State  assumed  quite  a  secondary 
character.  It  is  said  of  Jefferson  that  he  was  more 
absolute  as  President  than  any  other  man  who  ever  held 
that  position  ;  that  while  he  listened  to  counsel,  taking 

^  Ames's  Life  and  Works,  35.  ^  Rives's  Madison,  612. 


THE   ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  187 

it  was  another  matter ;  and  that  he  was  the  author  of 
the  important  measures  of  his  administration.  With  a 
chief  of  such  a  temperament,  the  head  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  State  had  little  opportunity  to  attain  personal 
distinction.  While  his  papers  as  secretary  show  the 
marks  of  his  scholarly  attainments,  Madison's  reputation 
rests  not  upon  his  administrative  work,  either  as  secre- 
tary or  president,  but  upon  his  great  services  as  a 
legislator,  especially  in  the  formation  of  the  federal 
Constitution  and  his  defense  of  its  principles. 

On  Jefferson's  advent  to  power  he  found  the  foreign 
relations  of  the  government  in  a  pacific  condition. 
Adams  had  devoted  the  greater  part  of  his  efforts  as 
president  to  extricating  the  country  from  its  embar- 
rassing relations  with  England  and  France.  In  doing 
so  he  had  forfeited  his  popularity  and  shipwrecked  his 
party,  but  he  had  made  smooth  sailing  for  his  successor, 
whose  first  diplomatic  duty  it  was  to  attend  to  the 
exchange  of  ratifications  and  the  proclamation  of  the 
treaty  with  France  negotiated  by  the  commissioners 
sent  to  Paris  by  Adams. 

Nothing  further  of  moment  occurred  until  the  great 
diplomatic  achievement  of  his  administration  was  con- 
summated in  the  treaty  for  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana. 
The  nesfotiations  to  that  end  ffrew  out  of  the  efforts  of 
the  United  States  to  secure  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  and  the  use  of  a  place  or  port  of  deposit 
at  or  near  its  mouth  for  the  products  of  the  river  val- 
leys for  foreign  export.  As  early  as  December,  1776, 
Congress  passed  a  resolution  looking  to  measures  for 
securing  these  objects.     Jay  was  sent  during  the  war 


188  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN   DIPLOMACY. 

of  independence  to  Spain  on  a  special  mission,  having 
this  for  one  of  its  chief  objects.  Franklin,  in  writing 
to  him  respecting  his  mission,  said :  "  To  part  with  the 
Mississippi  were  as  if  one  should  sell  his  street  door." 
Jay's  mission  proved  fruitless,  and  when  he  became 
Secretary  of  State  under  the  Confederation  we  have 
seen  that  he  again,  but  without  avail,  undertook  the 
task  of  securing  a  treaty  with  these  privileges.  The 
matter  was  followed  up  by  the  administration  of  Wash- 
ington, but  not  till  1795  was  it  possible  to  complete  a 
treaty  with  Spain.  By  it  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  was  secured,  and  the  use  of  New  Orleans  as 
a  port  of  deposit  for  three  years  with  a  stipulation  for 
its  continuance  there  or  elsewhere;  but  these  privileges 
were  subject  to  many  annoyances  on  the  part  of  the 
Spanish  authorities,  under  which  the  American  settlers 
in  the  new  territories  west  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains 
became  very  restive. 

The  vast  territory  known  as  Louisiana  had  been  dis- 
covered and  settled  by  the  French.  By  a  secret  con- 
vention in  1762,  during  the  Anglo-French  war,  the 
French  government  ceded  so  much  of  the  territory  as 
lay  beyond  the  Mississippi,  together  with  New  Orleans, 
to  Spain.  By  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1763  that  part  of 
the  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi  fell  to  Great  Britain  ; 
but  by  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783  it  came  again  into 
the  possession  of  Spain.  Thus  the  territory  remained 
Spanish  up  to  1800,  when  by  a  secret  treaty  it  was 
retroceded  to  France.* 

'  For  Franco-Spanish  treaties  of  1762  and  1800  see  Debates  of  Con- 
gress (Gales  and  Seaton),  vol.  13,  part  2,  Appendix,  225,  229. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  189 

Rumors  o£  a  meditated  cession  reached  the  Uuited 
States  in  1801,  and  created  intense  interest  in  this 
country.  "  Nothing,  perhaps,"  Jefferson  wrote,  "  since 
the  Revolution  has  produced  more  uneasy  sensations 
through  the  body  of  the  nation."  He  had  for  many 
years  given  the  subject  of  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  much  attention,  and  he  was  fully  alive  to 
its  importance.  When  the  rumors  were  first  received, 
instructions  were  promptly  sent  to  our  ministers  in 
London,  Paris,  and  Madrid  to  do  all  in  their  power  to 
prevent  the  cession ;  ^  but  when  these  instructions  were 
received  the  treaty  had  already  been  consummated, 
although  Talleyrand  denied  to  our  minister  in  Paris 
nearly  two  years  after  the  treaty  had  been  signed  that 
it  existed.'^  On  receipt  of  the  news,  Jefferson  wrote  to 
Livingston,  our  minister  at  Paris  :  "  It  completely  re- 
verses all  the  political  relations  of  the  United  States. 
.  .  .  There  is  on  the  globe  one  single  spot,  the  pos- 
sessor of  which  is  our  natural  and  political  enemy.  It 
is  New  Orleans.  .  .  .  The  day  that  France  takes  pos- 
session of  New  Orleans  fixes  the  sentence  which  is  to 
restrain  her  within  her  low-water  mark.  It  seals  the 
union  of  two  nations,  who,  in  conjunction,  can  main- 
tain exclusive  possession  of  the  ocean.  From  that 
moment  we  must  marry  ourselves  to  the  British  fleet 
and  nation."  ^  To  Nemours  he  wrote :  "  The  use  of 
the  Mississippi  is  so  indispensable  to  us  that  we  cannot 
hesitate  one  moment  to  hazard  our  existence  for  its 
maintenance."^     Secretary  Madison,  in  his  instructions 

1  2  For.  Rel.  (folio)  510.  ^  i]^_  510. 

8  8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  144.  *  lb.  205. 


190  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

to  Livingston,  said  :  "  The  United  States  would  take 
the  most  vigorous  measures,  even  though  they  should 
involve  war,  to  avert  such  a  calamity." 

About  the  same  time  came  the  news  that  the  Spanish 
governor  at  New  Orleans  had  issued  an  edict  closing 
that  city  as  a  port  of  deposit.  Its  effect  in  the  West 
was  to  awaken  an  intense  spirit  of  indignation,  and 
create  a  determination  to  maintain  the  privilege,  by 
force  if  necessary.  Not  until  May,  1802,  was  authentic 
information  received  in  Washington  that  the  reported 
treaty  of  cession  was  a  reality,  and  even  then  the  extent 
of  it  was  not  known,  the  belief  being  that  it  embraced 
the  transfer  to  France  of  East  and  West  Florida,  as 
well  as  Louisiana.  Secretary  Madison  instructed  Mr. 
Pinckney,  minister  in  Madrid,  if  the  cession  had  not 
yet  been  consummated,  to  endeavor  to  secure  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Floridas  and  New  Orleans  for  a  money 
consideration  and  for  a  guarantee  to  Spain  of  all  the 
territory  west  of  the  Mississippi.^  Instructions  were 
likewise  sent  to  Mr.  Livingston,  our  minister  in  Paris, 
to  ascertain  if  the  cession  did  include  the  Floridas,  in 
which  event  he  was  to  approach  the  French  govern- 
ment with  an  offer  to  purchase  New  Orleans  and  the 
Floridas."  The  instructions  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
were  preceded  by  a  personal  letter  to  the  same  effect 
from  the  President  to  Mr.  Livingston,  from  which  I 
have  just  quoted  the  emphatic  words  cited. 

During  the  year  1802  Mr.  Livingston  made  little 
progress  in  his  negotiations,  and  so  far  from  discovering 
any  disposition  on  the  part  of  France  to  give  up  the 

1  2  For.  Rel.  (folio)  517.  2  Jb.  516.      - 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  191 

territory  east  of  the  Mississippi,  he  reported  to  Secre- 
tary Madison  that  Napoleon,  full  of  his  scheme  of 
reviving  the  colonial  empire  which  had  been  wrested 
from  France  by  Wolfe  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  was 
preparing  to  dispatch  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men 
under  General  Bernadotte  to  occupy  Louisiana.  This 
naturally  added  to  the  anxiety  of  President  Jefferson. 
In  his  annual  message  to  Congress  in  December,  1802, 
he  directed  attention  to  the  cession  to  France  and  its 
importance  to  the  United  States,  and  this  was  followed 
in  January  by  a  special  message  to  the  Senate  ^  stating 
that  in  view  of  the  gravity  of  the  situation  he  had 
determined  to  create  a  special  mission  "  for  the  purpose 
of  enlarging  and  more  effectually  securing  our  rights 
and  interests  in  the  river  Mississippi,  and  to  the  terri- 
tories eastward  thereof ; "  that  while  he  had  full  con- 
fidence in  our  resident  minister,  he  had  thought  it  best 
to  join  with  him  James  Monroe ;  and  he  thereupon 
nominated  Messrs.  Livingston  and  Monroe  as  special 
plenipotentiaries  to  enter  into  negotiations  to  that  end 
with  either  France  or  Spain,  or  both,  as  circumstances 
might  require,  it  not  being  known  at  that  date  that 
the  Floridas  had  not  been  included  in  the  cession  ; 
Mr.  Pinckney  being  joined  with  Mr.  Monroe  in  case 
negotiations  were  to  be  conducted  at  Madrid. 

The  Senate  promptly  confirmed  the  nominations,  and 
the  President,  informing  Mr,  Monroe  of  his  appoint- 
ment, urged  him  to  use  all  expedition  in  his  departure, 
^'  as  the  moment  in  France  is  critical."  "  In  a  letter 
also  to  Mr.  Livingston,  explaining  the  reasons  for  Mr. 

»  lb.  475.  >  8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  192. 


192  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Monroe's  appointment,  he  stated  that  unless  we  could 
acquire  New  Orleans  war  was  inevitable,  and  added, 
"  the  future  destinies  of  our  country  hang  on  the  event 
of  this  negotiation."  ^  The  instructions  to  the  pleni- 
potentiaries from  the  Secretary  of  State,  delivered  to 
Mr.  Monroe  on  his  departure  in  March,  1803,  con- 
templated the  purchase  of  the  island  of  New  Orleans 
and  East  and  West  Florida,  or  so  much  of  the  latter 
"  as  the  actual  possessor  could  be  prevailed  upon  to 
part  with."  ^ 

A  month  after  Monroe  had  sailed  the  President, 
restive  under  the  alarming  situation  of  affairs,  caused 
an  additional  instruction  to  be  dispatched  to  his  pleni- 
•potentiaries  in  Paris  ^  to  the  effect  that  if  they  found  in 
France  "  a  temper  adverse  to  harmony,  and  schemes  of 
ambition,"  in  that  case  they  were  directed  to  open  con- 
fidential communications  with  the  British  government 
with  a  view  to  a  combination  to  circumvent  the  schemes 
of  Napoleon  in  Louisiana  —  in  other  words,  to  put  to 
a  practical  application  Jefferson's  declaration  already 
quoted  that  "  we  must  marry  ourselves  to  the  British 
fleet  and  nation." 

Happily  no  such  extreme  and  hazardous  measure 
became  necessary.  Suddenly  a  change  was  brought 
about  in  the  plans  of  France  by  the  rising  of  the  war 
cloud  across  the  Channel.  When  it  became  evident 
that  a  fresh  war  with  England  must  occur.  Napoleon 
saw  that  his  new  possessions  over  the  seas  would  be  an 
element,  not  of  strength,  but  of  weakness.  Conversing 
with  his  counselors  April  10,  1803,  he   submitted  to 

»  Writings  of  Jefferson,  209.  »  2  For.  Rel.  540.  «  lb.  556. 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF  JEFFERSON.  193 

them  the  proposition  to  sell  Louisiana  to  the  United 
States,  and  said :  "  If  I  leave  the  least  time  to  our 
enemies,  I  shall  only  transmit  an  empty  title  to  those 
Republicans  whose  friendship  I  seek.  They  only  ask 
of  me  one  town  in  Louisiana ;  but  I  already  consider 
the  colony  as  entirely  lost,  and  it  appears  to  me  that  in 
the  hands  of  this  growing  power  it  will  be  more  useful 
to  the  policy  and  even  to  the  commerce  of  France  than 
if  I  attempt  to  retain  it."  ^  The  next  day  he  said  to 
Marbois  :  "  Irresolution  and  deliberation  are  no  lonjrer 
in  season.  I  renounce  Louisiana.  It  is  not  only  New 
Orleans  that  I  will  cede,  it  is  the  whole  colony  without 
any  reservation.  ...  I  direct  you  to  negotiate  this 
affair  with  the  envoys  of  the  United  States.  Do  not 
even  await  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Monroe.  Have  an  inter- 
view this  very  day  with  Mr.  Livingston."  "^ 

In  the  first  instance,  Talleyrand  had  approached 
Livingston  with  an  offer  to  sell  the  entire  territory  to 
the  United  States.  When  the  province  was  offered  to 
him  Livingston  said  his  government  did  not  want  the 
whole  territory,  but  only  the  island  of  New  Orleans. 
When,  however,  he  sought  to  continue  the  negotiations 
on  the  basis  of  the  acquisition  of  the  whole  of  Louisiana, 
Talleyrand,  true  to  his  characteristic  duplicity,  stated 
that  he  was  not  authorized  to  make  the  offer.  As  we 
have  seen,  the  negotiations  had  been  transferred  to 
Marbois,  whether  because  Napoleon  mistrusted  Talley- 
rand's integrity  in  a  matter  which  involved  money,  or 
for  what  other  reason,  is  not  known.    Marbois  was  spe- 

1  Marbois's  History  of  Louisiana,  Lawrence's  translation.  1830,  p.  2&4. 

2  lb.  274. 


194  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

cially  fitted  for  the  task.  He  was  Minister  of  Finance, 
lie  had  long;  resided  in  the  United  States  as  a  member 
of  the  French  legation,  had  an  American  wife,  and  was 
friendly  to  our  country.  He  had  already  approached 
Livingston,  under  the  explicit  instructions  of  his  chief 
just  cited,  and  when  Monroe  joined  Livingston  in  the 
negotiation,  nothing  remained  to  be  adjusted  but  the 
price  and  the  framing  of  the  text  of  the  treaty. 

The  interests  of  the  same  nations  that  participated  in 
the  peace  conference  of  1782-83  in  Paris  were  involved 
in  the  present  negotiations:  Spain,  owning  Florida, 
on  the  east  of  the  Mississippi ;  England  hostile  to 
France,  and  likely  to  conquer  in  the  war ;  France  on 
the  eve  of  war,  in  want  of  money,  and  desirous  of  part- 
ing with  the  territory  to  a  rival  of  England ;  and  the 
United  States,  eager  to  secure  an  outlet  for  her  great 
river  system. 

The  negotiations  were  brought  about  and  conducted 
by  six  persons,  distinguished  in  America  and  France : 
Jefferson,  President,  once  Minister  to  France  ;  R.  R. 
Livingston,  former  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  of 
Congress,  and  resident  minister  ;  Monroe,  the  trusted 
friend  of  the  President  and  special  envoy ;  Napoleon, 
thirty-five  years  of  age.  First  Consul,  and  absolute  ruler 
of  France  ;  Talleyrand,  the  wily  diplomatist,  and  well 
acquainted  with  America ;  Marbois,  Minister  of  Finance, 
former  secretary  of  the  French  legation  in  the  United 
States,  the  direct  negotiator  and  signer  of  the  treaty. 

Marbois  named  one  hundred  million  francs  as  the 
price  to  be  paid,  although  Napoleon  had  to  him  fixed 
upon  fifty  millions  as  the  amount  to  be  asked.     The 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  195 

sum  finally  agreed  upon  was  sixty  millions  o£  francs  for 
the  territory,  and  twenty  millions  for  the  satisfaction  of 
American  claims  against  France.  After  the  treaty  was 
executed,  Napoleon  said  to  Monroe  that  he  had  made 
the  transfer,  not  so  much  on  account  of  the  price,  as 
from  motives  of  policy  j  and  in  agreeing  to  the  treaty 
he  said:  "I  have  given  England  a  maritime  rival  which 
will  sooner  or  later  humhle  her  pride." 

While  the  negotiations  were  preceded  by  great  solici- 
tude on  the  part  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  they  were  in  the  end  consummated  with  great 
celerity  and  ease.  Circumstances  favored  the  United 
States,  and  it  was  the  highest  statesmanship  and  diplo- 
macy to  seize  upon  and  improve  the  occasion.  The 
treaty  Avas  followed  by  considerable  recrimination  be- 
tween the  respective  friends  of  Livingston  and  Monroe, 
as  to  the  relative  credit  due  these  gentlemen  for  the 
part  they  bore  in  this  transaction,  so  important  and  val- 
uable for  their  country.  Mr.  Livingston  dignified  the 
controversy  by  a  lengthy  dispatch  to  Secretary  Madison 
reviewing  the  participation  of  Monroe  and  himself, 
from  which  it  is  seen  that  he  felt  that  the  greater  share 
of  the  credit  was  due  to  himself.^  Monroe's  manu- 
scripts also  contain  full  reference  to  the  controversy. 
Jefferson,  in  noting  the  discussion,  said  :  "  The  truth 
is  both  have  a  just  portion  of  merit,  and  were  it  neces- 
sary or  proper  it  could  be  shown  that  each  has  rendered 
peculiar  service  and  of  important  value."  " 

The  result  exceeded  all  the  expectations  of  our  gov- 
ernment.    Neither  the  President  nor  the  country  had 

J  2  For.  Rel.  573.  »  8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  249. 


196  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

anticipated  the  acquisition  of  any  territory  west  of  the 
Mississippi.  In  fact,  as  we  have  seen,  Pinckney  was 
authorized  to  guarantee  the  possession  of  that  territory 
to  Spain,  and  Livingston  and  Monroe  were  likewise 
authorized  to  make  a  similar  guarantee  to  France.  The 
instructions  contemplated  only  the  acquisition  of  such 
territory,  more  or  less,  as  they  could  obtain  on  the  east 
side  of  the  river.  "  They  ask  of  me  a  town,"  said 
Napoleon,  "  and  I  give  them  an  empire."  In  their 
dispatches  communicating  the  treaty,  Livingston  and 
Monroe  acknowledged  they  had  exceeded  their  instruc- 
tions, but  humbly  hoped  they  had  not  erred.^  Living- 
ston wrote  the  Secretary  of  State  :  "  If  the  price  is  too 
high,  the  outlay  might  be  reimbursed  by  the  sale  of  the 
territory  west  of  the  Mississippi  ...  to  some  power  of 
Europe  whose  vicinity  we  should  not  fear."  Jefferson 
thought  it  might  be  useful  as  a  refuge  for  the  Indians 
east  of  the  Mississippi.^  He  had  not  then  awakened  to 
the  fact  that  the  treaty  was  to  be  the  greatest  achieve- 
ment of  his  life. 

Before  the  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  the 
Spanish  government,  both  through  the  Minister  of  For- 
eign Affairs  to  Mr.  Pinckney  at  Madrid  and  through 
Yrujo,  the  minister  in  Washington,  to  Secretary  Madi- 
son, protested  against  the  cession  from  France  to  the 
United  States,  on  the  ground,  first,  that  France  gave  a 
pledge  to  Spain  that  she  would  never  alienate  the  terri- 
tory, and  that  on  no  other  condition  would  Spain  have 
ceded  it ;  and,  second,  that  the  consideration  for  the 
cession  had  failed  in  the  case  of  France,  as  that  gov- 

»  2  For.  Rel.  558.  a  g  Writings  of  Jefferson,  244,  251,  263. 


Jl 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  197 

eminent  had  stipulated  to  procure  the  recognition  of 
the  King  of  Tuscany  from  Russia  and  Great  Britain. 

Secretary  Madison,  in  reply,  sought  to  show  that 
neither  ground  of  the  protest  was  well  founded,  and, 
in  any  case,  they  could  have  no  weight  with  the  United 
States,  which  was  not  served  with  notice  by  Spain  of 
her  claim,  and  we  had  taken  the  title  in  good  faith. ^ 
President  Jefferson  dismissed  the  subject  in  more  terse 
terms,  in  a  letter  to  Livingston :  "  We  have  answered, 
that  these  were  private  questions  between  France  and 
Spain,  which  they  must  settle  together ;  that  we  de- 
rived our  title  from  the  First  Consul,  and  did  not  doubt 
his  guarantee  of  it."  ^  The  protest  had  no  effect  upon 
the  Senate,  as  the  treaty  was  submitted  to  that  body  on 
October  17,  1803,  and  so  promptly  ratified  that  the 
exchange  of  ratifications  and  the  proclamation  of  the 
treaty  occurred  on  October  21. 

The  extent  of  territory  embraced  in  the  cession  was 
for  some  time  a  matter  of  uncertainty  and  dispute. 
We  shall  see  that  in  later  negotiations  with  Spain  it 
assumed  serious  importance.  It  was  claimed  by  some 
that  the  Louisiana  Territory  as  held  by  France  extended 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean  coterminous  with  British  North 
America,  and  as  late  as  1897  a  map  of  the  United 
States  was  published  by  the  Department  of  the  Interior 
(Land  Ofi&ce),  showing  the  Louisiana  purchase  to  in- 
clude all  the  territory  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains 
and  north  of  42°  of  latitude.  This  claim  was  not  well 
founded,  as  has  been  conclusively  shown  by  the  Com- 
missioner of  the  Land  Office  by  a  citation  of  much 

»  2  For.  Rel.  569-572.  ^  8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  278. 


198  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

historical  and  political  data.^  The  French  never  set  up 
any  claim  to  territory  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
and  the  American  negotiators  of  the  treaty  of  cession 
of  1803  understood  these  mountains  to  be  the  western 
boundary  of  Louisiana.^  In  August,  1803,  after  the 
treaty  had  been  made,  Jefferson  wrote :  "  The  bound- 
aries, which  I  deem  not  admitting  of  question,  are 
the  high  lands  on  the  western  side  of  the  Mississippi 
inclosing  all  its  waters,  the  Missouri,  of  course ;  "  and 
this  opinion  he  confirmed  in  a  letter  to  the  geographer 
Mellish,  in  1816,  after  a  thorough  examination  of  the 
subject,  saying,  "the  western  boundary  of  Louisiana 
...  is  along  the  highlands  and  mountains  dividing 
the  Mississippi  from  those  of  the  Pacific." 

When  the  special  mission  to  negotiate  for  the  acqui- 
sition of  the  island  of  New  Orleans  and  a  part  of  Flor- 
ida was  decided  upon,  a  difficulty  at  once  presented 
itself  to  President  Jefferson,  he  believing  that  such  ac- 
quisition was  an  act  beyond  the  Constitution.  As  early 
as  January,  1803,  he  submitted  the  question  to  Mr. 
Gallatin,  the  ablest  member  of  the  Cabinet,  for  his  con- 
sideration, saying  he  thought  it  "  safer  not  to  permit 
the  enlargement  of  the  Union  but  by  amendment  of  the 
Constitution."  As  soon  as  the  treaty  was  received  the 
serious  aspect  of  this  difficulty  was  exaggerated,  as  in 
place  of  the  acquisition  of  a  small  strip  at  the  outlet  of 
the  Mississippi,  which  might  be  defended  as  a  commer- 
cial necessity,  it  was  seen  that  we  had  acquired  a  vast 
and  unknown  territory  not  sought  for  and  apparently 

^  The  Louisiana  Purchase,  by  Binger  Hermann,  1898. 
*  2  For.  Rel.  559. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  199 

useless.  To  his  faithful  friend,  Senator  Breckenridge, 
he  wrote  at  length  respecting  the  treaty  and  as  to  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  take  the  action  necessary  to  carry 
it  into  effect,  and  he  adds,  "  but  I  suppose  they  [Con- 
gress] must  then  appeal  to  tite  nation  [the  States]  for 
an  additional  article  to  the  Constitution,  approving  and 
confirming  an  act  which  the  nation  had  not  previously 
authorized.  The  Constitution  has  made  no  provision 
for  our  holding  foreign  territory,  still  less  for  incorpo- 
ratinir  foreign  nations  into  our  Union.  The  executive 
in  seizinjr  the  fuo-itive  occurrence  which  so  much  ad- 
vances  the  good  of  their  country,  have  done  an  act 
beyond  the  Constitution."  ^ 

Soon  after  the  treaty  reached  "Washington,  Jefferson 
himself  prepared  a  draft  of  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution,  and  submitted  it  to  the  members  of  his 
Cabinet  and  to  partisan  senators.^  The  general  tenor 
of  their  views  in  reply  was  that  the  amendment  was  un- 
advisable.  Such  utterances  must  have  sounded  strange 
to  Jefferson,  who  had  inspired  the  famous  "  Kentucky 
Resolutions "  introduced  by  Breckenridge  five  years 
before,  which  declared  that  unconstitutional  assump- 
tions of  power  were  a  surrender  of  our  form  of  govern- 
ment. To  Nicholas,  senator  from  Virginia,  a  promi- 
nent advocate  of  the  Kentucky  Resolutions,  Avho  in 
reply  to  his  inquiry  had  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
Constitution  might  be  construed  to  sustain  the  treaty, 
Jefferson  wrote  :  "  Our  peculiar  security  is  in  possession 
of  a  written  Constitution.  Let  us  not  make  it  a  blank 
paper  by  construction."  ^ 

1  8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  244.  «  ji,.  241.  3  lb.  247. 


200  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

But  a  change  in  the  situation  was  developed  by  an 
urgent  dispatch  received  from  Livingston  and  Madison, 
reporting  that  since  the  treaty  had  become  known 
strong  opposition  to  it  had  been  developed  in  govern- 
ment circles,  that  too  good  a  bargain  for  us  had  been 
made,  that  with  great  difficulty  they  had  secured  the 
ratification  of  Napoleon,  and  that  he  might  yet  undo 
his  work  unless  prompt  action  was  had  by  Congress  on 
the  treaty.  This  was  supplemented  by  another  letter 
from  Livingston  :  "  I  most  earnestly  press  you  ...  to 
get  the  ratification  as  soon  as  possible,  and  to  do  all 
that  on  our  part  remains  to  be  done."  ^  Jefferson  at 
once  took  the  alarm  lest  his  great  achievement  should 
not  be  consummated.  His  constitutional  scruples  dis- 
appeared. Congress  was  convened  in  extraordinary 
session  for  October  17.  On  the  very  next  day  after  he 
had  written  his  letter  to  Breckenridge,  from  which  I 
have  quoted  his  decided  views  as  to  the  constitutional 
power,  he  received  the  letter  cited  from  our  envoys  in 
Paris,  and  he  wrote  again  to  Breckenridge  to  suppress 
the  contents  of  the  previous  letter,  as  "  we  should  do 
sub  silentio  what  shall  be  found  necessary,"  and  urged 
him  to  have  every  friend  of  the  treaty  present  at  the 
opening  of  Congress.  To  the  Secretary  of  State  and 
to  other  influential  friends  he  wrote :  "  The  less  we  say 
about  constitutional  difficulties  respecting  Louisiana 
the  better,  and  that  what  is  necessary  for  surmounting 
them  must  be  done  siih  sile?itlo.^'  ^ 

We  have  seen  that  within  four  days  after  Congress 
met  the  treaty  was  ratified,  and  ratifications  exchanged 

»  2  For.  Rel.  563.  2  s  Writings  of  Jefferson,  245. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  201 

and  proclaimed.  Only  one  day  was  allowed  in  each 
House  for  general  debate  on  the  legislation  necessary 
to  carry  it  into  effect.  In  no  part  of  his  public  career 
has  Jefferson's  character  and  power  as  a  politician  been 
more  conspicuously  exhibited ;  and  never  before  or 
since  has  a  president  of  the  United  States  pushed 
through  Congress  a  measure  which  he  himself  admitted 
was  unauthorized  by  the  Constitution.  He  relied  for 
his  justification  on  the  wisdom  and  necessity  of  the  act, 
and  the  hearty  wish  of  the  people  for  its  consummation. 
The  measure  was  strongly  opposed  by  most  of  the 
Federalists,  though  Hamilton,  Gouverneur  Morris,  and 
others  favored  it.  Although  under  "  the  whip  and 
spur  "  policy  of  the  administration  leaders  the  debate 
in  each  House  was  limited  to  one  day,  it  was  one  of  the 
most  notable  in  the  history  of  Congress.^  The  questions 
discussed  were,  first,  whether  under  the  Constitution 
foreign  territory  could  be  acquired,  and,  second,  under 
what  status  it  should  be  held  after  admission.  An 
affirmative  answer  was  given  to  the  first  question  by 
decided  majorities  in  both  Houses,  and  has  been  effec- 
tively settled  by  both  the  political  and  judicial  depart- 
ments of  the  government ;  but  the  control  of  such 
territory  is  still  a  matter  of  debate.  In  addition  to  the 
congressional  discussion  the  opposition  press  and  writers 
were  active  in  advancing  objections.  The  boundaries 
were  in  dispute  and  it  would  probably  lead  to  war,  a 
prediction  which  was  realized  some  forty  years  later ; 
the  large  territory  was  useless  and  not  wanted ;    the 

1  For  the  debate,  see  Annals  of  Congress,  8th  Congress,  1st  Session, 
1803,  in  the  House,  432-515;  in  the  Senate,  35-73. 


202  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

price  was  too  high  —  it  was  equal  to  433  tons  of  silver, 
it  would  load  866  wagons  extending  5|  miles,  would 
make  a  pile  of  dollars  3  miles  high,  equal  to  25  ship- 
loads, would  provide  §3  to  each  man,  woman,  and  child 
in  the  country,  more  than  all  the  gold  and  silver  coin  in 
the  country.  Griswold,  leader  of  the  Federalists  in  the 
House,  said :  "  The  vast  unmanageable  extent  which 
the  accession  of  Louisiana  will  give  the  United  States 
.  .  .  threatens,  at  no  distant  day,  the  subversion  of  the 
Union."  But  all  these  objections  counted  for  nothing 
as  against  the  prevailing  public  sentiment  that  the 
country  had  made  a  good  bargain,  and  that  the  West 
was  henceforth  to  have  a  free  outlet  to  the  world  for 
its  already  overabundant  production. 

The  treaty  of  cession  to  the  United  States  was  pro- 
claimed October  21,  1803,  but  at  that  date  the  Spanish 
authorities  were  still  in  possession  of  the  territory,  not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  the  treaty  for  its  retrocession 
to  France  had  been  signed  two  and  a  half  years  before. 
On  the  30th  of  November,  1803,  the  formal  transfer 
from  Spain  to  France  took  place  at  New  Orleans,  but 
as  the  French  colonial  prefect  had  no  force  at  his  com- 
mand to  support  his  authority,  a  volunteer  force  was 
hastily  organized  of  American  and  French  residents 
numbering  two  or  three  hundred  militia,  under  com- 
mand of  the  American  consul,  which  maintained  order 
until  the  arrival  of  a  body  of  the  United  States  army. 
On  December  20,  1803,  the  transfer  of  the  territory  of 
Louisiana  was  made  to  the  American  commissioners. 
The  American  troops  entered  the  city  of  New  Orleans 
and  formed  in  the  square  in  front  of  the  city  halL 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  203 

The  French  flag  descended  and  the  American  flag 
ascended  the  same  stall ;  as  they  met  a  gun  was  fired 
as  a  signal  and  was  answered  by  a  salute  from  all  the 
batteries.  After  a  twenty  days'  nominal  occupancy 
this  vast  territory  passed  forever  out  of  French  control. 

The  ratification  of  the  treaty  was  followed  by  an  act 
for  the  government  of  the  new  territory,  which  was 
in  marked  contrast  with  Jefferson's  loudly  proclaimed 
democratic  principles.  It  created  a  governor  and  legis- 
lative council  to  be  appointed  by  the  President,  but 
contained  no  provision  for  popidar  suffrage,  and  no 
opportunity  was  afforded  the  inhabitants  to  express 
their  will  as  to  the  transfer  of  the  territory.  The  bill 
was  not  passed  without  serious  opposition,^  and  it 
proved  so  unacceptable  that  it  was  soon  thereafter  sub- 
stituted for  one  more  in  harmony  with  republican 
Sfovernment.  The  President  made  no  reference  to  the 
constitutional  difficulty  in  his  message  to  Congress  sub- 
mitting the  treaty,  and  seems  to  have  dismissed  from 
his  mind  the  proposed  amendment.  More  than  a  month 
after  legislation  had  been  enacted  by  Congress  to  put 
the  treaty  in  force.  Senator  J.  Q.  Adams  submitted  a 
proposed  amendment  of  the  Constitution  to  the  Senate, 
but  it  was  not  even  seconded,  and  nothing  further  was 
ever  heard  of  the  subject. 

Few  events  in  the  entire  history  of  the  country  have 
had  such  an  important  influence  on  its  destiny  as  this 
acquisition  of  territory.  Nor  does  it  detract  from 
Jefferson's  statesmanship  that  he  did  not  have  in  view 

^  The  debate  in  the  Senate  was  not  reported,  but  that  in  the  House 
will  be  found  in  Annals  of  Congress,  1803-4,  105-4-1079. 


204  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

the  vast  acquisition  when  he  initiated  the  negotiations. 
In  seeking  to  relieve  the  wants  of  the  West  for  a  free 
outlet  to  the  ocean,  he  found  the  situation  of  European 
politics  presented  a  rare  chance  for  American  expansion, 
and  he  did  not  hestitate  to  embrace  the  Oi^portunitj. 
It  was  fortunate  for  the  future  of  America  that  we  had 
at  the  head  of  affairs  a  man  of  such  broad  views  of  our 
country's  future.  A  less  able  president,  with  the  same 
views  entertained  by  Jefferson  as  to  the  unconstitu- 
tionahty  of  the  measure,  would  have  put  aside  the 
opportunity.  Jefferson  put  aside  his  preconceived  views 
as  to  the  fundamental  law  or  subordinated  them  to  the 
will  of  the  nation,  and  welcomed  the  opportunity  to 
open  up  the  continent  to  the  expansion  of  American 
democracy  and  free  institutions. 

What  a  notable  influence  has  this  acquisition  had 
upon  the  succeeding  events  in  our  history  !  It  made 
the  acquisition  of  Florida  a  necessity.  It  brought  about 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  the  Mexican  War,  the  thirst 
for  more  slave  territory  to  preserve  the  balance  of 
power,  the  Civil  War,  and  the  abolition  of  slavery.  It 
led  to  our  Pacific  coast  possessions,  the  construction  of 
the  transcontinental  lines  of  railway  and  our  marvelous 
Rocky  Mountain  development,  the  demand  for  the 
Isthmus  Canal,  the  purchase  of  Alaska,  the  annexation 
of  Hawaii.  It  opened  up  to  us  the  great  field  of  com- 
mercial development  beyond  the  Pacific  in  Japan,  China, 
and  the  islands  of  the  sea.  It  fixed  our  destiny  as  a 
great  world  power,  the  effects  of  which  we  are  to-day 
just  beginning  to  realize. 

After  the  treaty  for  the  Louisiana  purchase,  Monroe 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  205 

was  sent  to  Madrid  to  secure  from  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment the  cession  of  Florida,  which  was  greatly  desired 
by  the  President ;  but  the  time  was  not  ripe  for  that 
acquisition,  and  he  returned  to  London  to  assume  the 
duties  of  minister  to  Enfjland.  Durinjj  his  residence 
there,  the  commercial  provisions  of  the  Jay  treaty  of 
179-1  expired,  and  he,  in  conjunction  with  William 
Pinkney,  a  lawyer  of  high  reputation,  was  empowered 
to  negotiate  a  new  treaty,  which  it  was  expected  would 
adjust  all  the  matters  of  difference  which  were  threaten- 
ing war  between  the  two  countries,  especially  as  to 
neutral  rights  and  impressment  of  seamen.  Monroe 
was  chagrined  that  the  President  should  have  sent  a 
special  envoy  to  assist  him  in  the  negotiations,  although 
he  had  borne  the  same  character  so  recently  in  Paris. 
They  labored  earnestly  together,  however,  and  finally 
succeeded  in  making  a  treaty  in  1806.  But  as  it 
omitted  any  provision  as  to  impressment  of  seamen  and 
indemnity  for  seizure  of  our  vessels.  President  Jefferson 
refused  to  send  it  to  the  Senate.  Mr.  Monroe  returned 
to  the  United  States  for  a  second  time  a  disappointed 
and  aggrieved  man.  Following  his  action  when  re- 
called by  Washington,  he  published  a  lengthy  defense 
of  his  suppressed  treaty,  but  in  the  excited  state  of  the 
public  mind  it  received  little  consideration. 

Not  the  least  important  of  the  achievements  of  the 
administrations  of  Jefferson  and  Madison  was  the  settle- 
ment of  the  troubles  with  the  x\frican  Barbary  States, 
which  had  existed  from  the  first  year  of  the  independ- 
ence. At  this  day  it  seems  incredible  that  within  the 
present  century  there  existed  on  the  shores  of  the  Medi- 


206  A  CEXTURY  OF  A^IERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

terranean  Sea  a  group  of  states  engaged  in  legalized 
piracy,  whereby  vessels  occupied  in  peaceful  commerce 
were  seized  and  confiscated,  and  their  of&cers  and 
crews  taken  and  held  as  slaves.  It  sounds  equally 
strange  to  be  told  that  all  the  commercial  nations  of 
Europe,  including  the  powerful  nations,  England  and 
France,  recognized  this  system  and  secured  exemption 
from  its  evil  effects  by  paying  an  annual  tribute,  and 
by  ransoming  their  subjects  from  wretched  slavery 
through  payment  of  large  sums  of  money.  When  the 
United  States  became  a  nation,  this  system  had  been 
in  practice  for  generations.  Instructions  were  sent  to 
Jefferson,  while  minister  at  Paris,  and  Adams  at  Lon- 
don, to  secure  some  kind  of  settlement  or  exemption 
for  American  commerce,  which  had  already  begun  to 
suffer,  and  release  of  our  citizens  held  in  slavery. 

Jefferson  urged  the  Continental  Congress  to  make 
an  issue  with  the  Barbary  States  and  go  to  war,  rather 
than  endure  the  humiliation  and  expense  of  the  tribute 
and  ransom.  Adams  feared  that  we  were  not  in  a 
position  to  make  an  issue  with  states  whose  naval 
streno;th  was  so  g-reat  as  to  command  the  submission  of 
all  Europe.  Whereupon  Jefferson  set  to  work  to  secure 
an  agreement  of  the  European  powers  for  a  combined 
movement  to  break  down  and  destroy  the  system.  By 
this  arrangement  the  United  States  was  to  furnish  a 
certain  naval  force  ;  but  when  the  Continental  Con- 
gress came  to  consider  and  carry  out  the  plan,  it  was 
compelled  to  confess  that  it  could  not  rely  upon  the 
States  to  contribute  the  force  and  money  required  for  the 
armed  intervention,  and  it  was  given  up,  partly  on  this 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  207 

account  and  partly  because  of  the  reluctance  of  some 
of  the  European  powers  to  join  in  the  movement.  This 
country  was,  therefore,  under  the  necessity  of  acqui- 
escing in  the  universal  practice,  and  make  the  best 
terms  possible  with  the  piratical  nations.^ 

But  when  terms  were  made  with  them  it  was  found 
that  the  pirates  would  not  observe  them,  and,  though 
we  had  paid  in  tribute  over  $2,500,000,  we  were  in 
constant  trouble,  our  consuls  insulted,  our  vessels  seized, 
and  our  seamen  thrown  into  slavery.  These  relations 
were  the  subject  of  much  consideration  and  of  naval 
expeditions  in  Jefferson's  term,  but  the  outrages  culmi- 
nated during  the  war  with  England,  and  at  its  close 
our  government,  having  a  tried  navy  at  its  command, 
determined  no  longer  to  submit  to  the  indignities,  and 
dispatched  Commodore  Decatur  with  a  squadron,  under 
instructions  to  demand  the  abolition  of  all  tribute  under 
any  form  whatever.  When  the  commodore  appeared 
in  the  harbor  of  Algiers  and  made  his  demand,  the 
Bey  asked  time  to  consider  it.  This  was  refused,  where- 
upon he  pleaded  for  three  hours,  and  the  answer  was, 
"  not  a  minute."  Within  forty-six  days  from  the  time 
the  squadron  sailed  the  Bey  of  Algiers  had  complied 
with  the  demands  of  our  government  ;  and  in  succession 
the  other  Barbary  States,  on  the  appearance  of  the 
commodore  and  his  guns,  yielded  to  American  naval 
diplomacy  and  accepted  the  terms  required.^     The  ex- 

*  For  some  of  the  correspondence  with  Adams  and  Jefferson,  see  1  Dip. 
Cor.  1783-1787,  470,  Go2,  750,  791  ;  2  lb.  5C8,  571  ;  1  Writings  of  Jef- 
ferson, 91-94. 

^  For  historical  statement,  Schuyler's  American  Diplomacy,  chap.  iv. 


208  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

ample  had  its  natural  effect  in  Europe.  England  soon 
dispatched  a  naval  force  on  a  similar  mission,  but  was 
at  first  less  successful,  as  it  was  necessary  to  bombard 
and  burn  Algiers  before  the  Bey  was  brought  to  sub- 
mission. And  thus,  through  the  intrepid  course  of  the 
young  nation  across  the  sea,  were  the  Barbary  pirates, 
who  for  centuries  had  ravaged  the  Mediterranean, 
taught  to  respect  human  freedom  and  the  rights  of 
commerce. 

While  our  diplomats  abroad  were  acquiring,  through 
negotiations  with  Napoleon,  half  a  continent,  and  were 
striving  to  prevent  the  impending  war  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, and  while  the  diplomacy  of  our  navy  was  being 
applied  to  the  Mediterranean  joirates,  Jefferson  and 
Madison  were  having  their  skill,  patience,  and  temper 
put  to  the  test  by  the  foreign  diplomats  resident  in  the 
capital.  These  troubles,  mainly  of  a  personal  character, 
seem  so  trivial  in  their  nature  as  to  be  scarcely  worthy 
of  notice,  but  they  grew  into  such  proportions  that  the 
English  historians  of  the  period  include  some  of  them 
in  the  causes  of  the  second  British  war.^  They  were, 
in  a  large  measure,  the  outgrowth  of  the  social  rules 
then  observed  at  the  capital. 

At  the  organization  of  the  government,  Washington 
took  the  written  opinions  of  various  of  his  advisers,  in- 
cluding Vice-President  Adams,  Jefferson,  and  Hamil- 
ton, as  to  the  etiquette  to  be  followed  at  the  Executive 
Mansion,  and  a  somewhat  ceremonious  practice  was 
established  as  to  levees,  dinners,  and  social  visiting,  in 
consonance  with  Washington's  view  of  the  dignity  of 

^  10  Allison's  History  of  Europe,  651. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  209 

the  presidency.  At  the  levees  the  President  is  de- 
scribed as  wearing  a  purple  satin  or  black  velvet  coat 
and  knee  breeches,  set  off  with  pearl  satin  waistcoat, 
fine  linen  and  lace,  and  shining  buckles,  a  cocked  hat, 
and  a  sword  with  a  polished  white  scabbard.  He  did 
not  shake  hands,  resting  one  hand  upon  his  sword  hilt, 
and  with  the  other  holding  his  hat.  The  detailed  ar- 
rangement of  the  levees  was  left  to  Colonel  Humphreys, 
who  had  been  an  aide  to  the  President  during  the  war, 
later  had  held  various  diplomatic  posts  in  Europe,  and 
had  returned  from  there  quite  impressed  with  court 
ceremonials.  Jefferson,  in  his  anas,^  gives  an  amusing 
account  of  the  first  of  these  levees,  and  of  Washing- 
ton's mortification  and  indignation  at  Humphreys's 
arrangement.  At  the  state  balls,  Mrs.  Washington  sat 
upon  a  raised  seat,  and  was  addressed  as  Lady  Wash- 
ington ;  the  waiters  at  the  President's  table  wore  "  the 
brilliant  Washington  livery ;  "  when  he  made  visits  he 
rode  in  a  coach-and-four,  and  at  the  opening  of  Con- 
gress in  a  coach-and-six ;  and  his  birthday  was  cele- 
brated at  the  seat  of  government  and  throughout  the 
country  with  much  eclat. 

The  practices  established  by  the  first  President  were 
in  great  part  observed  by  President  Adams,  but  not 
without  severe  criticism  from  the  opposing  party  as 
unbecoming  in  a  republican  government.  The  advent 
of  Jefferson,  with  his  democratic  ideas,  led  to  a  change 
at  the  Executive  Mansion.  He  no  longer  opened  Con- 
gress in  person,  but  sent  his  messages  to  be  read  by 
the  clerk.     The  courtly  drawing-rooms,  which  he  re- 

*  1  Writings  of  Jefferson,  216. 


210  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY, 

erarded  as  in  tlie  nature  of  monarcliical  customs,  were 

o 

abolished.^  The  President  refused  to  allow  his  birth- 
day to  be  observed.  On  New  Year's  Day  and  the 
Fourth  of  July  the  Executive  Mansion  was  open  to  all 
who  chose  to  come.  He  revoked  the  rule  setting  aside 
separate  days  and  hours  for  receiving  visits,  and  an- 
nounced that  on  any  day  and  hour  he  would  receive 
those  who  should  call  on  him.  All  social  distinctions 
were  to  be  abolished  at  the  White  House,  and  what  he 
termed  "  the  rule  of  pele-mele  "  was  to  be  followed  f  no 
special  places  were  assigned  to  guests  at  the  President's 
table,  and  if  ladies  were  of  the  company  they  were 
to  be  escorted  by  those  who  stood  nearest  to  them 
when  dinner  was  announced. 

These  rules  brought  upon  Mr.  Jefferson  much  criti- 
cism and  not  a  little  embarrassment,  as  we  shall  see; 
but  they  were  not  inspired  by  parsimony  nor  a  want  of 
knowledge  of  social  etiquette.  We  are  told  that  his 
sideboard  was  open  and  profusely  supplied  on  the  New 
Year's  and  July  receptions ;  and  neither  of  his  prede- 
cessors had  entertained  so  lavishly  as  he.  A  senatorial 
guest,  fresh  from  one  of  his  congressional  dinners, 
records  in  his  diary :  "  We  had  a  very  good  dinner, 
with  a  profusion  of  fruits  and  sweetmeats.  The  wine 
was  the  best  I  ever  drank,  particularly  the  champagne, 
which  was  indeed  delicious."  ^  Jefferson's  residence  in 
Paris  had  given  him  a  relish  for  French  dishes,  and  he 
kept  a  French  cook.  In  allusion  to  these  habits,  Patrick 
Henry  denounced  him  on  the  stump  as  one  who  "abjured 

1  8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  52.  «  lb.  277. 

»  Life  of  William  Plummer,  p.  245. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  211 

his  native  victuals."  ^  He  was  a  man  of  scholarly  tastes, 
■wide  information,  an  excellent  conversationalist,  of  at- 
tractive manner,  and  had  spent  five  years  in  the  best 
social  circles  of  Paris.  Few  men  of  his  day  were  better 
fitted  to  create  a  refined  society  at  the  new  capital,  and 
especially  to  make  the  Executive  Mansion  a  pleasant 
resort  for  the  small  diplomatic  corps ;  but  he  had  other 
ends  in  view.  He  was  an  intense  behever  in  democratic 
simplicity,  had  great  faith  in  the  people,  and  a  thorough 
disgust  for  kings  and  the  pomp  of  court.  He  sincerely 
believed  the  ceremonies  established  during  Washing- 
ton's administration  tended  to  the  encouragement  of 
aristocratic  and  monarchical  institutions.  He  went  to 
the  other  extreme,  and  brought  upon  himself  the  charge 
of  demagoguery  ;  but  he  rendered  a  great  service  to 
society  and  the  country  in  fixing  at  the  Executive  Man- 
sion the  simplicity  of  official  and  social  customs  which 
has  been  the  pride  of  genuine  Americans  for  a  century 
past. 

The  troubles  growing  out  of  the  new  social  regime 
began  with  the  arrival  of  a  new  British  minister,  ]Mr. 
Merry,  in  1803,  the  legation  having  been  filled  for 
some  time  previously  by  a  secretary.  He  gave  to  his 
government  the  following  account  of  his  official  recep- 
tion by  the  President :  "  Mr.  Jefferson's  appearance 
soon  explained  to  me  that  the  general  circumstances  of 
my  reception  had  not  been  accidental,  but  studied.  I, 
in  my  official  costume,  found  myself,  at  the  hour  of  re- 
ception he  had  himself  appointed,  introduced  to  a  man 
as  the  President  of  the  United  States,  not  merely  in  an 

1  2  Schouler's  U.  S.  93. 


212  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

undress,  but  actually  standing  in  slippers  down  at  the 
heels,  and  both  pantaloons,  coat,  and  underclothes  in- 
dicative of  utter  slovenliness  and  indifference  to  appear- 
ances, and  in  a  state  of  negligence  actually  studied." 
This  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  he  had  gciven  audi- 
ence  to  a  foreign  minister,  but  from  our  knowledge  of 
Jefferson's  ideas  and  habits  it  is  fair  to  presume  that 
the  British  minister  was  mistaken  in  supposing  that 
there  was  any  design  to  treat  him  with  disrespect.  The 
senator  whom  I  have  already  quoted,  in  giving  an  ac- 
count of  his  first  meeting  with  Jefferson,  says  :  "  He 
was  dressed,  or  rather  undressed,  in  an  old  brown  coat, 
red  waistcoat,  old  corduroy  small-clothes  much  soiled, 
woolen  hose,  and  slippers  without  heels.  I  thought 
him  a  servant,  when  General  Varnum  surprised  me  by 
announcing  that  it  was  the  President."  ^ 

The  next  account  Minister  Merry  gives  his  govern- 
ment of  his  meeting  with  the  President  was  at  a  din- 
ner at  the  White  House,  amongr  the  gruests  beinsr  the 
Spanish  minister  and  his  wife,  the  French  charge  and 
his  wife,  and  others.  Mr.  Merry  reports  that  the  Presi- 
dent escorted  Mrs.  Madison,  the  wife  of  the  Secretary 
of  State,  who  sat  at  his  right,  the  Spanish  minister's 
wife  on  his  left.  "  Mrs.  Merry  was  placed  by  Mr. 
Madison  below  the  Spanish  minister,  who  sat  next  to 
Mrs.  Madison.  With  respect  to  myself,  I  was  proceed- 
ing to  place  myself,  though  without  invitation,  next  to 
the  wife  of  the  Spanish  minister,  when  a  member  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  passed  quickly  by  me 
and  took  the  seat,  without  Mr.  Jefferson's  using  any 

^  Life  of  William  Plumtuer,  242. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  213 

means  to  prevent  it,  or  taking  any  care  that  I  might 
be  otherwise  placed."  The  event  was  dignified  by  a 
report  of  it  to  both  the  Spanish  and  French  govern- 
ments by  their  representatives.  Yrujo,  the  Spanish 
minister,  wrote  to  his  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs :  "  I 
observed  immediately  the  impression  that  such  a  pro- 
ceedino:  of  the  President  must  have  on  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Merry,  and  their  resentment  could  not  but  be  increased 
at  seeing  the  manifest,  and,  in  my  opinion,  studied  pre- 
ference given  by  the  President  throughout  to  me  and 
my  wife  over  him  and  Mrs.  Merry." 

Four  days  afterwards  the  British  minister  and  his 
wife  were  invited  to  dine  with  the  Secretary  of  State, 
the  Spanish  and  French  representatives  and  the  Cabinet 
families  also  being  present.  It  had  been  the  practice 
of  Mr.  Madison  to  give  the  precedence  at  his  table  to 
the  foreign  ministers,  but  on  this  occasion  he  escorted 
to  the  table  the  wife  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
it  being  supposed  the  custom  was  varied  because  of 
the  criticism  of  the  British  minister  on  the  President's 
dinner.  The  worst  of  it  was,  however,  that  in  the 
pele-mele  practice  Mrs.  Merry  was  left  without  an 
escort,  and,  as  the  minister  informed  his  government,  he 
accompanied  her  himself  to  the  table,  and  they  placed 
themselves  wherever  they  could  find  seats.  The  French 
charge  reported  to  Talleyrand  that  the  Secretary  of  State 
"  in  this  instance  wished  to  establish  in  his  house  the 
same  formality  as  at  the  President's,  in  order  to  make 
Mr.  Merry  feel  more  keenly  the  scandal  he  had  made  ; 
but  this  incident  increased  it."  Merry  wrote  home  : 
"  The  preference  in  every  respect  was  taken  by,  and 


214  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN   DIPLOMACY. 

given  to,  the  wives  of  the  secretaries  of  the  depart- 
ments (a  set  of  beings  as  little  without  the  manners  as 
without  the  appearance  of  gentlewomen),  the  foreign 
ministers  and  their  wives  being  left  to  take  care  of 
themselves.  In  short,  the  latter  are  now  placed  here  in 
a  situation  so  degrading  to  the  countries  they  repre- 
sent, and  so  personally  disagreeable  to  themselves,  as 
to  have  become  almost  intolerable." 

The  diplomats  determined  upon  reprisals,  and  the 
British  and  Spanish  ministers  agreed  that  whenever 
they  entertained  the  secretaries  and  their  wives  they 
should  take  none  of  them  to  the  table,  but  should 
escort  their  own  wives  ;  and  accordingly  the  resolution 
was  carried  out  at  the  house  of  the  Spanish  minister 
some  days  afterwards.  Other  reprisals  of  a  similar  char- 
acter followed.  The  French  charge,  whose  country 
was  at  war  with  England,  was  delighted  with  the  situa- 
tion, and  communicated  to  Talleyrand  full  details  of  this 
social  warfare,  and  comments :  "  Washington  society  is 
turned  upside  down  ;  all  the  women  are  to  the  last  de- 
gree exasperated  against  Mrs.  Merry ;  the  Federalist 
news^Dapers  have  taken  up  the  matter  and  increased  the 
situation  by  sarcasms  on  the  administration,  and  by 
making  a  burlesque  of  the  facts,  which  the  government 
has  not  thought  proper  to  correct,"  and  he  concludes  : 
"  I  am  aware  that,  with  tact  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, he  might  have  avoided  all  these  scandals." 

The  President  a  little  later  did  make  an  effort  to 
mend  the  situation,  and  after  informally  inquiring  whe- 
ther Mr.  Merry  would  accept  an  invitation  to  a  family 
dinner,  and  supposing  he  had  received  a  favorable  indi- 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  215 

cation,  wrote  liim  an  invitation  in  his  own  hand.  In 
place  of  replying  direct  to  this  friendly  advance,  Mr. 
Merry  addressed  an  official  note  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  to  know  whether  he  was  invited  in  his  official 
or  private  capacity ;  if  the  former,  he  must  first  obtain 
the  permission  of  his  sovereign ;  if  the  latter,  he  must 
receive  an  assurance  in  advance,  through  the  Secretary 
of  State,  that  the  President  woidd  observe  towards 
him  usages  of  distinction  heretofore  extended  to  his 
Majesty's  ministers.^ 

^  This  correspondence  is  so  unique  that  it  is  here  inserted.  The  Presi- 
dent's invitation  was  as  follows  :  — 

"  Thomas  Jefferson  asks  the  favor  of  Mr.  Merry  to  dine  with  a  small 
party  of  friends  on  Monday,  the  13th,  at  half  past  three. 

"  February  9,  1804." 

Mr.  Merry's  reply  was  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  in  it 
he  referred  at  some  length  to  what  had  passed,  and  closed  with  the  in- 
quiry whether  the  invitation  was  addressed  to  him  in  his  private  capacity 
or  as  his  Britannic  Majesty's  minister,  and  says  :  "  If  Mr.  Merry  should 
be  mistaken  as  to  the  meaning  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  note,  and  it  should 
prove  that  the  invitation  is  designed  for  him  in  his  public  capacity,  he 
trusts  that  Mr.  Jefferson  will  feel  equally  that  it  must  be  out  of  his 
power  to  accept  it,  without  receiving  previously,  through  the  channel  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  the  necessary  formal  assurances  of  the  President's 
determination  to  observe  towards  him  those  usages  of  distinction  which 
have  heretofore  been  shown  by  the  executive  government  of  the  United 
States  to  the  persons  who  have  been  accredited  to  them  as  his  Majesty's 
ministers. 

"  ^Ir.  ^lerry  has  the  honor  to  request  of  Mr.  Madison  to  lay  this  ex- 
planation before  the  President,  and  to  accompany  it  with  the  strongest 
assurances  of  his  highest  respect  and  consideration. 

"  Washikgton,  February  9,  1804." 

To  this  Mr.  Madison  replied  as  follows  :  — 

"  Mr,  Madison  presents  his  compliments  to  Mr.  Merry.  He  has  com- 
municated to  the  President  Mr.  Merry's  note  of  this  morning,  and  has 
the  honor  to  remark  to  him  that  the  President's  invitation,  being  in  the 


216  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

This  reply  was  considered  insulting,  and  intensified 
the  feeling  in  the  already  excited  administration  cir- 
cles. The  matter  was  made  the  topic  of  solemn  Cabinet 
consultations,  and  the  President  attached  such  impor- 
tance to  it  as  to  address  a  long  communication,  in  his 
own  name,  to  Mr.  Monroe,  our  minister  in  London, 
manifesting  much  temper.  In  it  he  speaks  kindly  of 
Mr.  Merry,  but  of  his  wife  he  says  :  "  He  is  unluckily 
associated  with  one  of  opj)Osite  character  in  every  point. 
She  has  already  disturbed  our  harmony  extremely.  .  .  . 
It  has  excited  general  emotions  of  contempt  and  indig- 
nation (in  which  the  members  of  the  Legislature  parti- 
cipate sensibly)  that  the  agents  of  foreign  nations  should 
assume  to  dictate  to  us  what  shall  be  the  laws  of  our 
society.  .  .  .  The  latter  (Mrs.  Merry),  be  assured,  is  a 
virago,  and  in  the  short  course  of  a  few  weeks  has 
established  a  decree  of  dislike  amono^  all  classes  which 
one  would  have  thought  impossible  in  so  short  a  time. 
...  If  she  perseveres  she  must  eat  her  soup  at  home, 
and  we  shall  endeavor  to  draw  him  into  society  as  if 
she  did  not  exist."  ^  The  Secretary  of  State  also  made 
it  the  subject  of  an  official  dispatch  to  Mr.  Monroe.^ 

Tom  Moore,  the  Irish  poet,  was  on  a  \4sit  to  the 
United  States  about  this  time,  and  was  entertained  for 

style  used  by  him  in  like  cases,  had  no  reference  to  the  points  of  form 
which  will  deprive  him  of  the  pleasure  of  Mr.  Merry's  company  at  dinner 
on  Monday  next. 

"  Mr.  Madison  tenders  to  Mr.  Merry  his  distinguished  consideration. 

♦'  Washington,  February  9,  1804." 

(1  "Wharton's  Digest,  733.) 

1  8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  290. 

3  2  Madison's  Writings,  195. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  217 

a  week  at  the  British  legation.  He  wrote  to  his  mother 
an  amusing  account  of  the  affair,  which  lie  spoke  of  as 
a  "  farce,"  though  he  said,  "  only  the  precarious  situa- 
tion of  Great  Britain  could  possibly  induce  it  to  over- 
look such  indecent,  though  petty,  hostility."  ^  Merry 
remained  for  three  years  thereafter  at  his  post,  hut  he 
never  forgot  his  treatment,  and  found  frequent  occasion 
to  take  his  revenge  in  his  political,  as  well  as  social, 
relations.  Such  incidents  have  contributed  much  to 
create  in  Europe  a  widespread  conviction,  not  yet 
wholly  extinct,  that  the  Americans  are  a  people  without 
social  manners  and  devoid  of  cultivation.  Moore,  like 
other  British  visitors,  such  as  Mrs.  Trollope,  Dickens, 
and  others,  in  his  volume  of  poems  soon  after  pub- 
lished, devoted  considerable  space  to  ridicule  and  de- 
traction of  American  social  life.  One  of  his  stanzas  I 
give,  though  almost  too  scurrilous  to  quote :  — 

"  The  patriot,  fresh  from  Freedom's  councils  come, 
Now  pleas'd  retires  to  lash  his  slaves  at  home; 
Or  woo,  perhaps,  some  black  Aspasia's  charms, 
And  dream  of  freedom  in  his  bondsmaid's  arms."  ^ 

In  a  footnote,  he  explained  that  this  allusion  was  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Merry  was  not  the  only  unruly  and  sensitive  diplomat 
with  which  President  Jefferson  had  to  deal.  The  Mar- 
quis de  Casa  Yrujo,  the  Spanish  minister,  was  first 
accredited  to  the  government  of  President  Washington, 
and  in  the  latter  days  of  Adams's  term,  for  serious  mis- 
conduct arising:  out  of  the  celebrated  Gobbet  trial  ^  and 

1  1  Lord  Russell's  Thomas  Moore,  162. 

2  Tlie  Poetical  Works  of  Thomas  Moore  (London,  1853),  295. 

3  5  Iliiaroth's  U.  S.  103. 


218  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

his  unfriendly  relations  with  the  Secretary  of  State,  his 
recall  had  been  asked  of  the  Spanish  government.  The 
temper  towards  the  minister  of  the  irascible  secretary, 
Pickering,  may  be  seen  from  an  extract  of  a  letter 
written  by  the  latter  to  McHenry,  the  Secretary  of 
War.  Referring  to  what  he  termed  a  conspiracy  of  the 
Spanish  minister  to  bring  false  evidence  against  him, 
he  used  this  language,  more  forcible  than  elegant : 
"  The  object  of  the  Spanish  puppy,  and  his  hired  wit- 
nesses, was  apparent  from  the  beginning,  but  I  have  a 
perfect  contempt  for  him  and  them.  .  .  .  Armed  with 
truth,  I  defy  all  the  villains  which  the  unprincipled 
Don  and  his  dollars  can  assemble  in  array  against  me, 
and  all  the  other  devils  incarnate  in  the  United  States 
who  would  be  pleased  with  my  destruction."  ^ 

He  had  during  his  residence  married  a  daughter  of 
Governor  McKean,  of  Pennsylvania,  an  influential  Re- 
publican, and  one  of  the  first  diplomatic  acts  after 
Jefferson's  accession  was  to  withdraw  the  request  for 
his  recall.  He  became  afterwards  very  intimate  at  the 
White  House,  and  until  the  arrival  of  Merry  took  no 
offense  at  the  unceremonious  practices  in  vogue  there. 
But  Merry's  advent  synchronized  with  some  serious 
complications  as  to  Florida,  then  a  Spanish  possession, 
and  it  suited  Yrujo's  purpose  to  reverse  his  past  social 
conduct  and  side  with  his  British  colleague  in  the  petty 
quarrel  over  *^  the  'ptle-mUe  "  manner  of  reaching  the 
presidential  dining-table.  Smarting  under  his  treat- 
ment growing  out  of  these  incidents,  he  took  advantage 
of  the  Florida  trouble  to  call  upon  Madison  at  the 

1  3  Life  of  Pickering,  404. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  219 

State  Department,  and  in  the  most  excited  manner 
overwhelmed  him  with  reproaches,  and  followed  up  his 
personal  visit  with  a  note  preferring  very  severe  charges 
against  the  government.  The  controversy  on  Yrujo's 
part  reached  such  a  pitch  that  Madison  declared  it  "  a 
rudeness  which  no  government  can  tolerate,"  and  he 
directed  our  minister  in  Madrid  to  ask  for  his  recall, 
although  the  chief  ground  for  the  request  was  his 
attempt  to  bribe  a  Philadelphia  editor  to  publish  attacks 
upon  the  government. 

The  Spanish  government  was  in  no  hurry  to  act  upon 
the  request,  and  meanwhile  Yrujo's  conduct  became 
so  offensive  that  correspondence  w4th  him  was  sus- 
pended, and  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  was  designated 
to  wait  upon  him,  then  in  Philadelphia,  and  ascertain 
whether  he  was  not  soon  going  away,  and  give  him 
to  understand  his  presence  in  Washington  would  not 
be  ajrreeable.  But  the  hint  had  the  reverse  effect  on 
the  hidalgo,  for  he  forthwith  appeared  in  the  capital. 
Secretary  Madison  at  once  sent  him  a  note  stating  that 
the  President  had  charged  him  to  signify  to  the  diplomat 
that  his  presence  in  Washington  was  dissatisfactory  to 
him,  and  while  he  would  not  insist  on  his  leaving  the 
United  States  during  the  inclement  season  (then  Jan- 
uary), he  would  expect  him  to  go  soon  thereafter.  On 
the  next  day,  January  16,  he  replied  to  Madison  that 
he  had  a  legal  right  to  be  there,  and  said :  "  I  intend 
remaining  in  the  city,  four  miles  square,  in  which  the 
government  resides,  as  long  as  it  may  suit  the  interests 
of  the  king,  my  master,  or  my  own  personal  con- 
venience."    He  followed  this  up  by  another  note  still 


220         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

more  defiant  and  insulting,  sent  copies  of  the  corre- 
spondence to  all  his  colleagues,  and  caused  it  to  be 
printed  in  the  newsj^apers.^ 

Merry  reciprocated  his  friendly  support  during  his 
pele-mele  quarrel  with  the  President,  and  did  what 
he  could  to  strengthen  him  in  his  claim  of  privilege  of 
residence  as  the  representative  of  his  sovereign.  The 
Cabinet  consulted,  examined  the  law  and  precedents, 
and  decided  that  he  could  not  be  expelled  without 
giving  Spain  a  cause  of  war.  John  Quincy  Adams, 
then  a  senator,  in  noting  the  excitement  the  event  occa- 
sioned in  the  Cabinet  and  Senate,  records  in  his  diary : 
"  The  Marquis'  letters  .  .  .  seem  to  have  frightened 
many  of  them  so  that  probably  nothing  will  be  done." 
Yrujo  continued  to  defy  the  administration,  and  found 
the  Federalist  newspapers  freely  open  for  his  abuse  of  it. 
He  lingered  in  the  country  for  another  year,  and  was 
finally  transferred  by  his  government  to  a  post  in  Europe. 

Madison's  personal  troubles  with  the  diplomatic  corps 
were  not  to  end  with  his  services  as  Secretary  of  State, 
for  soon  after  he  became  President  he  had  another  dip- 
lomatic quarrel  on  his  hands.  At  the  time  Merry  was 
being  appointed,  the  British  Foreign  Office,  following  a 
custom  in  vogue  in  European  courts,  consulted  our 
minister  in  London,  suggesting  that  the  king  would 
name  him  or  a  Mr.  Francis  James  Jackson,  a  person 
of  experience  in  the  service.  Mr.  King  reported  to  the 
State  Department  that  Jackson  was  "  positive,  vain, 
and  intolerant,"  ^  and  that  he  had  indicated  a  prefer- 

^  For  correspondence,  see  3  Wharton's  Digest,  868-880. 
2  King  to  Madison,  April  10,  1802.     MSS.  State  Dept. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION    OF  JEFFERSON.  221 

ence  for  Mr.  Merry,  "  a  plain,  unassuming,  and  amiable 
man."  Merry's  stormy  career  in  Washington  hardly 
bore  out  this  prognostication.  But  the  coming  of 
Jackson  was  only  deferred,  as  fate  had  reserved  him 
for  us  to  a  later  day.  He  came  in  1809,  a  very  critical 
time  in  our  relations  with  Great  Britain,  and  his  con- 
duct showed  that  our  minister  in  London  had  not  mis- 
judged him. 

He  had  hardly  landed  before  he  began  to  show  his 
temperament.  Within  a  week  after  he  reached  Wash- 
ington he  addressed  the  Secretary  of  State  a  note, 
which  in  effect  charged  the  government  with  falsehood 
and  duplicity.  After  receiving  a  reply  explaining  the 
conduct  of  the  government,  which  should  have  led  to  a 
retraction  on  his  part,  he  reiterated  the  charge  in  even 
more  offensive  language.  While  this  correspondence 
was  in  progress,  he  withdrew  the  legation  and  his 
family  from  Washington  to  Baltimore,  and  thence  to 
New  York,  on  the  alleged  ground  that  he  w^as  threat- 
ened with  mob  violence.  It  also  appears  that  he  re- 
ported to  his  government  that  he  was  treated  at  the 
President's  table  "  with  marked  indifference,  if  not 
studied  insult."  ^  It  does  not  seem  that  either  of  these 
statements  had  any  just  foundation  of  fact,  but  it 
served  the  minister's  purpose  to  aggravate  the  situation 
between  the  two  countries.  The  Secretary  of  State,  on 
receipt  of  his  last  offensive  note,  informed  him  that  his 
recall  would  be  asked  of  his  government,  and  that  no 
further  communications  would  be  received  from  him.  - 

'  10  Allison's  Hist.  Europe,  651. 

a  For  official  correspondeuce,  see  3  For.  Rel.  651. 


222         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

The  subject  of  his  dismissal  was  the  theme  of  violent 
discussion  in  the  party  press,  and  occasioned  a  lengthy 
debate  in  Congress.  A  resolution  was  introduced  in 
the  Senate  reprobating  the  conduct  of  Jackson,  and 
approving  the  course  of  the  executive,  in  which  body 
it  was  passed  almost  unanimously  ;  but  in  the  House, 
the  Federalists,  thinking  to  manufacture  capital  out  of 
it,  made  a  strenuous  opposition  to  its  passage,  resulting 
in  tedious  days  of  debate  and  obstruction,  and,  finally, 
after  a  continuous  session  of  nineteen  hours,  it  was 
adopted  by  a  vote  of  72  to  41.^  Mr.  Jackson,  un- 
daunted by  his  dismissal  and  the  disapproval  of  Con- 
gress, not  only  remained  in  the  country  for  some  time 
thereafter,  but,  taking  advantage  of  the  heated  party 
differences,  visited  Boston  and  other  cities,  where  he 
was  feted  by  the  Federalists,  and  treated  by  many  of 
them  with  distinguished  honors  bordering  on  disloy- 
alty.^ 

In  the  case  of  Merry  the  administration  created  a 
needless  estrangement  of  a  foreign  representative  for 
want  of  tact,  if  not  good  manners ;  but  in  the  case  of 
Jackson  the  President  and  his  secretary  were  entirely 

1  The  debate  will  be  found  in  Annals  of  Congress,  11th  Congress,  Part 
I.,  1809-10,  in  the  Senate,  pp.  481,  484-509  ;  in  the  House,  pp.  747-1152. 

2  Mr.  Jackson's  account  of  his  mission  to  the  United  States,  with  some 
racy  comments  on  social  and  official  customs  at  Washington,  will  be 
found  in  The  Diaries  and  Letters  of  Sir  G.  Jackson,  London,  1872,  under 
the  title  of  Bath  Archives,  freely  quoted  in  1  Wharton's  Digest,  pp.  714- 
718. 

Detailed  narratives  of  the  troubles  with  Yrujo,  Merry,  and  Jackson, 
with  quotations  from  the  unpublished  archives  of  Spain,  Great  Britain, 
and  France,  will  be  found  in  2  H.  Adams's  Hist.  U.  S.,  chap.  11  for 
Yrujo,  chap.  16  for  Merry,  and  vol.  v.,  chap.  6  for  Jackson.  Most  of 
the  quotations  in  the  preceding  pages  will  there  be  found. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  223 

In  the  rifflit,  and  there  is  reason  to  infer  that  the  min- 
ister  was  inspired  by  his  government  to  this  unseemly 
and  hostile  conduct.  These  cases  have  been  followed 
by  a  number  of  others  in  our  diplomatic  history,  and 
they  illustrate  the  importance  of  a  proper  regard  for 
the  amenities  of  social  intercourse  in  public  life,  which 
many  Americans  are  prone  to  treat  too  lightly. 

The  conspiracy  of  Aaron  Burr,  one  of  the  exciting 
events  of  Jefferson' s  term,  is  mainly  of  a  domestic 
character,  although  it  involved  infringement  on  Span- 
ish territory,  and  it  cannot  be  treated  at  any  length 
by  me  at  this  time.  I  limit  myself  to  referring  to  the 
relation  which  several  of  the  foreign  representatives 
at  Washington  sustained  to  it.  As  early  as  1804:,  a 
month  after  his  duel  with  Hamilton,  and  while  still 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  Burr  put  himself 
in  communication  with  Merry,  the  British  minister, 
only  a  few  months  after  this  diplomat  had  emerged 
from  his  controversy  with  the  President  and  Secretary 
of  State  over  table  manners.  Merry  listened  eagerly 
to  Burr's  scheme,  and  repeated  it  in  full  to  his  govern- 
ment, together  with  a  proposal  made  to  him  by  the 
Vice-President.  The  latter  was  "  to  lend  his  assistance 
to  his  Majesty's  government  in  any  manner  in  which 
they  may  think  fit  to  employ  him,  particularly  in  en- 
deavoring to  effect  a  separation  of  the  western  part  of 
the  United  States  from  that  which  lies  between  the 
mountains  in  its  whole  extent."  Burr  had  enlisted  in 
his  project  a  British  army  officer.  Colonel  Williamson, 
"who,  the  minister  reports,  was  to  go  to  London  in  a 
few  days  to  lay  all  the  details  before  the  ministry. 


224  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

During  the  next  year  Burr's  scheme  had  so  far 
ripened  that  he  communicated  to  Merry  his  plan  of 
campaign,  which  was  that  while  he  organized  his  forces 
in  the  West,  the  British  government  was  to  provide  a 
loan  of  a  half  million  of  dollars,  and  dispatch  a  fleet 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  to  cooperate  with  his 
land  expedition  on  New  Orleans,  the  French  inhabit- 
ants of  which.  Merry  reported,  were  ready  for  revolt. 
The  minister  was  evidently  deeply  enlisted  in  the  con- 
spiracy, but  in  his  dispatches,  sent  in  triplicate  and 
marked  "  most  secret,"  having  in  view  Burr's  profligate 
character,  he  made  this  caution  :  "  I  have  only  to  add 
that  if  strict  confidence  could  be  placed  in  him,  he  cer- 
tainly possesses,  perhajDS  in  a  much  greater  degree  than 
any  other  individual  in  this  country,  all  the  talents, 
energy,  intrepidity,  and  firmness  which  are  required  for 
such  an  enterprise."  The  British  ministry  at  first 
seemed  to  entertain  the  proposals,  but  Mr.  Pitt  finally 
decided  that  he  had  more  important  business  on  hand, 
and  left  the  matter  to  remain  without  action  in  the 
Foreign  Office.  Burr,  however,  continued  his  secret 
intercourse  with  Merry,  and,  according  to  his  reports, 
tried  to  quicken  his  interest  by  threatening  that  if 
Great  Britain  did  not  soon  respond  to  the  proposals 
of  himself  and  associates,  they  would,  "  though  very 
reluctantly,  be  under  the  necessity  of  addressing  them- 
selves to  the  French  and  Spanish  governments  then  at 
war  with  England.  He  added,  however,  that  the  dis- 
position of  the  inhabitants  of  the  western  country,  and 
particularly  Louisiana,  to  separate  themselves  from  the 
American  Union  was  so  strong  that  the  attempt  might 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  225 

be  made  with  every  prospect  of  success  without  any 
foreiirn  assistance  whatever ;  and  his  last  words  to  me 
were  that,  with  or  without  support,  it  certainly  would 
be  made  very  shortly." 

Burr,  having-  his  patience  exhausted  waiting  for  the 
action  of  the  British  government,  finally  turned  to  the 
Marquis  Yrujo,  who  was  just  as  ready  to  encourage 
the  conspiracy  and  make  trouble  for  Jefferson  as  his 
British  colleague,  but  having  a  better  knowledge  of 
American  politics,  did  not,  at  the  beginning,  regard 
the  scheme  or  its  chief  as  likely  to  lead  to  the  success 
anticipated.  He  was  first  waited  upon  by  Dayton,  an 
ex-senator  from  New  Jersey,  one  of  Burr's  associates, 
who  informed  him  of  the  negotiations  in  progress  with 
Merry,  sought  to  awaken  his  jealousy  of  England,  and 
threatened  him  with  the  loss  of  Florida  unless  his  gov- 
ernment lent  support  to  the  project,  and  especially  ad- 
vanced some  money.  Yrujo  did  furnish  Dayton  a  few 
thousand  dollars,  sent  full  reports  of  Burr's  plans  to 
his  government,  and  encouraged  their  hopes.  Finally 
Burr  himself  sought  Yrujo,  and  he  wrote  to  his  minis- 
try in  Madrid  :  "  The  communications  I  have  had  with 
him  confirms  me  in  the  idea,  not  only  of  the  proba- 
bility, but  even  of  the  facility,  of  his  success,  under 
certain  circumstances.  To  insure  it,  some  pecuniary  aid 
on  our  part,  and  on  that  of  France,  is  wanted."  Thence- 
forth Burr  and  Dayton  made  frequent  \'isits  to  the 
marquis,  but  when  they  found  they  could  get  no  more 
money,  they  ceased  their  calls. 

The  French  minister,  General  Turreau,  was  early  in- 
formed of  Burr's  conspirncy,  possibly  having  learned  of 


226         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

it  from  the  French  delegates  from  Louisiana,  who  were 
in  Washington  in  1805  asking  for  a  recognition  of 
their  political  rights,  of  which  they  claimed  they  had 
been  deprived  in  violation  of  the  treaty  of  purchase. 
Burr  had  taken  advantage  of  their  discontent,  and 
sought  to  enlist  them  in  his  cause,  but  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  he  had  any  personal  intercourse  with  the 
French  minister.  The  latter,  however,  knew  of  Burr's 
negotiations  with  the  British  minister,  and  kept  Talley- 
rand fully  advised  of  the  details  and  progress  of  them. 

The  foregoing  facts,  which  have  in  most  part  come 
to  light  of  late  years  through  access  to  the  unpublished 
archives  of  the  Foreign  Offices  of  London,  Madrid, 
and  Paris,  make  clear  the  scope  of  Burr's  conspiracy, 
and  are  convincing  proofs  of  his  guilt.  But  they  also 
show  that  foreign  representatives,  accredited  to  our 
government  and  enjoying  its  hospitality,  were  engaged 
in  promoting  the  conspiracy,  and  did  not  scruple  to 
encourage  the  dismemberment  of  the  Union.^ 

An  event  of  the  French  negotiations  under  the 
Adams  administration  was  twice  recalled  durino;  Mr. 
Jefferson's  term  in  a  way  which  gave  to  it  more  than 
the  momentary  interest  to  which  at  the  time  it  seemed 
fated.  After  the  three  envoys  of  the  United  States 
had  left  France  in  1798,  diplomatic  relations  sundered, 
the  X  Y  Z  correspondence  published,  Washington 
called  to  the  command  of  the  army,  and  while  the 
country  was  clamoring  for  war,  a  worthy  gentleman  of 
the  Society  of  Friends,  George  Logan,  of  Philadelphia, 
a  gentleman  of  wealth  and  social  standing,  impelled 

^  For  details  and  quotations,  see  3  H.  Adams,  chaps.  10,  11. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  227 

by  an  ardent  desire  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  two 
nations,  conceived  the  idea  of  undertaking  a  self-con- 
stituted mission  to  Paris.  Being  an  ardent  Rei^ublican 
he  went  armed  with  letters  from  Jefferson  and  Gov- 
ernor McKean,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  left  the  coun- 
try without  a  passport.  He  was  hailed  by  the  French 
newspapers  as  a  messenger  of  peace,  was  received  by 
Talleyrand,  and  feasted  by  members  of  the  Directory. 
He  brought  back  with  him  certain  verbal  assurances 
that  France  was  ready  to  treat  with  the  United  States 
on  a  proper  basis,  and  was  the  bearer  of  a  number  of 
letters.  He  waited  upon  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Pickering,  who  received  him  very  curtly,  and  refused 
to  examine  his  papers.  He  then  sought  an  interview 
with  Washington,  who  treated  him  with  cold  civility, 
and  strongly  condemned  his  mission. 

Washington  prepared  a  memorandum  giving  a  de- 
tailed account  of  this  interview,  and,  as  it  reveals  a 
phase  of  his  character  not  often  published,  an  extract 
is  given  with  italics  as  written.  He  was  notified  by  his 
secretary  that  some  callers  desired  to  see  him,  but  no 
names  were  sent  up.  "  I  went  down,  and  found  Rev. 
Dr.  Blackwell  and  Dr.  Lojjan  there.  I  advanced  to- 
wards  and  gave  my  hand  to  the  former ;  the  latter  did 
the  same  towards  me.  I  was  backward  in  jrivino^  mine. 
He  possibly  supposing  from  hence,  that  I  did  not  recol- 
lect him,  said  his  name  was  Logan.  Finally  in  a  very 
cool  manner  and  with  an  air  of  marked  indifference,  I 
gave  him  my  hand,  and  asked  Dr.  BlackiceU  to  he 
seated  ;  the  other  took  a  seat  at  the  same  time.  I  ad- 
dressed all  my  conversation  to  Dr.  Blackwell  j  the  other 


228        A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

all  his  to  me,  to  which  I  only  gave  negative  or  affirma- 
tive answers,  as  laconically  as  I  could,  except  asking 
him  how  Mrs.  Loofan  did.  .  .  .  Dr.  Blackwell  took  his 
leave.  We  all  rose  from  our  seats,  and  I  moved  a  few 
paces  towards  the  door,  expecting  the  other  would 
follow  also.  Instead  of  which  he  kept  his  ground. 
...  I  remained  standing,  and  showed  the  utmost  in- 
attention to  what  he  was  saying.  .  .  .  This  drew  my 
attention  more  particularly  to  what  he  was  saying,  and 
induced  me  to  remark,  that  there  was  something  very 
singular  in  this  [object  or  hope  of  his  mission]  ;  that 
he,  who  could  only  be  received  as  a  private  charac- 
ter, unarmed  with  proper  powers,  and  presumptively 
unknown  in  France,  should  suppose  he  could  effect 
what  three  gentlemen  of  the  first  respectability  in  our 
country,  specially  charged  under  the  authority  of  the 
government,  were  unable  to  do."  ^ 

The  judgment  of  the  country  on  Dr.  Logan's  mission 
was  that,  though  influenced  by  worthy  motives,  his  con- 
duct was  an  unwarranted  intrusion  in  affairs  of  state, 
and  he  had  compromised  himself  and  his  political  friends 
without  any  benefit  to  the  nation.  At  the  next  session 
of  Congress,  on  the  suggestion  of  the  Secretary  of 
State,  a  law  was  passed,  known  as  the  Logan  Act,  still 
in  force,  subjecting  to  fine  and  imprisonment  any  citi- 
zen of  the  United  States  holding  correspondence  with 
a  foreign  government  or  its  agent,  with  intent  to  influ- 
ence the  measures  of  such  government  in  relation  to 
disputes  or  controversies  with  the  United  States.'^     Dr. 

^  14  Writings  of  Washington,  130.     Memorandum  Nov.  13,  1798. 
'     *  U.  S.  Revised  Statutes,  sec.  5335. 


THE   ADMINISTRATION   OF   JEFFERSON.  229 

Logan  was  afterwards  elected  a  senator  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  was  highly  esteemed  by  his  friends  and  party 
associates. 

The  first  known  breach  of  the  Loeran  Act  occurred 
in  Jefferson's  presidency.  The  United  States  was  urg- 
ing upon  Spain  a  settlement  of  the  claims  of  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  and  among  them  the  claims  for  seiz- 
ure of  American  vessels  in  Spanish  ports  during  the 
Anglo-French  war.  As  to  these  latter  claims,  Yrujo 
had  consulted  five  of  the  first  lawyers  of  the  United 
States,  and  they  had  given  him  written  opinions  that 
they  were  not  well  founded.  When  the  claims  were 
being  pressed  by  the  American  minister  at  Madrid  in 
1803,  he  was  confronted  with  these  opinions.  The 
correspondence  attending  the  negotiations  was  sent  to 
the  Senate  and  the  names  of  the  lawyers  were  revealed.^ 
This  at  once  created  a  storm  of  indignation,  and  the 
action  of  the  lawvers  was  referred  to  a  committee,  which 
brought  in  a  resolution  directing  the  President  to  in- 
stitute proceedings  against  them  under  the  act.  The 
Secretary  of  State,  in  an  instruction  to  the  American 
minister  in  Madrid,  likewise  held  that  their  conduct 
was  illegal ;  but  some  of  these  lawyers  were  leading 
members  of  the  dominant  party,  and  all  of  the  highest 
standing  in  their  profession,  and  no  action  was  taken 
on  the  resolution. 

The  second  time  that  this  statute  was  brougfht  into 
notice  was  a  few  years  later,  when  the  affairs  of  the 
Chesapeake  and  other  vexatious  questions  were  the 
subject   of  negotiations   with  Great  Britain.      Picker- 

1  2  For.  Rel.  605. 


230  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

iiig,  Adams's  dismissed  Secretary  of  State,  upon  whose 
recommendation  the  Logan  Act  was  passed,  then  a 
senator  from  Massachusetts,  entered  into  secret  com- 
munication with  George  Rose,  who  had  been  sent  to 
Washington  by  the  British  ministry  on  a  special  mis- 
sion to  adjust  these  differences.  He  gave  the  special 
envoy  to  understand  that  Jefferson  was  not  supported 
by  a  large  party  in  the  United  States,  and  he  sought  to 
stiffen  the  minister  in  his  attitude,  with  assurance  that 
in  time  the  country  would  reverse  Jefferson's  poHcy. 
He  said  :  "  You  have  only  to  travel  to  Boston  to  find 
out  that  our  best  citizens  consider  the  interests  of  the 
United  States  interwoven  with  those  of  Great  Britain, 
and  that  our  safety  depends  on  hers."  Rose's  mission 
failed,  but  before  he  returned  to  London  Pickerinsr 
arranged  with  him  the  means  of  carrying  on  a  secret 
correspondence.  Pickering's  conduct  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  made  public  at  the  time,  but  the  political 
practices  of  the  day  were  such  that  a  senator  could 
hardly  have  been  convicted  under  the  statute.  His  in- 
tense partisanship  may  be  seen  in  his  published  decla- 
ration a  few  years  earlier  that  before  Jefferson's  term 
was  concluded  the  Federalists  would  "  curse  the  day 
which  detached  them  from  the  milder  government  of 
the  mother  country." 

I  am  not  aware  that  any  convictions  have  occurred 
under  the  Logan  Act,  but  it  has  several  times  in  late 
years  been  appealed  to,  or  held  in  terrorem  over  sup- 
posed offenders  or  obstructors  of  the  government's 
poHcy.  Only  a  few  years  ago  a  secretary  of  state  was 
in  discussion  with  the  Mexican  government  respecting 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON.  231 

the  applicability  of  the  civil  or  Roman  penal  law  to 
olfenses  committed  in  the  United  States  when  the 
American  offender  came  into  Mexican  territory.  The 
question  became  the  subject  of  newspaper  discussion, 
and  a  prominent  member  of  the  Foreign  Affairs  Com- 
mittee of  our  Congress,  in  an  interview,  expressed 
doubts  as  to  the  correctness  of  the  secretary's  position. 
Whereupon  the  congressman  was  warned  through  tlie 
press  that  his  expression  of  such  opinion  made  him  lia- 
ble to  prosecution  under  this  statute.  Tliis,  it  must 
be  confessed,  was  carrying  the  law  beyond  its  proper 
limits. 

Jefferson  approached  the  close  of  his  term  of  service 
as  President  under  circumstances  quite  different  from 
his  peaceful  entrance  into  the  office.  The  relations 
with  Great  Britain  were  of  such  a  serious  character  as 
to  indicate  none  other  than  a  warlike  settlement.  And 
yet  with  his  embargo  and  other  peaceful  expedients  he 
was  laboring  to  avoid  the  contest.  He  was  essentially 
a  man  of  peace.  In  1807  he  wrote  :  "  Wars  and  con- 
tentions, indeed,  fill  the  pages  of  history  with  more 
matter.  But  more  blest  is  that  nation  whose  silent 
course  of  happiness  furnishes  nothing  for  history  to 
say.  This  is  what  I  ambition  for  my  country."  He 
never  fully  realized  the  danger  of  war  with  England. 
His  early  formed  antipathy  for  that  country  had  led 
him  to  underestimate  the  tenacity  of  purpose  and  the 
patriotic  impulses  and  pride  of  her  people.  But  when 
under  the  extraordinary  situation  he  assembled  Con- 
gress in  special  session  in  November,  1808,  it  became 
apparent  that  his  policy  of  peaceful  resistance  would 


232         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

not  attain  its  object,  and  did  not  commend  itself  to  his 
countrymen.  The  winter  of  1808-09  was  to  him  one 
full  of  trouble  and  anxiety,  as  it  was  manifest  he  was 
sacrificing  his  well-earned  popularity  in  his  earnest 
desire  for  peace. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1809,  he  closed  his  official 
career  forever.  It  was  in  its  political  aspects  unparal- 
leled. No  other  of  our  public  men  has  so  fully  im- 
pressed his  personality  upon  the  country.  No  one  has 
had  so  great  an  influence  in  moulding  the  political  sen- 
timents of  his  countrymen.  He  had  serious  defects  of 
character,  but  through  these  shine  resplendent  his  de- 
votion to  democratic  principles  and  an  unfaltering  faith 
in  the  people  In  his  last  annual  message,  addressing 
his  fellow-citizens  through  Congress,  he  said  :  "  I  trust 
that  in  their  steady  character  unshaken  by  difficulties, 
in  their  love  of  liberty,  obedience  to  law,  and  support 
of  the  public  authorities,  I  see  a  sure  guarantee  of  the 
permanence  of  our  republic ;  and  retiring  from  the 
charge  of  their  affairs,  I  carry  with  me  the  consolation 
of  a  firm  persuasion  that  Heaven  has  in  store  for  our 
beloved  country  long  ages  to  come  of  prosperity  and 
happiness."  ^ 

*  1  Richardson's  Messages,  456. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

ADMINISTRATIONS    OF    MADISON,    MONROE,    AND 
J.  Q.  ADAMS. 

James  Madison,  who,  as  Secretary  of  State,  had  con- 
ducted the  foreign  relations  of  the  government  for  the 
past  eight  years  with  only  a  fair  degree  of  success,  was 
regarded  as  the  legitimate  successor  of  the  great  Re- 
publican chief,  and  was  chosen  President  with  little 
opposition.  The  responsibilities  of  administration,  from 
which  Mr.  Jefferson  had  so  gladly  escaped,  were  fated 
to  press  heavily  upon  him.  The  embargo  which  so 
greatly  embarrassed  the  country  had  proved  a  failure, 
and  he  was  confronted  with  the  very  troublesome  ques- 
tions with  England  inherited  from  his  predecessor, 
which  were  destined  to  bring  him  great  anxiety,  and, 
finally,  much  against  his  inclination  and  wishes,  to 
plunge  the  nation  into  another  war  with  the  mother 
country. 

His  choice  for  Secretary  of  State  should  naturally 
have  fallen  upon  either  James  Monroe  or  Albert  Galla- 
tin. The  first  had  recently  returned  from  the  London 
mission,  and  the  other,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
under  Jefferson,  had  shown  himself  the  most  able  and 
influential  member  of  the  Cabinet.  But  the  President 
felt  that,  in  the  pecuhar  condition  of  affairs,  he  must 


234  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

"  strengthen  himself  with  the  party,"  and  he  was  led  to 
select  a  man  for  the  head  of  the  Cabinet,  Robert  Smith, 
of  Maryland,  who  had  no  special  fitness  for  the  post, 
but  whose  brother  was  a  senator,  and  the  family  influ- 
ential in  political  and  financial  circles ;  but  he  failed 
in  his  object.  Gallatin  was  continued  in  the  Treasury, 
and  the  two  brothers  Smith  conspired  with  a  coterie 
of  friends  to  obstruct  important  financial  legislation 
out  of  jealousy  of  Gallatin.  Their  opposition  soon 
extended  in  a  covert  manner  to  the  President,  threaten- 
ing to  make  a  serious  breach  in  the  administration 
ranks.  Finally  Mr.  Madison  determined  upon  a  change 
in  the  Department  of  State,  and,  in  order  to  bring  it 
about  with  as  little  injury  as  possible  to  his  party,  ten- 
dered Mr.  Smith  a  diplomatic  appointment  in  Europe ; 
but  the  latter,  after  considering  it  for  some  days,  de- 
chned  the  offer,  resigned  in  high  temper,  and  issued  an 
address  to  the  people.  The  event  resulted  in  a  \4olent 
newspaper  wrangle,  but  the  unfaithfulness  of  the  sec- 
retary was  so  fully  exposed  that  the  country  heartily 
indorsed  the  President's  action.  In  a  memorandum 
written  at  the  time  of  Smith's  forced  resignation,  April, 
1811,  Mr.  Madison  gives  full  details  of  the  event,  and 
states  as  the  reason  for  the  former's  displacement,  his 
outside  criticism  of  the  President,  and  an  inefficiency 
in  managing  his  department,  which  threw  additional 
work  on  the  President'  shoulders.^ 

In  filling  the  vacancy  he  turned  instinctively  to  his 
old  friend  James  Monroe.  The  latter  had  cherished 
aspiration  for  the  presidency  on  the  retirement  of  Jef- 

1  2  Madison's  Works  (ed.  1865),  495. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    235 

ferson,  and  a  party  of  adherents  had  sought  to  press 
his  candidacy  against  Madison.  Out  of  this  had  been 
engendered  a  coohiess  between  the  two  Virginians,  but 
no  break  in  their  friendship  had  occurred.  Soon  there- 
after Monroe  had  been  elected  governor  of  Virginia, 
and  was  filhng  that  important  office  when  Madison  ap- 
proached him  with  old-time  cordiality  and  frankness, 
and  asked  him  to  accept  the  vacancy  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  State.  The  critical  condition  of  our  affairs 
with  Enoland  was  such  that  he  could  not  resist  the  call. 
He  was  a  man  of  a  different  mould  from  Smith,  and  the 
President  suft'ered  no  longer  from  intrigues  and  un- 
faithfulness in  his  Cabinet.  Monroe  was  well  fitted  by 
political  training  and  diplomatic  experience  for  the  post. 
We  have  already  had  occasion  to  refer  to  his  two  mis- 
sions to  France,  his  mission  to  Spain  and  to  England. 
Althoujrh  he  had  not  achieved  much  success  in  these 
courts,  his  failure  is  to  be  attributed  more  to  adverse 
circumstances  than  to  his  own  shortcomings.  Lord 
Holland,  who  was  brought  much  in  contact  with  him, 
both  officially  and  socially,  during  his  residence  in  Lon- 
don, gives  this  estimate  of  him :  "  He  was  plain  in  his 
manners  and  somewhat  slow  in  his  apprehension ;  but 
he  was  a  diligent,  earnest,  sensible,  and  even  profound 
man." 

As  secretary  under  President  Madison  he  henceforth 
bore  the  burden  of  the  diplomatic  controversy  which 
led  up  to  the  war  of  1812.  It  would  be  a  tedious 
work  to  attempt  a  narration  of  the  causes  and  circum- 
stances which  occasioned  that  conflict,  but  the  questions 
of  international  law  involved,  and  which  were  finally 


236  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

submitted  to  the  arbitrament  of  arms,  may  be  briefly 
stated  as  the  right  of  search  and  impressment  of  sea- 
men, the  principles  of  blockade,  the  rights  of  neutrals 
in  war,  and  free  ships  and  free  goods.  The  subject  of 
impressment  was  one  of  long  standing.  As  early  as 
1792,  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  Secretary  of  State,  had  uro-ed 
upon  the  British  government  its  injustice,  and  stated 
the  correct  doctrine,  finally  accepted,  that  the  flag  of 
the  vessel  protects  its  crew.^  Mr.  Jay  had  sought  to 
abolish  it  in  his  negotiation  of  1794.  The  treaty 
of  Monroe  and  Pinkney  in  1806  was  rejected  by  Presi- 
dent Jefferson  mainly  because  it  contained  no  provision 
on  the  subject.  The  practice  was  for  the  British  naval 
officers  to  stop  American  vessels  on  the  high  seas,  in 
British  or  even  in  neutral  ports,  compel  a  muster  of  all 
the  crew  on  deck,  by  personal  inspection  decide  on 
their  own  motion  and  without  proof  that  certain  of  the 
crew  were  either  British  subjects  or  deserters,  and  carry 
them  off  in  irons  to  the  British  warships.  The  natu- 
ralization of  British  subjects  in  the  United  States  was 
disregarded,  and  the  inspection  of  American  crews  was 
so  hasty  and  arbitrary  that  many  native  born  American 
citizens,  some  of  whom  had  been  soldiers  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, were  carried  off  and  forced  to  serve  in  the  British 
navy.  It  was  stated  in  Congress  in  1806  that  at  that 
date  between  2500  and  3000  American  citizens  were 
in  enforced  service  in  the  British  navy.  During  the 
Napoleonic  wars  the  British  authorities  were  so  embold- 
ened by  the  necessity  of  a  larger  supply  of  men  for 
their  navy  that  New  York  harbor  was  made  a  base 

1  3  For.  Rel.  574. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    237 

of  operations  for  the  British  squadron,  which  occupied 
itself  in  cruising  just  outside  the  coast  line,  lyin<r  in 
wait  to  overhaul  and  search  American  merchant  vessels 
for  forced  recruits  to  its  navy. 

These  high-handed  outrages  seemed  to  have  reached 
their  climax  in  the  attack  upon  the  Chesapeake,  a  frig- 
ate of  the  United  States  navy,  in  1807.  She  had  on 
board  three  colored  native-born  American  seamen  who 
were  alleged  to  be  deserters  from  the  British  navy. 
Their  surrender  had  been  demanded,  but  refused  by 
the  Secretary  of  State  on  the  ground,  first,  that  the 
British  government  had  declined  to  enter  into  treaty 
stipulations  for  the  surrender  of  deserters,  and,  second, 
because  they  were  American  citizens.  The  Chesapeake, 
not  suspecting  any  violence  on  the  part  of  the  British 
squadron  lying  in  Hampton  Roads,  passed  out  to  sea 
for  drill  practice.  She  was  followed  by  the  British 
man-of-war  Leopard,  greatly  her  superior  in  armament. 
When  outside  the  coast  line  the  Chesapeake  was  over- 
hauled and  a  demand  was  made  for  the  surrender  of 
the  deserters.  The  demand  was  refused.  Without  an 
opportunity  being  afforded  for  getting  the  Chesapeake 
into  a  state  of  defense,  the  Leopard  opened  fire,  and  in 
twelve  minutes  the  Chesapeake  was  rendered  helpless, 
the  crew  was  mustered  by  the  British  officers,  and  three 
Americans  and  one  British  subject  was  taken  off,  and 
the  disabled  American  frigate  was  left  to  find  her  way 
back  into  port  as  best  she  could. 

The  affair  occasioned  intense  excitement,  and  a  de- 
mand for  instant  war  was  raised,  notwithstanding  the 
utter  unpreparedness  of  the  country.    The  British  min- 


238  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

istry,  however,  disavowed  the  act  as  unauthorized,  re- 
called the  commanding'  officer,  tendered  indemnitv  for 
the  killed  and  wounded  and  a  surrender  of  the  three 
Americans.  The  g-overnment  of  the  United  States 
sought  to  couple  with  these  a  relinquishment  of  the 
right  of  impressment,  and  this  affair  remained  a  source 
of  negotiation  and  irritation  for  some  time.^  Madison, 
writing  just  before  the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake,  said  of 
visitation  and  impressment :  "  That  an  officer  from  a 
foreign  ship  should  pronounce  any  person  he  pleased  on 
board  an  American  ship,  on  the  high  seas,  not  to  be  an 
American  citizen,  but  a  British  subject,  and  carry  his 
interested  decision,  on  the  most  important  of  all  ques- 
tions to  a  freeman,  into  execution  on  the  spot,  is  so 
anomalous  in  principle,  so  grievous  in  practice,  and  so 
abominable  in  abuse,  that  the  pretension  must  finally 
yield  to  sober  discussion  and  friendly  expostulation."  ^ 
But  so  far  from  yielding  to  discussion  and  expostula- 
tion, it  survived  a  bloody  war,  and  was  not  surrendered 
as  to  visitation  till  many  years  afterwards. 

Equally  among  the  causes  of  the  war  were  the  paper 
blockades  decreed  by  France,  and  by  Great  Britain  in 
retaliation,  in  utter  disregard  of  neutral  rights,  and  to 
the  great  damage  of  American  commerce.  They  began 
with  the  Berlin  Decree,  issued  by  Napoleon,  declaring 
the  British  Isles  in  a  state  of  blockade,  and  prohibiting 
all  commerce  with  them.  This  was  followed  by  the 
British  Orders  in  Council,  forbidding  all  neutral  trade 
with  France  or  her  allies,  unless  through  Great  Britain. 

^  For  affair  of  the  Chesapeake,  see  2  Sehouler,  Hist.  U.  S.  164. 
3  2  Madison's  Works,  405. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    239 

Napoleon  retaliated  with  his  Milan  Decree,  by  which 
every  vessel  which  submitted  to  search  by  British  cruis- 
ers, or  paid  tax,  duty,  or  license  money  to  the  British 
government,  or  was  found  on  the  high  sea  bound  to  or 
from  a  British  port,  was  denationalized  and  forfeited.^ 
These  measures  meant  death  to  American  commerce, 
and  Jefferson  sought  to  overcome  them  by  his  embargo 
act,"  which  brought  prostration  and  ruin  to  trade  in  our 
home  ports,  and  seems  to  have  had  little  effect  abroad. 
For  the  next  five  years  our  government  devoted  its 
energies  unceasingly  to  securing  a  relaxation  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain  of  the  offensive  practice  of  visita- 
tion and  impressment,  and  on  the  part  of  the  contend- 
ing European  nations  of  their  war  upon  American  neu- 
tral vessels.  But  in  the  mighty  conflict  of  Europe  the 
interests  or  the  rights  of  the  young  nation  across  the 
sea  received  little  consideration,  and  the  current  of 
events  was  fast  drifting  us  into  open  war  with  one  or 
both  contestants.  In  referring  to  this  period.  Secretary 
Everett,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  John  Russell,  wrote  :  "  From 
the  breaking  out  of  the  wars  of  the  French  Revolution 
to  the  year  1812,  the  United  States  knew  the  law  of 
nations  only  as  the  victim  of  its  systematic  violation  by 
the  great  maritime  powers  of  Europe."  ^  Developments 
in  the  West  made  it  appear  that  Great  Britain,  in  addi- 
tion to  its  outrages  upon  the  sea,  was  contributing  to 
stir  up  the  hostihty  of  the  Indian  tribes  and  furnishing 
them  with  military  supplies  from  the  government  stores 

1  2  Schouler,  156,  170,  174. 

2  lb.  178  ;  1  Richardson's  Messages,  433. 
'  1  Whartou's  Digest,  577. 


240  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

in  Canada.  A  party  was  formed  in  Congress  known  as 
the  "  War-Hawks,"  led  by  Henry  Clay  and  John  C. 
Calhoun,  then  in  the  flush  of  their  young  manhood, 
who  clamored  for  war,  insisting  that  we  should  no 
lonofer  submit  to  the  British  indignities. 

Congress  met  in  the  winter  of  1811-12.  Madison's 
first  term  was  approaching  its  close,  and  if  he  contin- 
ued in  oJBfice  he  must,  according  to  the  usage  of  the 
day,  receive  his  renomination.at  the  hands  of  his  party 
friends  in  Congress.  He  was  a  man  of  peace,  and  was 
seeking  every  honorable  expedient  to  avoid  hostilities. 
He  could  hardly  have  held  out  much  longer  against  the 
clamor  of  the  party  majority  in  Congress  for  war.  To 
even  him  it  finally  became  apparent  that  there  was  no 
hope  of  maintaining  our  rights  except  by  an  appeal  to 
force,  and  on  June  1,  1812,  he  sent  in  a  confidential 
message^  recapitulating  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain, 
and  submitted  to  Congress  the  momentous  question. 
His  closing  language  was  :  "  Whether  the  United  States 
shall  continue  passive  under  these  progressive  usurpa- 
tions and  these  accumulating  wrongs,  or,  opposing  force 
to  force  in  defense  of  their  national  rights,  shall  commit 
a  just  cause  into  the  hands  of  the  Almighty  Disposer 
of  Events,  ...  is  a  solemn  question  which  the  Consti- 
tution wisely  confides  to  the  legislative  department  of 
the  government."  The  message  received  prompt  action 
in  the  House,  but  in  the  Senate  the  act  declaring  war 
was  much  debated,  but  was  finally  passed  June  18,  and 
war  was  again  proclaimed  against  our  old  enemy." 

^  1  Richardson's  Messages,  505.     The  official  documents  relating  to 
the  war  will  be  found  in  3  For.  Rel.  folio. 
2  2  U.  S.  Stat,  at  Large,  755. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    241 

The  vote  in  the  House  stood  79  to  49,  and  in  the 
Senate  19  to  13,  thus  developing  a  decided  opposition 
in  both  houses.  It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of 
this  work  to  trace  the  progress  of  the  war,  but  a  few  of 
its  incidents  cannot  well  be  passed  over.  We  have  seen 
that  the  New  England  Federalists  were  against  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana,  and  that  their  leader  in  the 
House  announced  that  it  threatened  at  no  distant  day 
the  subversion  of  the  Union. ^  When  the  bill  for  the 
admission  of  Louisiana  as  a  State  was  being  considered 
in  Congress,  Quincy  of  Massachusetts,  referring  to  the 
vast  enlargement  of  the  South,  made  the  startling  decla- 
ration that  the  passage  of  the  bill  would  be  "  virtually 
a  dissolution  of  the  Union,"  and  that  it  would  be  the 
duty  of  his  section  to  prepare  for  the  separation.  The 
embargo  brought  great  embarrassment  on  New  England 
commerce  and  ruin  to  many  of  its  commercial  houses, 
and  much  dissatisfaction  was  engendered  thereby  in 
that  section. 

One  of  the  grievances  enumerated  in  the  acts  of 
Great  Britain  which  occasioned  the  war  was  a  secret 
mission  of  one  Henry  to  Boston  in  1809,  who  was  sent 
by  Sir  James  Craig,  British  governor  of  Canada,  to  do 
all  possible  to  ferment  and  increase  the  discontent  in 
New  England.  Henry,  not  being  compensated  to  his 
satisfaction  by  the  British  ministry,  sold  the  documents 
relating  to  his  confidential  mission  to  the  government 
at  Washington,  and  they  were  sent  to  Congress  in 
March,  1812,  and  published." 

So  bitter  was  the  feeling  in  Boston  against  the  war 

1  Supra,  p.  202.  2  3  For.  Rel.  545. 


242  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

that  federal  agents  soliciting  loans  were  obliged  to 
receive  subscriptions  from  bankers  of  that  city  under 
pledge  of  secrecy.  The  anti-war  party  in  New  Eng- 
land received  the  title  of  "  blue-light "  Federalists, 
owing  to  the  charge  that  their  adherents  gave  night 
signals  to  the  British  blockading  vessels  off  our  ports. 
This  disaffection  culminated  in  the  Hartford  Conven- 
tion, an  assembly  of  delegates  from  the  New  England 
States,  embracing  some  of  their  most  able  and  distin- 
guished men.  Its  sessions  were  secret,  but  it  is  clear 
that  designs  against  the  integrity  of  the  Union  were 
entertained.  To  this  opposition  Madison  attributed 
"  the  source  of  our  greatest  difficulties  in  carrying  on 
the  war,"  and  "  certainly  the  greatest  if  not  the  sole 
inducement  with  the  enemy  to  persevere  in  it."  ^  It  is 
a  dark  blot  on  our  country's  history,  which  only  the 
steadfast  loyalty  of  New  England  in  after  years  has 
partially  effaced.^ 

An  incident  of  the  war  which  brought  everlasting 
disgrace  upon  British  arms  was  the  burning  of  Wash- 
ington, the  capital  of  the  nation.  The  disgrace  is  the 
deeper  because  it  was  done  under  the  direction  and  in 
the  presence  of  the  commanding  officers,  and  so  far  as 
the  greater  portion  of  the  buildings  was  concerned  their 
destruction  could  not  be  called  for  as  a  military  mea- 
sure. The  burning  and  destruction  included  the  unfin- 
ished Capitol  and  Congressional  Library,  the  Executive 
Mansion,  the  Treasury,  and  other  department  buildings, 

1  2  Madison's  Works,  593. 

'  For  account  of  New  England  disaffection  and  Hartford  Convention, 
J.  Q.  Adams's  New  England  Federation;  8  H.  Adams's  Hist.  U.  S. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    243 

with  their  valuable  archives,  printing-offices,  and  many 
private  residences.  It  is  related  that  Mrs.  Madison,  the 
■wife  of  the  President,  carried  away  and  preserved  the 
original  Declaration  of  Independence.  No  one  at  this 
day  defends  this  act  of  vandalism.  Even  at  the  time 
there  were  London  journals  which  denounced  it.  "  Wil- 
lingly," said  the  London  Statesman,  "  would  we  throw 
a  veil  of  oblivion  over  our  transactions  at  Washinofton. 
The  Cossacks  spared  Paris,  but  we  spared  not  the  capi- 
tal of  America." 

The  American  army  likewise  gained  little  glory  out 
of  the  British  expedition  against  Washington  and 
Baltimore,  but  it  has  left  us  one  trophy  out  of  the 
British  repulse  in  the  assault  and  bombardment  of  Fort 
IMcHenry  —  our  most  popular  national  song,  "  The 
Star-spangled  Banner." 

This  war  is  one  of  the  most  singular  in  history  in  its 
diplomatic  aspects.  Seldom  has  a  war  been  entered 
upon  which  involved  so  many  questions  of  international 
law,  and  yet  it  was  concluded  without  the  settlement  of 
a  single  one  of  the  issues  upon  which  it  was  fought ; 
nevertheless,  its  conclusion  was  hailed  with  pleasure  and 
satisfaction  by  both  nations. 

The  negotiations  which  resulted  in  the  treaty  of 
peace  are  interesting  because  of  the  distinguished  men 
representing  the  United  States,  and  of  the  singular 
character  of  the  results  just  indicated.  The  American 
commissioners  were  John  Quincy  Adams,  Henry  Clay, 
Albert  Gallatin,  James  A.  Bayard,  and  Jonathan  Rus- 
sell. Mr.  Adams  was  recognized  as  our  most  experi- 
enced diplomat.     Mr.  Clay  had  been  the  leader  of  the 


244  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

war  party  in  Congress,  and  in  the  exuberance  of  his 
young  statesmanship  had,  at  the  opening  of  the  war, 
talked  about  dictating  peace  at  Quebec  or  Halifax. 
Mr.  Gallatin  was  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  a  post 
he  had  also  filled  through  Jefferson's  administration 
with  distinguished  ability,  probably  the  most  able  of 
the  administration  leaders,  and  an  opponent  of  the 
declaration  of  war.  Mr.  Bayard  was  a  Federalist  mem- 
ber of  the  Senate  of  recognized  influence,  in  which 
body  the  family  has  had  an  honored  representative 
almost  continuously  to  our  day.  Mr.  Russell  had 
served  as  charge  d'affaires  in  Paris,  was  acting  in  that 
capacity  in  London  at  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  and 
when  made  a  peace  commissioner  was  minister  to  Swe- 
den. Never  has  our  country  been  represented  abroad 
by  a  commission  of  men  of  more  varied  experience  or 
distinguished  services. 

The  negotiations  took  place  at  Ghent,  and  continued 
through  the  last  four  months  of  1814.  The  British 
commissioners  were  haughty  and  overbearing,  and 
seemed  implacable  in  their  demands ;  but  the  weary 
and  anxious  months  were  interspersed  with  formal 
dinners  and  the  exchange  of  cheerless  courtesies.  The 
task  of  winnino;  over  the  British  to  an  ag^reement  was 
hardly  less  difficult  than  that  of  reconciling  the  differ- 
ences of  the  American  commissioners.  Adams  and 
Clay,  although  utterly  distinct  in  temperament,  had  one 
thing  in  common  —  an  irascible  disposition.  Adams 
was  severe  and  uncompromising  in  his  opinions,  and 
Clay  was  hasty  in  judgment  and  free  of  speech,  and 
the  two  kept  the  councils  of  the  Americans  in  a  fer- 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    245 

merit,  bordering  on  a  perpetual  wrangle.  Gallatin's 
time  and  efforts  were  chiefly  occupied  in  pouring  oil 
on  the  troubled  waters  and  bringing  the  contestants  to 
a  united  front  before  the  ojiposing  plenipotentiaries. 
Mr.  Adams  in  his  diary  records  with  much  minuteness 
the  progress  of  the  negotiations  and  these  internal  dis- 
cords. He  complains  that  every  paper  he  drafts  is 
mercilessly  treated  by  his  colleagues.  Mr.  Gallatin 
would  strike  out  everything  offensive  to  the  English- 
men ;  Mr.  Clay  would  draw  his  pen  through  every 
figurative  expression  ;  Mr.  Russell  would  further  amend 
every  sentence  ;  and  Mr.  Bayard  would,  finally,  insist 
on  writing  all  over  again  in  his  own  language.  The 
following  are  some  of  the  entries  in  his  diary :  "  Oc- 
tober 31,  Mr.  Clay  is  losing  his  temper,  and  growing 
peevish  and  fractious."  Later,  "  Mr.  Clay  lost  his 
temper  (to-day),  as  he  generally  does  whenever  the 
right  of  the  British  to  navigate  the  Mississippi  is  dis- 
cussed." Again :  "  They  [his  colleagues]  sit  after 
dinner  and  drink  bad  wine  and  smoke  cigars,  which 
neither  suits  my  habits  nor  my  health,  and  absorb  time 
which  I  can  ill  spare."  He  even  records  that  one 
morning,  as  he  rose  at  five  o'clock  to  light  his  own  fire 
and  begin  his  day's  work  by  candle-light,  he  heard  the 
party  breaking  up  and  leaving  Mr.  Clay's  room,  where 
they  had  spent  the  night  in  card-playing.^ 

When  the  commissioners  on  both  sides  met  it  became 
apparent  that  the  great  questions  which  had  brought 
on  the  war  could  not  be  settled  by  treaty.  Hence  the 
subject  of  impressment  was  not  introduced,   nor  was 

*  For  Adams's  diary  on  the  peace  negotiatioHS,  3  Memoirs,  chapter  9. 


246  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

any  effort  made  to  define  the  matter  of  blockade  or  to 
regulate  and  protect  neutral  trade.  An  effort  on  the 
part  of  the  British  commissioners  was  made  to  enforce 
what  is  known  in  international  law  as  uti  possidetis, 
the  holding  by  the  belligerents  of  the  territory  occupied 
by  their  respective  armies  at  the  end  of  the  war ;  they 
likewise  sought  to  erect  a  neutral  Indian  territory  out 
of  a  large  section  of  the  Northwest  Territory  of  the 
United  States,  but  they  were  given  to  understand  that 
both  propositions  were  wholly  inadmissible.  On  the 
part  of  the  American  commissioners  an  attempt  was 
made  to  secure  a  relinquishment  of  its  claim  of  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  a  recognition  of  our 
fishery  rights  as  fixed  by  the  treaty  of  1783.  But  all 
efforts  in  that  direction  had,  likewise,  to  be  abandoned. 
An  end  finally  came  to  all  the  internal  wrangles  and 
open  conferences.  Influences  were  at  work  with  both 
governments  more  persuasive  to  peace  than  diplomacy. 
Secretary  Monroe,  under  the  direction  of  President 
Madison,  who  recognized  the  earnest  desire  of  the 
country  for  peace,  instructed  the  American  commis- 
sioners to  recede  from  all  their  demands  and  accept  the 
status  ante  helium.  The  British  cabinet,  owing  to  its 
financial  straits  and  its  continental  complications,  gave 
instructions  to  the  British  commissioners  of  the  same 
character  ;  and  there  was  little  at  last  for  the  negotia- 
tors to  do.  When  the  treaty  was  drawn  up  for  execu- 
tion it  contained  not  a  single  provision  respecting  the 
issues  which  occasioned  the  war.  Mr.  Clay  declared  it 
was  "a  d — d  bad  treaty,"  and  thought  he  would  not 
sign  it,  but  he  did  j  and  he  and  his  colleagues  returned 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAJMS.    247 

home  to  receive  the  plaudits  of  their  countrjrmen.  The 
signatures  were  attached  to  the  treaty  on  Christmas  eve, 
and  the  year  closed  with  the  exchange  of  social  civil- 
ities, the  burghers  of  Ghent  entertaining  their  dis- 
tinguished guests  with  a  banquet,  at  which  it  is  related 
the  band  played  constantly,  in  turn,  "  God  Save  the 
Kins:  "  and  "  Hail  Columbia." 

Late  at  night,  on  February  11,  1815,  a  British  vessel 
reached  New  York,  bringing  a  copy  of  the  treaty  of 
peace  already  ratified  by  the  British  government,  and 
the  welcome  news  soon  spread  throughout  the  city. 
People  ran  about  the  streets  shouting  their  delight, 
and  expresses  were  dispatched  throughout  the  country 
spreading  the  joyful  intelligence,  before  it  was  known 
what  were  actually  the  terms  of  peace.  The  news 
reached  Washington  concurrently  with  that  of  General 
Jackson's  overwhelming  triumph  at  New  Orleans,  and 
the  country  was  quite  content  to  close  the  war  under 
such  a  flush  of  victory.  The  Thirteenth  Congress  was 
just  closing  its  sessions,  and  in  its  great  satisfaction 
with  the  deliverance  from  further  foreigfn  strife  and  in- 
ternal  dissension,  passed  a  joint  resolution  recommend- 
ing to  the  country  a  day  of  thanksgiving  to  Almighty 
God  "  for  his  great  goodness  manifested  in  restoring 
to  these  United  States  the  blessings  of  peace."  ^ 

While  the  American  negotiators  were  able  to  secure 
little  more  than  the  formal  peace  stipulations  in  their 
treaty,  it  is  a  gratification  to  know  that  they  were  fully 
equal  to  their  British  colleagues  in  diplomatic  skill  or 
political  acumen.  Wellington  declared  in  the  House 
1  3  U.  S.  Stat,  at  Large,  250. 


248  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

of  Lords  that  the  American  commissioners  "  had  shown 
a  most  astonishing  superiority  over  the  British  during 
the  whole  correspondence."  It  was  something,  in  the 
presence  of  such  a  powerful  antagonist,  to  have  yielded 
nothing ;  and  to  the  credit  of  our  government  and  our 
plenipotentiaries  be  it  said  that  every  principle  for 
which  they  contended  against  Great  Britain  has  since 
been  accepted  by  that  nation  as  a  recognized  principle 
of  international  law  or  of  governmental  practice.  Only 
a  few  years  after  the  war  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  of 
Eno^land  declared  that  "  the  orders  in  council  were 
grievously  unjust  to  neutrals,  and  it  is  now  generally 
allowed  that  they  were  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations 
and  our  own  municipal  law."  ^ 

The  results  of  the  war  as  a  whole  may  be  regarded 
as  of  much  benefit  to  the  country.  Our  army  gained 
little  glory  on  land,  but  our  small  navy  had  shown  that 
it  possessed  the  courage  to  meet  "  the  mistress  of  the 
seas,"  and  was  able,  even  against  odds,  to  achieve  vic- 
tory. We  had  shown  that  no  nation,  however  power- 
ful, could  trespass  with  impunity  upon  what  we  claimed 
as  our  rights,  and  that  we  were  prepared  to  draw  the 
sword  against  any  antagonist  in  defense  of  our  national 
interests.  Of  the  United  States  the  London  Times 
said  in  1817  :  "  Their  first  war  with  England  made 
them  independent ;  their  second  made  them  formid- 
able." Thenceforth  to  this  day  none  of  the  nations  of 
the  earth  have  seen  fit  to  begin  against  us  an  aggres- 
sive war. 

The  United  States  had  against  Great  Britain  just 

1  1  WLarton's  Digest,  677.    J 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    249 

cause  of  war,  and  it  was  only  by  an  appeal  to  arms  we 
could  vindicate  our  proper  position  among  the  nations. 
But  in  the  natural  indignation  at  our  national  wrongs, 
we  are  hardly  inclined  to  give  England  even  scant  credit 
for  the  circumstances  which  forced  her  to  such  hicrh- 
handed  measures  of  self-protection.  She  was  engaged 
in  a  life-and-death  struggle  with  Napoleon,  whose  tri- 
umph over  England  meant  not  merely  the  supremacy  of 
French  arms,  but  the  complete  suppression  of  liberal 
principles  and  free  government  in  Europe.  He  repre- 
sented the  worst  type  in  modern  times  of  absolutism 
and  military  tyranny.  Napoleon  began  the  reprisals  on 
neutral  commerce  and  England  followed  his  example 
with  retaliation.  She  needed  every  possible  seaman  to 
maintain  the  right  arm  of  her  power,  and  she  studied 
little  the  interests  of  her  late  rebellious  colonies  in 
attaining  her  end.  Justly  as  we  resented  our  national 
grievances,  we  rejoice  that  the  European  struggle,  into 
which  our  country  was  finally  drawn,  resulted  in  the 
overthrow  of  Napoleon  and  the  maintenance  of  liberal 
government  and  English  institutions. 

No  one  welcomed  the  return  of  peace  more  than 
President  Madison.  He  entered  upon  the  war  with 
great  reluctance  and  proved  ill  fitted  for  such  times. 
The  remainder  of  his  term  was  a  grateful  period  of 
peace  abroad  and  reviving  prosperity  at  home.  The 
finances  had  become  greatly  embarrassed  by  the  war 
and  specie  payments  had  been  suspended  throughout 
the  States.  It  was  his  good  fortune  to  close  his  ad- 
ministration with  the  remission  of  the  war  taxation,  the 
resumption  of  specie  payment,  and  commerce  and  trade 


250  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

resuming  tlieir  former  prosperity.  There  was  no  diffi* 
culty  in  transferring  the  government  to  his  faithful 
secretary,  Mr.  Monroe,  who  became  President  with  Httle 
opposition.  To  the  venerable  John  Adams,  ambitious 
for  the  advancement  of  his  son  to  the  high  post,  this 
continuous  succession  of  Virginians  became  wearisome, 
and  he  exclaimed :  "  My  son  will  never  have  a  chance 
until  the  last  Virginian  is  laid  in  the  graveyard." 

Mr.  Monroe,  on  becoming  President,  selected  as  his 
Secretary  of  State  John  Quincy  Adams,  whose  long 
career  is  unique  in  the  history  of  our  government,  and 
especially  so  in  its  relations  to  our  diplomacy.  At  the 
age  of  eleven  he  accompanied  his  father  on  his  diplo- 
matic mission  to  Europe,  and  early  acquired  a  know- 
ledge of  French  and  German.  When  only  fourteen  he 
went  to  St.  Petersburg  as  private  secretary  to  our 
minister,  Mr.  Dana.  At  sixteen  he  served  as  one  of 
the  secretaries  of  the  American  plenipotentiaries  during 
the  negotiations  resulting  in  the  treaty  of  peace  and 
independence  of  1783.  At  the  age  of  twenty-seven  he 
was  appointed  by  Washington  minister  to  Holland, 
and  afterwards  was  minister  to  Berlin  and  commissioner 
to  Sweden.  After  serving  for  some  years  in  the  United 
States  Senate  he  was  sent  in  1809  as  minister  to  Russia, 
where  he  remained  till  1815,  and  was  then  transferred 
to  London,  where  he  resided  till  1817,  when  he  became 
Secretary  of  State.  His  career  as  President  and  his 
long  service  and  tragic  death  in  the  national  House  of 
Representatives  are  familiar  history. 

He  had  a  busy  life  during  his  eight  years'  occupancy 
of  the  State  Department.     No  man  ever  entered  the 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    251 

department  better  equipped  for  his  duties,  none  labored 
more  assiduously,  and  few  more  successfully  for  his 
country.  The  events  which  most  distinj^uished  his 
service  were  the  enunciation  of  what  is  known  as  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  and  the  making  of  the  Spanish- 
Florida  and  Russian  treaties.  This  period  (1817  to 
1825)  covered  also  the  revolt  and  independence  of 
the  Spanish-American  colonies,  which  brought  to  Mr. 
Adams  many  perplexing  questions,  greatly  embarrassed 
by  the  threatened  interference  of  Congress.  Much  of 
the  time  also  our  relations  with  Great  Britain  were  not 
cordial,  and  his  intercourse  with  and  treatment  of  the 
resident  British  ministers,  as  recorded  in  his  diary^  are 
full  of  interest.  The  same  temperament  which  was 
shown  at  Ghent  on  the  peace  commission  was  exhibited 
when  the  British  representative  at  Washington  mani- 
fested too  aggi'cssive  an  attitude,  as  was  not  uncommon 
in  the  early  days  of  our  government.  This  tempera- 
ment may  have  served  a  good  purpose  under  provoking 
circumstances,  and  in  the  latter  years  of  his  useful  life 
was  somewhat  modified,  but  it  was  a  serious  obstacle  to 
his  personal  advancement.  One  of  his  biographers 
says :  "  Never  did  a  man  of  pure  life  and  just  pur- 
poses have  fewer  friends  or  more  enemies.  ...  If  he 
could  ever  have  gathered  even  a  small  personal  follow- 
ing, his  character  and  abilities  would  have  insured  him 
a  brilliant  and  prolonged  success ;  but  for  a  man  of  his 
calibre  and  influence,  "we  see  him  as  one  of  the  most 
lonely  and  desolate  of  the  great  men  of  history."  ' 
The  close  of  the  second  war  with  Great  Britain  left 

'  Morse's  Life  of  J.  Q.  Adams,  11. 


252  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

on  the  Great  Lakes  a  considerable  naval  force  of  both 
nations,  which,  with  the  return  of  peace,  it  was  found 
desirable  should  be  greatly  reduced,  if  not  entirely  dis- 
pensed with.  By  an  exchange  of  diplomatic  notes  it 
was  accordingly  agreed  in  1817  that  thenceforth  the 
two  governments  would  maintain  not  more  than  one 
vessel  on  Lake  Champlain,  one  on  Ontario,  and  two  on 
the  upper  lakes,  of  not  more  than  one  hundred  tons 
each,  and  armed  with  one  eighteen  -  pound  cannon. 
This  fact  is  here  mentioned  because  it  illustrates  two 
points  of  interest  as  to  international  stipulations :  First, 
that  these  may  take  other  forms  than  those  of  a  formal 
treaty  or  convention  ;  and,  second,  that  even  treaty 
stipulations  may  become  obsolete  by  time  and  changed 
circumstances  of  the  contracting  countries.  In  the  vol- 
ume of  "  Treaties  of  the  United  States,"  published  by 
the  State  Department,  the  stipulation  for  disarmament 
on  the  lakes  is  called  an  "  arrangement,"  and  appears  in 
the  form  of  a  simple  note  from  the  British  minister 
stating  the  willingness  of  the  British  government  to 
reduce  the  naval  force  on  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  limits 
mentioned,  and  of  a  note  in  reply  from  the  Secretary 
of  State  agreeing  to  the  reduction  in  the  terms  stated. 
Some  time  afterwards  these  two  notes  were  submitted 
to  the  Senate,  and  it  recommended  that  the  "  arrange- 
ment "  should  be  carried  into  effect,  whereupon  the 
President  issued  a  proclamation  reciting  the  terms  of 
the  two  notes,  the  approval  of  the  Senate,  and  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  Prince  Regent  of  Great  Britain ;  and  it 
has  since  that  day  been  recognized  as  a  binding  obliga- 
tion by  both  governments.* 

1  For  official  documents,  4  For.  Rel.  (folio)  202-207. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    253 

At  the  time  this  arrangement  was  entered  upon 
steam  and  iron  were  not  used  in  naval  construction, 
there  was  no  canal  outlet  to  the  ocean,  and  there  was 
little  commerce  or  population  on  the  lakes.  A  great 
transformation  has  since  occurred  in  that  region.  Rev- 
enue cutters  of  much  larger  tonnage  were  found  to  be 
needed  for  the  enforcement  of  the  customs  laws,  and  it 
was  held  that  a  fair  construction  of  the  arrangement 
did  not  forbid  these,  even  though  carrying  armament. 
Durinir  the  Canadian  rebellion  and  our  Civil  War  the 
terms  of  the  arrangement  were  temporarily  disregarded 
by  each  party  in  turn  without  serious  complaint,  the 
exiirencies  of  the  time  beins:  recoo-nized.  The  United 
States  has  for  some  years  past  maintained  a  naval  ves- 
sel on  the  upper  lakes  for  training  purposes  much 
above  the  tonnage  prescribed.  One  of  the  stipulations 
was  that  no  other  vessel  of  war  should  be  built  or 
armed  on  these  lakes.  This  provision  has  been  held  to 
be  a  prohibition  against  any  vessels  being  there  built 
for  the  American  navy  to  be  taken  through  the  canals 
to  the  sea,  thus  depriving  the  large  shipyards  on  the 
lakes  of  the  privilege  of  bidding  for  the  construction 
of  naval  vessels,  although  it  could  hardly  have  been  the 
intent  of  the  nesfotiators  of  the  arranjjement.  It  is  so 
manifestly  obsolete  and  unsuited  to  our  times  that  the 
two  governments  have  agreed  to  submit  it  to  a  complete 
revision  by  the  British-American  Commission  constituted 
to  adjust  Canadian  questions. 

One  of  the  subjects  left  unsettled  by  the  treaty 
of  peace  of  1814  was  the  northeast  fisheries  on  the 
coasts  of   Canada  and  Newfoundland.      In    the   past 


254  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

century  and  a  quarter  no  international  question  has 
been  so  often  before  the  American  people,  and  none 
has  proved  more  irritating  or  difficult  of  a  satisfactory 
solution.  The  effort  of  the  British  ministry  to  deprive 
the  New  England  colonies  of  participation  in  these  fish- 
eries was  one  of  the  moving  causes  of  the  war  of  the 
Revolution.  We  have  seen  how  strenuously  the  Ameri- 
can negotiators  of  the  treaty  of  peace  and  independ- 
ence of  1783  contended  for  and  secured  the  right 
which  they  had  enjoyed  as  colonies.  Between  that 
period  and  the  war  of  1812  the  business  of  fishing 
had  grown  to  very  large  proportions,  and  had  become 
one  of  the  most  important  industries  of  the  country. 
Fifteen  hundred  American  vessels  had  been  known  to 
be  fishing  at  one  time  on  the  coast  of  Labrador  alone. 
But  all  this  came  to  an  end  with  that  war.  Our  com- 
missioners at  Ghent,  and  especially  John  Quincy  Adams, 
labored  most  persistently  to  secure  an  express  stipula- 
tion in  the  treaty  of  peace  recognizing  the  binding 
force  of  the  provision  in  the  treaty  of  1783,  but  the 
British  commissioners  claimed  that  it  had  been  lost  by 
the  war,  and  they  refused  to  revive  it  by  the  treaty  of 
peace. 

Soon  after  the  termination  of  hostilities  the  New 
England  fishermen  sought  to  reestablish  their  old  busi- 
ness, but  the  British  authorities,  instigated  by  the 
Canadian  fishermen,  began  to  warn  the  American  ves- 
sels away,  and  finally  to  seize  them.  This  brought 
about  a  remonstrance  from  the  American  government, 
which  was  followed  by  a  lengthy  correspondence,  in 
which  it  was  contended  by  John  Quincy  Adams,  as 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    255 

resident  minister  in  London,  and  afterwards  as  secre- 
tary of  state,  that,  as  the  treaty  of  1783  was  one  of 
independence  and  partition  of  sovereign  rights,  it  was 
permanent  in  its  character,  and  that  the  fishing  rights 
therein  secured  could  no  more  be  annulled  by  war  than 
our  independence. 

The  British  government  would  not  accept  this  con- 
tention, but  signified  its  willingness  to  enter  upon 
negotiations  with  a  view  to  some  settlement.  Mr. 
Richard  Rush  was  our  minister  to  England,  and  with 
him  in  the  negotiations  was  joined  Albert  Gallatin,  at 
the  time  minister  in  Paris,  a  man  of  much  political 
wisdom,  and  possessed  of  the  full  confidence  of  the 
administration.  The  result  of  their  negotiations  was 
the  treaty  of  1818,  the  first  article  of  which  fixed  the 
American  ricfhts  as  to  fishinsr  in  British-American  wa- 
ters.  It  was  a  material  retrenchment  of  the  privileges 
contained  in  the  treaty  of  1783.  It  gave  Americans 
the  right  to  fish  in  certain  specified  territorial  waters 
off  the  coasts  of  Labrador  and  Newfoundland,  and  to 
dry  and  cure  their  catch  on  certain  of  these  coasts ; 
but  they  renounced  their  former  privileges  as  to  all 
the  other  waters  and  coasts  of  Canada.  They  were, 
however,  granted  the  privilege  to  resort  to  those  waters 
for  four  purposes,  to  wit,  shelter,  repairs,  wood,  and 
water.^ 

When  this  treaty  was  made  the  British  government 
reserved  the  commerce  and  trade  of  its  colonies  exclu- 
sively for  its  own  vessels,  and  the  four  privileges  just 
enumerated  were  in  the  nature  of  a  special  concession 

1  For  official  correspondence,  4  For.  Rel.  348-407. 


256  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY 

to  fisliing  vessels.  But  in  1830,  and  subsequently,  by 
means  o£  concurrent  legislation  and  executive  procla- 
mations, the  former  condition  of  trade  was  changed, 
and  the  ports  of  the  British  colonies  and  of  the  United 
States  were  opened  to  the  free  commerce  of  vessels 
of  both  nations.  Thereupon  the  New  England  fisher- 
men claimed  they  were  entitled  to  the  same  rights  for 
their  vessels  in  Canadian  ports  as  were  granted  to 
other  American  vessels,  such  as  the  right  to  purchase 
supplies  and  bait,  to  land  and  transship  cargoes  and 
ship  crews.  The  government  of  the  United  States  has 
maintained  this  contention  for  many  years,  but  it  has 
been  persistently  refused  by  the  Canadian  and  British 
governments.  The  question  was  held  in  abeyance 
during  the  operation  of  the  reciprocity  treaty  of  1854, 
again  during  the  operation  of  the  fishery  clauses  of 
the  treaty  of  1871,  and  it  was  sought  to  be  settled  by 
the  Bayard-Chamberlain  treaty  of  1888,  which  was 
rejected  by  the  Senate. 

The  treaty  for  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  left  unde- 
fined the  western  boundary  with  Mexico  and  the  eastern 
boundary  with  Florida,  and  both  were  soon  a  matter 
of  dispute.  That  treaty  presents  the  anomaly  of  trans- 
ferring from  one  sovereignty  to  another  a  territory 
of  immense  extent  without  any  pretense  of  setting 
forth  its  boundaries.  When  pressed  by  the  American 
commissioners  to  perfect  the  treaty  in  this  respect, 
Napoleon's  answer  was  that  he  could  only  transfer 
what  he  had  received  from  Spain,  and  in  its  terms,  and 
he  therefore  directed  that  there  should  be  textually 
embodied  in  the  treaty  the  description  contained  in  the 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONllOE,  ADAMS     257 

cession  from  Spain,  which  is  as  follows  :  "  His  Catho- 
lic Majesty  promises  and  engages  on  his  part  to  cede 
to  the  French  Kepuhlic  .  .  .  the  colony  or  the  pro- 
.vince  of  Louisiana,  with  the  same  extent  that  it  now 
has  in  the  hands  of  Spain,  and  that  it  had  when 
France  possessed  it,  and  such  as  it  should  be  after  the 
treaties  subsequently  entered  into  between  Spain  and 
other  states."  When  Napoleon's  attention  was  called 
to  the  obscurity  in  the  article  on  limits,  and  the  incon- 
venience which  might  arise  from  it,  he  replied  :  "  If 
an  obscurity  did  not  already  exist,  it  would  perhaps  be 
good  policy  to  put  one  there."  * 

The  eastern  boundary  with  Florida  could  not  be 
accurately  delineated  from  the  terms  of  the  cession  just 
quoted,  but  it  was  manifest  to  President  Jefferson  that 
the  acquisition  of  that  Spanish  possession  was  a  natural 
consequence  of  that  of  Louisiana,  and  that  it  was  use- 
less to  waste  time  in  negotiations  about  the  boundary 
when  it  would  become  a  necessity  to  us  to  have  the 
whole  province.  We  have  seen  that  he  sought  to 
carry  out  this  idea  by  dispatching  Monroe  to  Madrid 
in  1804,  soon  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana.  During^  the  nejrotiations  in  Paris, 
Napoleon  had  promised  to  exert  his  good  offices  with 
the  Spanish  government  to  that  end,  but  he  took  no 
further  interest  in  the  matter,  and  nothing  came  of 
Monroe's  effort.  The  object  was,  however,  kept  con- 
stantly in  view  during  both  the  Jefferson  and  Madison 
administrations,  and  was  especially  pressed  in  the  latter 
term,  in  connection  with  the  American  claims  jri'owinsf 
out  of  the  European  wars. 

*  Marbois's  Louisiana,  286. 


258  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

When  Monroe  became  President,  renewed  interest 
attached  to  the  subject,  both  because  of  his  intimate 
diplomatic  acquaintance  with  it,  and  of  the  constant 
trouble  and  irritation  occasioned  by  the  inefficient  rule 
of  Spain  over  the  territory.  The  Indians  who  in- 
habited it  were  a  constant  source  of  annoyance  on 
account  of  their  predatory  excursions  across  the  border, 
and  it  became  necessary  to  keep  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  American  army  in  the  vicinity  to  protect  life 
and  property.  Added  to  this  was  the  occupation  of 
certain  places  in  Spanish  territory  by  bands  of  adven- 
turers or  freebooters,  who  used  them  as  a  base  of  opera- 
tions for  smuggling  slaves  into  the  United  States  and 
for  violating  the  customs  laws.  These  lawless  acts 
became  so  flagrant,  and  in  the  face  of  them  Spanish 
authority  was  so  apparently  helpless,  that  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  determined  to  take  the  mat- 
ter into  its  own  hands.  A  naval  force  was  dispatched 
to  Amelia  Island,  on  the  east  coast  of  Florida,  the  free- 
booters were  expelled,  and  the  island  temporarily  held 
by  the  naval  force.^ 

About  the  same  time  General  Andrew  Jackson,  the 
hero  of  New  Orleans,  was  assigned  to  the  command  of 
the  army  on  the  Florida  frontier.  His  instructions 
were  to  put  a  stop  to  the  Indian  raids,  and  to  that  end 
he  was  authorized,  if  necessary  in  hot  pursuit,  to  follow 
them  across  the  boundary  line,  but  he  was  not  to  inter- 
fere with  any  Spanish  occupation  or  posts.  With  his 
accustomed  impetuosity  he  soon  attacked  the  Indians, 
who,  according  to  their  custom,  took  refuge  in  Spanish 

1  4.  For.  Rel.  183-202. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    259 

territory,  but  were  closely  followed  by  Jackson,  who 
scattered  them  in  the  swamps  and  destroyed  their  vil- 
lages. Not  content  with  this,  he  marched  upon  the 
adjoining  Spanish  post  of  St.  Marks,  seized  and  occu- 
pied it ;  and  thence  proceeded  with  his  army  to  the 
principal  Spanish  post  of  Pensacola,  which  he  took 
against  the  protest  of  the  Spanish  commandant,  who 
sailed  away  with  his  garrison  to  Havana.  These  acts, 
in  violation  of  his  instructions,  Jackson  justified  on 
the  ground  that  the  seized  post  had  been  used  by  the 
Indians  as  bases  of  supplies  and  operations,  with  the 
countenance  of  the  Spanish  authorities. 

But  his  agfsfressive  measures  were  not  confined  to  the 
Spaniards.  During  his  military  operations  he  had  cap- 
tured two  prominent  British  subjects,  Ambrister  and 
Arbuthnot,  who,  it  was  alleged,  had  aided  and  encour- 
ajred  the  Indians  in  their  incursions  into  American  ter- 
ritory.  They  were  tried  by  a  drumhead  court-martial, 
and  upon  evidence  which  would  have  made  their  con- 
viction before  a  civil  court  very  uncertain,  they  were 
condemned  to  death,  and,  although  one  of  them  was 
recommended  to  clemency,  Jackson  caused  them  both 
to  be  promptly  executed. 

The  general  was  hailed  by  the  people  en  route  to  his 
home  in  Tennessee  as  a  great  hero  and  patriot,  but  we 
can  well  understand  the  consternation  and  perplexity 
with  which  the  news  was  received  in  Washington.  The 
President  had  been  pushing  as  much  as  possible  the 
negotiations  for  the  peaceable  acquisition  of  Florida, 
and  he  saw  at  once  that  unless  Jackson's  acts  were 
promptly  disavowed,  the  negotiations  would  not  only 


260  A  CENTURY  OF  ASIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

be  broken  off,  but  war  might  be  the  consequence.  In 
addition  to  this  embarrassment  the  British  government 
had  to  be  placated,  as  the  indignation  of  the  kingdom 
was  awakened  by  the  summary  executions.  The  Brit- 
ish Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  said  to  Mr.  Rush,  after 
the  difficulty  had  been  adjusted,  war  might  have  been 
produced  "  if  the  Ministry  had  but  held  up  a  finger."  ^ 

The  President,  after  a  Cabinet  council,  decided  at 
once  to  disavow  the  acts  as  unauthorized,  the  Spanish 
posts  were  delivered  back,  and  the  American  troops 
withdrawn.  But  the  discussion  and  decision  of  the 
Cabinet  were  the  subject  years  after  of  warm  party 
disputes  and  personal  animosities.  Strange  to  say,  the 
only  member  of  the  Cabinet  to  defend  Jackson's  course 
was  Mr.  Adams,  the  experienced  diplomat ;  but  on  this, 
as  on  other  occasions  while  Secretary  of  State,  he  was 
only  manifesting  his  intense  Americanism,  which  more 
than  ever  it  became  the  duty  of  Monroe  to  temper  with 
discretion." 

The  negotiations  for  the  cession  of  Florida  were  very 
tedious,  and  Sj^anish  subterfuges  and  delays  often  tried 
Mr.  Adams's  patience.  They  were  also  embarrassed 
by  opposing  influences  in  the  United  States.  The 
sympathy  of  the  American  people  had  become  strongly 
enlisted  in  behalf  of  the  revolted  Spanish  colonies, 
which  had  for  several  years  been  carrying  on  a  strug- 
gle against  the  mother  country.  Henry  Clay  had  be- 
come their  champion,  and  was  seeking  to  obtain  a 
recognition  by  our  government  of  their  independence. 

1  3  Schouler's  U.  S.  71,  80. 

2  4  Fj^.  Kel.  495-509  ;  3  Scbouler's  U.  S.  67-83. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    261 

It  had,  in  the  presidency  of  Madison,  granted  them 
belligerent  rights,  and  they  had  freely  made  use  of  our 
ports  in  furtherance  of  their  military  operations.  In 
fact,  the  Spanish  minister  in  Washington  was  kept  busy 
in  lodging  complaints  of  the  imperfect  and  partial 
enforcement  of  neutrality.  To  recognize  their  inde- 
pendence was  to  dismiss  all  hopes  of  a  treaty  acquisi- 
tion of  Florida,  which  was  the  matter  then  most  desired 
by  the  administration.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Clay 
contended  that  the  recognition  of  the  Spanish-Ameri- 
can republics  ought  no  longer  to  be  delayed,  and  that 
Florida  was  bound  in  the  course  of  events  to  come  to 
us.  Besides,  the  Jackson  invasion  had  been  a  warning 
to  Spain  that  unless  she  gave  heed  to  the  solicitations 
of  the  American  government,  she  might  lose  the  pro- 
vince by  force,  and  with  it  all  compensation.  The  argu- 
ment of  the  situation  to  her  was  that  she  had  better 
sell  out  than  be  driven  out ;  and  the  treaty  of  cession 
w^as  finally  signed  in  February,  1819. 

By  its  terms  Florida  was  ceded  to  the  United  States 
in  exchange  for  the  assumption  by  the  latter  of  all  the 
claims  of  its  citizens  against  Spain,  and  the  sum  of  five 
millions  of  dollars  was  stipulated  to  be  disbursed  for 
that  purpose.  The  treaty  was  also  of  value  in  that  it 
determined  by  exact  delineation  the  western  boundary 
of  the  Louisiana  territory.  The  latter  was  established 
along  the  Sabine  River,  thence  to  the  Arkansas  River, 
and  along:  the  42d  dejrree  of  latitude  to  the  '*  South  Sea," 
as  it  was  called  in  the  treaty,  or  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
We  thus  acquired  our  first  treaty  right  of  access  to 
the  Pacific,  as  the  Louisiana  territory  never  extended 
beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains. 


262  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

The  "western  boundary  along  the  Sabine  River  was 
of  more  present  importance  then,  because  it  surren- 
dered the  claim,  which  had  been  put  forward  with  much 
insistence,  that  Texas  up  to  the  Rio  Grande  was  in- 
cluded in  the  Louisiana  purchase.  Laussat,  the  French 
prefect,  who  transferred  the  province  of  Louisiana  to 
the  United  States,  stated  that  the  western  boundary 
was  the  Rio  Bravo  (Grande),^  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  who 
made  a  careful  study  of  the  subject,  maintained  the 
same  view."  Mr.  Adams  held  strongly  to  this  con- 
tention, and  only  yielded  to  the  judgment  of  Monroe, 
who  claimed  that  in  due  time  Texas  would  be  absorbed 
in  the  Union.  The  country  was  at  that  time  in  the 
throes  of  the  Missouri  slavery  discussion,  and  the  pru- 
dent judgment  of  Monroe  was  that  it  was  not  wise  to 
complicate  the  acquisition  of  Florida  with  the  doubtful 
claim  to  Texas,  which  would  not  fail  to  have  the  effect 
of  strengthening  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  the  coun- 
try.' 

Adams,  in  signing  the  treaty,  records  in  his  diary 
that  it  is  "  perhaps  the  most  important  day  of  my 
life ;  .  .  .  a  great  epoch  in  our  history."  *    But  he  was 

1  2  For.  Rel.  575. 

2  8  Writings  of  Jefferson,  242. 

'  For  treaty  questions,  boundary,  etc.,  4  For.  Rel.  422-625. 

*  The  diary  of  J.  Q.  Adams  extends  through  his  eventful  life,  and  is  a 
valuable  contribution  to  the  history  of  his  times.  It  will  be  interesting 
to  give  a  fuller  extract  than  the  sentence  above  quoted,  to  indicate  the 
spirit  in  which  he  penned  his  journal.  This  extract  recalls  the  exaltation 
of  the  elder  Adams  on  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1782,  al- 
ready cited.  After  giving  a  detailed  account  of  the  signing  of  the  treaty, 
he  writes  :  "  It  was  perhaps  one  in  the  morning  when  I  closed  the  day 
with  ejaculations    of    fervent  gratitude  to  the  Giver  of  all  good.     It 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    263 

destined  to  still  further  delays  before  the  treaty  became 
a  reality.  It  was  submitted  to  the  Senate,  promptly  and 
unanimously  ratified  by  that  body,  and  presented  to 
the  Spanish  government  for  exchange  of  ratifications  ; 
but  the  king  hesitated  and  asked  for  delay.  Among 
the  causes,  real  or  alleged,  were  two  prominent  ones. 
After  the  treaty  had  been  practically  agreed  upon,  the 
kino-  had  made  grants  of  laroe  tracts  of  lands  to  three 
of  his  nobles,  embracing  about  all  the  public  lands  in 
the  province.  These  grants  would  deprive  the  United 
States  of  much  of  the  benefits  exj^ected  to  be  derived 
to  its  treasury  by  the  cession,  and  the  President  insisted 
upon  a  clause  abrogating  them.  The  other  cause  of 
delay  was  a  demand  on  the  part  of  Spain  that  the 
United  States  should  more  stringently  enforce  its  neu- 
trality laws,  and  should  give  an  assurance  that  it  would 
not  recognize  the  independence  of  the  revolted  colonies. 
JMuch  as  the  President  desired  the  acquisition  of  Florida, 
he  was  not  prepared  to  give  the  latter  assurance. 

These  matters  were  the  subject  of  anxious  Cabinet 
deliberations  on  the  eve  of  the  assembling  of  Congress, 
and  while  the  annual  message  was  being  prepared. 
The  President  was  steering  the  ship  of  state  between 
Scylla  and  Charybdis,  —  having  a  desire  in  his  public 

was  perhaps  the  most  important  day  of  my  life.  What  the  consequences 
may  be  of  the  compact  this  day  signed  with  Spain  is  known  only 
to  the  all-wise  and  all-beneficent  Disposer  of  events,  who  has  brought 
it  about  in  a  manner  utterly  unexpected,  and  by  means  the  most 
extraordinary  and  unforeseen.  .  .  .  Let  no  idle  and  unfounded  exultation 
take  possession  of  my  mind,  as  if  I  could  ascribe  to  my  own  foresight  or 
exertions  any  portion  of  the  event.  It  is  the  work  of  an  intelligent  and 
all-embracing  Cause."    4  Memoirs  of  J.  Q.  Adams,  274. 


264  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

utterances  not  to  offend  Spain  on  the  one  hand,  nor 
on  the  other  to  put  himself  in  hostiHty  to  the  strong 
sympathy  of  the  country  for  the  Spanish-American 
republics.  In  the  midst  of  the  Cabinet  conferences, 
Secretary  Crawford,  who  was  a  treasure-house  of  anec- 
dotes, came  forward  with  a  narration  of  the  experience 
of  a  Georgia  governor  who  told  his  secretary  to  make 
the  phrase  of  a  certain  executive  document  "a  little 
more  mysterious."  It  is  reported  that  the  story  created 
a  hearty  laugh  around  the  presidential  table,  and  the 
hint  was  evidently  followed  in  the  message,  which 
dwelt  at  much  length  on  the  long  and  unnecessary 
delays  of  Spain  in  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  but 
gave  scant  and  vague  consideration  to  the  revolted 
colonies.^  Mr.  Adams  records  that  the  President 
adopted  his  advice,  "  that  the  less  said  about  those 
republics,  just  now,  the  better,  for  independence  and 
recognition  would  come  in  good  time." 

The  delay  in  exchanging  the  treaty  continued,  not- 
withstanding the  prudent  course  of  the  President,  and 
when  two  years  had  nearly  passed,  Adams  favored  occu- 
pying Florida  without  the  ratification,  but  more  conser- 
vative counsels  prevailed ;  and,  finally,  just  two  years 
after  the  signature,  the  treaty  was  promulgated.  There 
was  no  assurance  given  of  non-recognition  of  the 
Spanish- American  states  as  a  condition  of  the  procla- 
mation of  the  treaty  ;  and  within  two  weeks  thereafter 
President  Monroe  sent  a  messasfe  to  Cono^ress  recom- 
mending  such  recognition,  and  this  was  favorably  acted 
upon  by  Congress  on  May  4,  1822.     It  was  followed 

1  2  Richardson's  Messages,  54,  58. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    265 

by  a  strong  protest  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  minis- 
ter, but  by  no  more  serious  consequences.^  It  was  sev- 
eral months  after  recognition  before  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives were  appointed  to  the  new  republics,  but  early 
in  1825  ministers  had  been  named  for  Mexico,  Buenos 
Ayres,  Chili,  and  Colombia.  General  Jackson  was  first 
nominated  for  Mexico,  but  suspecting  it  was  an  effort 
to  suppress  his  ambition  for  the  presidency,  he  declined 
with  disdain  the  offer,  and  added  a  word  of  contempt 
for  the  usurping  emperor,  "  the  tyrant  Iturbide." 
Adams  also  urged  the  appointment  of  Henry  Clay  as 
minister  to  Colombia,  but  President  Monroe  was  not 
willing  to  appear  to  court  the  favor  of  so  bitter  an 
opponent  of  his  administration. 

The  establishment  of  independent  governments  in 
North  and  South  America,  in  connection  with  the  de- 
signs of  the  monarchs  of  continental  Europe  to  aid  in 
their  re-subjugation  to  Spain,  led  to  the  most  important 
and  far-reaching  act  of  this  administration,  —  the  pro- 
mulo'ation  of  what  is  known  as  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

o 

As  this  subject  is  complicated  with  other  questions,  and 
has  a  history  extending  throughout  the  century,  I  have 
thought  best  to  defer  its  consideration  to  a  separate 
chapter  devoted  exclusively  to  it." 

Another  of  the  treaties  nejjotiated  under  the  direction 
of  Secretary  Adams  was  that  with  Russia,  concluded 
in  1824,  for  the  adjustment  of  our  conflicting  claims 
on  the  northwest  coast  of  America  and  in  the  Pacific 
Ocean.  The  negotiations  which  led  to  this  treaty  were 
occasioned  by  the  issuance,  in  1821,  of  a  ukase  by  the 

1  5  For.  Rel.  379,  380.  ^  gge  chapter  xii. 


266  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Emperor  of  Russia,  claiming  the  territory  on  that  coast 
down  to  the  51st  degree  of  latitude,  and  exclusive 
jurisdiction  over  the  ocean  for  one  hundred  miles  from 
the  coast  and  islands.  The  claim  was  at  once  met  by 
an  earnest  protest  from  Mr.  Adams  as  to  the  pretended 
ocean  jurisdiction,  and  with  a  statement  as  to  certain 
undefined  rights  of  the  United  States  to  territory  de- 
rived from  discovery,  occupation,  and  our  treaty  of 
1819  with  Spain.  The  British  government  followed 
the  United  States  with  a  similar  protest  and  by  certain 
claims  as  to  territory  on  its  part.  These  claims  were 
adjusted  by  a  treaty  between  Russia  and  the  United 
States  in  1821:,  and  between  Russia  and  Great  Britain 
in  1825.  These  treaties  settled  the  respective  claims  of 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  with  Russia ;  but 
the  conflicting  territorial  claims  of  the  two  former  gov- 
ernments remained  open  until  1846,  when  the  Oregon 
boundary  dispute  was  compromised.  The  stipulations  of 
the  treaties  of  1824  and  1825  have  been  invoked  in  the 
recent  discussions  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  as  to  the  Bering  Sea  seals  and  the  Alaska 
boundary.^ 

As  some  space  has  been  given  to  the  troubles  of  the 
administrations  of  Jefferson  and  Madison  with  the 
diplomatic  corps  growing  out  of  Washington  etiquette, 
it  is  due  to  Mr.  Monroe  to  say  that  he  was  quite  free 
from  such  annoyances.  When  he  became  President  he 
saw  fit  to  change  the  Jeffersonian  regime  at  the  Execu- 
tive Mansion,  and   to  return    somewhat   more   nearly 

'  For  Alaska  boundary,  see  National  Geographic  Magazine,  Washing- 
ton, November,  1899. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    2G7 

towards  that  established  by  "Washington  at  the  organ- 
ization of  the  government.  The  presidential  drawing- 
rooms  were  reestablished,  or  rather  made  more  select, 
and  certain  social  lines  were  observed.  The  President 
appeared  sometimes  on  those  occasions  wdth  a  dress 
sword,  as  he  valued  his  military  service  during  the 
Revolutionary  War ;  and  it  is  reported  the  White 
House  servants  were  in  livery.  When  he  received 
foreign  ministers,  he  was  attired  in  a  half  military  uni- 
form, or  full  dress  suit  of  black ;  the  diplomats  ap- 
peared in  their  full  court  uniforms;  and  a  certain 
ceremonious  form  of  receiving  their  credentials  was 
observed.  Society  at  the  capital  had  become  enlarged, 
was  more  pretentious,  and  besides  the  President's 
official  dinners,  the  Vice-President  and  Cabinet  officers 
gave  weekly  dinners  during  the  sessions  of  Congress, 
and  the  entertainments  at  the  foreign  legations,  espe- 
cially of  the  British  and  French,  were  particularly  noted. 
The  war  had  apparently  wrought  a  change  in  the  social 
demeanor  of  the  British  representative;  at  any  rate, 
the  arrival  of  Sir  Charles  Bagot  soon  after  the  peace 
inaugurated  a  new  era  in  Washington  society,  and  this 
minister,  a  man  of  pleasing  manner  and  noble  family, 
established  such  a  popularity  and  reputation  for  hospi- 
tality as  none  of  his  predecessors  had  attained. 

To  the  successful  management  of  our  foreign  rela- 
tions, Mr.  Monroe  had  the  satisfaction  of  adding  the 
assurance  of  domestic  harmony  and  good-will.  His 
administration  was  termed  the  "  era  of  good  feeling," 
and  he  is  the  only  president  except  Washington  who 
has  been  chosen,  as  he  was  for  his  second  term,  without 


268  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

opposition.  The  aged  John  Adams  congratulated  him 
on  an  administration  "  which,  as  far  as  I  know,  has 
been  without  a  fault ;  "  and  Chief  Justice  Marshall 
wrote  :  "  The  retrospect  is  not  darkened  by  a  single 
spot." 

The  election  of  Adams  to  the  presidency  in  1824 
was  one  of  the  most  memorable  political  contests  in  our 
history,  but  it  has  no  relation  to  our  present  study 
except  as  it  is  connected  with  the  choice  of  his  Secre- 
tary of  State.  The  vote  of  the  Electoral  College  was 
divided  between  the  four  candidates,  Jackson  receiving 
the  highest  number,  Adams  standing  next,  Crawford 
third,  and  Clay  lowest  on  the  list.  No  candidate  hav- 
ing received  a  majority  of  all  the  votes,  the  election,  in 
accordance  with  the  constitutional  provision,  devolved 
upon  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  the  votes  of 
Clay's  adherents  being  cast  for  Adams  resulted  in  his 
choice.  Preceding  and  immediately  following  the  elec- 
tion it  was  charged  that  the  result  was  brought  about 
by  a  corrupt  bargain,  by  the  terms  of  which  Mr.  Clay 
was  to  be  made  Secretary  of  State.  The  latter  indig- 
nantly denied  the  charge  in  a  public  card,  but  the  story 
continued  to  be  repeated  by  the  combined  opposition. 

Upon  his  inauguration  Mr.  Adams  confirmed  the 
prediction  of  his  opponents  by  sending  Mr.  Clay's  nomi- 
nation to  the  Senate,  by  which  after  a  strong  opposi- 
tion it  was  confirmed.  The  "  corrupt  bargain  "  has 
been  conclusively  shown  to  have  had  no  existence,  but 
then  and  for  a  long  time  after  it  obtained  wide  cre- 
dence in  the  country  and  greatly  exasperated  Mr.  Clay. 
Still,  for  a  considerable  period  no   responsible  person 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.     2G9 

seemed  willing  to  publicly  countenance  the  story,  until 
finally,  after  Mr.  Clay  had  been  for  more  than  a  year  in 
charge  of  the  State  Department,  the  eccentric  John 
Randolph,  in  public  debate  in  Congress,  plainly  refer- 
ring to  this  charge,  characterized  Adams  and  Clay  as 
"the  coalition  of  Blifil  and  Black  Georgfe  —  the  com- 
bination  ...  of  the  Puritan  and  the  black-leg."  Al- 
though Mr.  Clay  only  a  few  months  before,  in  an 
address  to  the  people  of  Kentucky,  had  declared  his 
"  deep  abhorrence  of  .  .  .  the  pernicious  practice  "  of 
dueling,  and  urged  that  a  public  sentiment  ought  to 
be  formed  which  would  "  unite  in  its  unqualified  pro- 
scription," he  nevertheless  promptly  challenged  Ran- 
dolph to  mortal  combat.  He  was  in  deadly  earnest, 
and  in  the  two  shots  wdiich  were  exchanged,  Mr.  Clay's 
bullet  twice  pierced  Randolph's  clothing,  but  the  latter 
fired  in  the  air.  Not  since  the  Hamilton-Burr  duel  had 
the  country  been  so  excited  regarding  "the  code,"  but 
as  in  this  instance  it  was  bloodless  in  its  character,  con- 
demnation of  the  practice  was  by  no  means  universal. 
Mr.  Benton,  long  after,  in  recording  the  details  of  the 
event  in  his  "  Thirty  Years  in  the  Senate,"  says  :  "  It 
was  about  the  last  hijjh-toned   duel  that  I   have  wit- 

nessed,  and  among  the  highest-toned  I  have  ever  wit- 

1  "  1 
nessed. 

Randolph's  term,  "  The  Puritan  and  the  black-leg," 
was  a  well-understood  allusion  to  Mr.  Clay's  indulgence 
in  the  practice,  so  common  at  that  day,  of  playing  cards 
for  high  stakes.  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  faithful  and  all- 
embracing  diary,  refers  to  this  habit  of  his  secretary, 

*  1  Benton's  Thirty  Years  in  the  Senate,  77. 


270  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

whose  losses  at  times  were  said  to  reach  sums  which  he 
could  ill  afford.  A  friendly  foreign  critic  of  our  insti- 
tutions, in  referring  to  the  social  conditions  which  sur- 
rounded Secretary  Clay,  speaks  of  the  *•  cajDital  in  the 
wilderness,  with  but  little  of  general  society  to  temper 
the  roughness  of  the  legislators  and  mitigate  the  vio- 
lence of  party  conflicts.  The  presence  of  slavery  was 
not  conducive  either  to  good  manners  or  virtue.  No 
wonder  if  politics  at  Washington  were  somewhat  crude, 
if  affrays  and  duels  were  not  uncommon,  if  the  dullness 
of  senatorial  boarding-houses  were  too  often  relieved 
by  drinking  and  gambling,  and  their  lack  of  domestic 
happiness  by  connections  to  which  slavery  everywhere 
opens  the  door."  ^  The  glimpses  we  have  of  our  earlier 
statesmen  lead  to  the  consoling  suggestion  that,  how- 
ever imperfect  may  be  the  present  standard  of  political 
life  and  social  morality,  at  least  some  progress  has  been 
made  since  the  earlier  years  of  the  century. 

Aside  from  the  inaptness  of  the  selection  on  account 
of  "  the  corrupt  bargain  "  charge,  the  choice  of  Mr. 
Adams  of  his  Secretary  of  State  appeared  singular  in 
view  of  the  striking  difference  in  their  temperaments 
and  of  their  past  relations.  I  have  already  referred  to 
the  wrangles  which  occurred  between  them  in  the  peace 
negotiations  of  1814.  During  Mr.  Adams's  term  as 
secretary,  Mr.  Clay  had  been  conspicuous  in  Congress 
in  attacking  his  conduct  and  policy  and  in  harassing 
the  administration.  But  the  President  entered  upon 
his  duties  with  a  sense  of  patriotism  high  above  j^er- 
sonal  or  party  considerations,  and  would   have  given 

1  Goldwin  Smith's  Hist.  U.  S.  149. 


ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  MADISON,  MONROE,  ADAMS.    271 

places  in  his  Ccabinet  to  the  other  two  presidential  oppo- 
nents, but  they  declined  them,  an  example  which  was 
successfully  followed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in  18G1.  Besides, 
Mr.  Clay  had  been  an  aspirant  for  the  same  position 
when  Mr.  Monroe  became  President,  and  was  the  most 
prominent  leader  of  his  party.  It  is  greatly  to  the 
credit  of  both  men  and  an  evidence  of  their  high  states- 
manship that  their  relations  during  the  entire  term  were 
harmonious,  and  that  they  separated  at  its  close  with 
cordial  esteem  for  each  other. 

Mr.  Clay's  incumbency  of  the  department  was  marked 
by  no  foreign  complications  of  a  serious  character. 
The  most  important  feature  was  the  Panama  Congress 
of  the  American  Republics,  which  will  be  treated  here- 
after in  connection  with  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  It  was 
a  busy  term,  in  which  more  treaties  were  negotiated 
and  signed  than  during  the  whole  period  since  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution.  The  feature  especially 
prominent  in  these  treaties  was  the  principle  of  com- 
mercial reciprocity  which  has  controlled  the  conduct 
of  the  government  ever  since,  to  wit,  that  privileges 
granted  by  treaty  for  a  valuable  consideration  could 
only  be  secured  by  a  third  nation  for  a  similar  consid- 
eration. His  brilliant  qualities  and  genial  manners 
made  Mr.  Clay  a  great  favorite  in  the  diplomatic  corps. 
But  the  confinement  of  the  office  work,  so  dissimilar  to 
his  long  congressional  life,  and  the  worry  of  the  "  cor- 
rupt bargain  "  slander  seriously  affected  his  health,  and 
he  welcomed  the  end  of  his  term  of  office,  which  en- 
abled him  to  return  to  the  more  congenial  sphere  of 
debate  and  active  politics.    It  is  a  temptation  to  digress 


272  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLO^MACY. 

from  the  course  I  have  marked  out  for  this  work,  and 
follow  the  career  of  one  of  the  most  interesting  and 
attractive  of  our  public  men,  but  it  lies  henceforth 
entirely  beyond  the  sphere  of  diplomacy. 

For  twenty-eight  years,  through  four  succeeding  ad- 
ministrations, from  1801  to  1829,  the  office  of  secretary 
of  state  had  proved  the  stepping-stone  to  the  presi- 
dency, but  with  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Clay  by  General  Jack- 
son in  1828  the  line  of  succession  was  broken  and  has 
never  been  renewed.  With  the  exit  of  Mr.  Adams  we 
mark  the  end  of  administration  by  statesmen  whose  ser- 
vices date  back  to  the  foundation  of  the  government, 
and  men  of  quite  a  different  character  and  calibre  now 
succeed  to  the  presidency  for  a  long  series  of  years. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

FROM   JACKSON    TO    POLK 

Andrew  Jackson,  who  followed  Adams,  is  a  strik- 
ing- character  in  our  political  history,  and  inaugurated 
methods  which  had  a  marked,  and  in  some  respects  an 
unfavorable,  influence  on  the  future  of  parties  and  the 
government ;  but  in  its  foreign  relations  his  adminis- 
tration maintained  a  dignified  and  creditable  attitude. 

His  first  Secretary  of  State,  Martin  Van  Buren,  a 
prominent  politician  of  New  York,  was  a  loyal  sup- 
porter of  his  methods  and  policy.  His  public  services 
lie  mainly  in  the  domain  of  domestic  politics ;  but  in 
his  short  term  of  two  years  his  name  is  connected  with 
some  diplomatic  matters  of  more  than  ordinary  interest. 
The  commercial  relations  of  Great  Britain  and  its  colo- 
nies with  the  United  States,  owing  to  the  exclusive 
policy  of  the  former,  had,  from  the  independence  of 
this  country,  been  of  a  very  unsatisfactory  character. 
Efforts  had  been  made  by  successive  administrations  to 
place  these  relations  upon  a  better  footing,  and  notably 
by  President  Adams,  but  his  advances  had  been  coupled 
with  such  conditions  as  made  them  unacceptable  to  the 
British  government,  and  as  a  consequence  the  British 
West  Indies  trade  remained  closed  to  us,  much  to  the 
dissatisfaction  of  our  commercial  interests.  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  soon  after  he  took  office,  withdrew  the  untpj\- 


274  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLO:^IACY. 

able  conditions  of  liis  predecessor,  and  by  means  of 
legislative  enactments  of  Congress^  and  Parliament  the 
ports  of  the  British  colonies  and  of  the  United  States 
■were  opened  upon  a  reciprocal  basis,  which  has  gov- 
erned their  commercial  relations  up  to  the  present  day. 
For  this  achievement  the  Jackson  administration,  and 
particularly  the  Secretary  of  State,  received  much  credit, 
and  deservedly  so ;  but  it  vrill  be  seen  that  soon  there- 
after his  relation  to  this  neo^otiation  was  a  source  of 
serious  embarrassment  to  him.^ 

A  noted  incident  of  the  early  days  of  General  Jack- 
son's first  term  ought  hardly  to  be  dignified  by  a  notice 
in  this  diplomatic  review,  except  for  its  effect  upon 
the  future  fortunes  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  Peggy 
O'Neil,  the  daughter  of  a  "Washington  tavern-keeper, 
and  wife  of  Eaton,  the  Secretary  of  War,  had  been 
married  under  circumstances  which  gave  rise  to  much 
scandal.  The  wives  of  Vice-President  Calhoun  and  of 
the  other  members  of  the  Cabinet  refused  to  give  her 
social  recogfnition.  The  President,  having^  convinced 
himself  that  a  great  injustice  was  being  done  Mrs. 
Eaton,  declared  with  an  oath  that  he  would  sink  or 
swim  with  his  Secretary  of  War,  and  he  supported  his 
oath  by  most  severe  measures.  He  followed  up  and 
souofht  to  overwhelm  all  scandal-monomers.  An  instance 
is  cited  of  two  clergymen  whom  he  had  respected  and 
whose  stories  reo^ardinor-  Mrs.  Eaton's  chastitv  reached  his 
ears.     The  President  summoned  them  to  the  Executive 

'  Act  of  Congress,  4  Stat,  at  Large,  419  ;  President's  proclamation, 
lb.  817. 

2  1  Benton's  Thirty  Years'  View,  chap.  42. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  275 

Mansion,  as  they  supposed  for  a  private  interview  ;  but 
they  were  confronted  by  a  meeting  of  the  full  Cabinet, 
at  which  the  President  interrogated  and  berated  them 
so  unmercifully,  that  they  marched  out  in  high  indig- 
nation. When  his  niece,  Mrs.  Donelson,  the  mistress 
of  his  household,  declined  to  call  on  Mrs.  Eaton,  he 
banished  her  to  his  home  in  Tennessee. 

Mr.  Van  Buren,  being  a  widower  with  no  daughters, 
had  no  domestic  embarrassments  to  prevent  social 
courtesies  to  Mrs.  Eaton,  and  his  conduct,  in  marked 
contrast  to  that  of  his  colleagues,  greatly  pleased  and 
endeared  him  to  the  President.  The  diplomatic  corps 
had  taken  sides  with  the  wives  of  the  Cabinet  and  other 
society  ladies ;  but  the  Secretary  of  State  applied  his  art 
of  persuasion  (being  termed  by  his  party  opponents  ''  the 
magician  ")  to  the  British  and  Russian  ministers,  who 
were  bachelors,  and  they  each  gave  a  ball  to  which 
Mrs.  Eaton  was  invited.  When  at  the  British  le<ra- 
tion  she  was  led  out  to  the  cotillion,  it  instantly  dis- 
solved. At  the  Russian  minister's  ball,  the  Dutch 
minister's  wife  left  the  supper-room  on  the  arm  of  her 
husband  rather  than  be  seated  by  Mrs.  Eaton's  side, 
which  so  angered  the  President  that  he  threatened  to 
have  the  minister  sent  home.  The  matter  became  the 
absorbing  topic  of  the  day.  Affairs  went  from  bad  to 
worse ;  the  Cabinet,  torn  by  dissensions  in  which  this 
social  scandal  had  no  inconsiderable  part,  went  to  pieces, 
all  its  members  resigned,  and  a  complete  reorganization 
took  place.^ 

Van  Buren,  who  it  was  said  had  already  been  desig- 

1  3  Schouler's  Hist.  U.  S.  491. 


276  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

nated  by  the  President  as  liis  choice  for  the  succession, 
was  nominated  minister  to  England.  Congress  not 
being  in  session,  he  repaired  to  his  post.  When,  on 
the  reassembHng  of  Congress,  his  name  came  before 
the  Senate  for  confirmation,  a  strong  opposition  was 
developed  against  him,  inspired,  in  great  measure,  by 
personal  hostility  to  President  Jackson  and  his  minis- 
ter. Three  grounds  of  objection  were  urged  against  the 
confirmation  :  first,  that  he  had  been  the  chief  instru- 
ment in  breaking  up  the  Cabinet ;  second,  that  he  had 
inaugurated  the  vicious  "  spoils  "  system  in  New  York 
politics  ;  and  third,  that  he  had  given  improper  instruc- 
tions when  Secretary  of  State  to  our  minister  in  Lon- 
don ;  and  this  latter  became  the  chief  ground  of  oppo- 
sition. These  instructions  were  contained  in  a  dispatch 
sent  to  Mr.  McLane,  our  minister  in  London,  during 
the  negotiations  which  brought  about  the  settlement  of 
our  commercial  difficulties  to  which  I  have  just  alluded. 
In  that  dispatch,  dated  July  20,  1829,  he  was  author- 
ized to  inform  the  British  Ministry  that  our  government 
would  withdraw  from  the  position  taken  by  the  Adams 
administration,  and  that  it  had  been  condemned  on  this 
question  by  the  American  people  at  the  late  election. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  the  question  scarcely  entered  into 
the  electoral  campaign,  and,  even  if  it  had,  was  not 
a  fit  subject  for  correspondence  or  consideration  with  a 
foreign  government. 

Mr.  Webster  led  the  opposition  to  the  confirmation, 
and  in  his  speech  confined  himself  almost  exclusively  to 
the  dispatch  to  Mr.  McLane.  He  specially  cited  the 
following  from  Secretary  Van  Buren's  instructions  to 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  277 

Mr.  McLane  :  "  You  will  be  able  to  tell  the  British 
minister  .  .  .  that  you  and  I,  and  the  leadin<^  persons 
in  this  administration,  have  opposed  the  course  hereto- 
fore pursued  by  the  government  and  the  country  on  the 
subject  of  the  colonial  trade.  Be  sure  to  let  him  know 
that,  on  that  subject,  we  have  held  with  England  and 
not  with  our  own  government.  .  .  .  Their  views  upon 
that  point  have  been  submitted  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States ;  and  the  counsels  by  which  your  conduct 
is  now  directed  are  the  result  of  the  judgment  expressed 
by  the  only  earthly  tribunal  to  which  the  late  adminis- 
tration was  amenable  for  its  acts." 

From  Mr.  Webster's  criticism  of  the  dispatch,  I  make 
the  followins:  extract :  "  I  think  these  instructions  de- 
rogatory,  in  a  high  degree,  to  the  character  and  the 
honor  of  the  country.  I  think  they  show  a  manifest 
disj)osition  in  the  writer  of  them  to  establish  a  distinc- 
tion between  his  country  and  his  party  ;  to  place  that 
party  above  the  country ;  to  make  interest  at  a  foreign 
court  for  that  party  rather  than  for  the  country ;  to 
persuade  the  English  ministry,  and  the  English  monarch, 
that  theij  have  an  interest  in  maintaining  in  the  United 
States  the  ascendency  of  the  party  to  which  the  writer 
belongs.  ...  I  cannot  be  of  the  opinion  that  the 
author  of  these  instructions  is  a  proper  representative 
of  the  United  States  at  that  court.  ...  In  the  pre- 
sence of  foreign  courts,  amidst  the  monarchies  of  Europe, 
the  American  minister  is  to  stand  up  for  his  country  ; 
.  .  .  and  far  less  is  he  himself  to  reproach  either ; 
that  he  is  to  have  no  objects  in  his  eye  but  American 
objects,  and  no  heart  in  his  bosom  but  an  American 


278  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

heart ;  that  he  is  to  forget  self,  and  forget  party,  to  for- 
get every  sinister  and  narrow  feeling,  in  his  proud  and 
lofty  attachment  to  the  republic  whose  commission  he 
bears."  ^  The  Senate  rejected  the  nomination,  and  Mr. 
Van  Buren  returned  to  the  United  States,  only  to  be  re- 
ceived by  his  party  with  new  honors,  first  being  elected 
vice-president  and  afterwards  president.  Whatever 
may  be  the  judgment  of  posterity  as  to  his  conduct  in 
domestic  politics,  it  must  be  conceded  that  as  secretary 
of  state  and  as  minister  to  England,  he  discharged  his 
duties  with  credit.  Washington  Irving,  who  was  his 
secretary  of  legation,  says  :  "  His  manners  were  most 
amiable  and  ingratiating."  His  dispatches  show  a  well- 
trained  mind  and  a  familiarity  with  international  law. 

Van  Buren  was  succeeded  as  secretary  of  state  by 
Edward  Livingston,  of  Louisiana,  more  distinguished 
for  his  code  of  civil  law  than  diplomacy,  whose  service 
ended  with  Jackson's  first  term.  He  was  followed  by 
Louis  McLane,  who,  as  minister  to  Great  Britain,  had, 
under  Van  Buren's  direction,  brought  about  the  ad- 
justment of  our  commercial  relations  with  the  British 
colonies,  and  who,  in  Mr.  Polk's  term,  was  again  minis- 
ter to  Great  Britain  during  the  Oregon  boundary  set- 
tlement. After  a  year's  service  he  gave  place  to  John 
Forsyth,  so  that  during  the  presidency  of  Jackson  the 
State  Department  was  filled  by  four  secretaries. 

The  only  other  diplomatic  question  of  importance 
during  this  administration,  not  already  noticed,  was  the 
French  treaty  for  the  payment  of  indemnity  to  Ameri- 
can vessels  for  losses  during  the  Napoleonic  wars.    This 

1  3  Webster's  Works  (ed.  1851),  357  ;  1  Benton's  View,  chap.  59. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO  POLK.  279 

treaty  of  1831,  negotiated  while  Mr.  Van  Buren  was 
secretary,  provided  for  the  payment  to  the  United 
States  of  ^5,000,000  on  account  of  the  losses  men- 
tioned, and  contained  other  stipulations  as  to  favored 
admission  of  certain  products  of  the  two  countries. 
The  United  States  Congress  promptly  passed  the  law 
necessary  to  carry  the  treaty  into  effect,  but  in  1834, 
after  various  delays,  the  French  Chamber  declined  to 
make  the  appropriation  required  by  the  treaty.  Presi- 
dent Jackson  thereupon  sent  a  strong  message  to  Con- 
gress, saying  that  further  negotiations  were  out  of  the 
question  ;  diplomatic  relations  were  broken  off  by  the 
withdrawal  of  the  respective  ministers ;  and  for  a  time 
an  unpleasant  state  of  relations  existed,  but  open  hos- 
tilities for  such  a  cause  were  scarcely  contemplated. 
Both  jrovernments  beg^an  to  see  that  want  of  forbear- 
ance  on  each  side  had  been  conspicuous,  and  through 
the  irood  offices  of  Great  Britain  a  renewal  of  relations 
was  brought  about  in  1836  and  the  indemnity  paid.^ 
This  event  raised  the  question  how  far  the  treaty-mak- 
ing power  may  bind  a  government  to  stipulations  which 
can  only  be  carried  into  effect  through  the  action  of  a 
lesfislative  branch  of  the  o-overnment  not  consulted  as 
to  the  treaty. 

During  President  Van  Buren's  entire  term  the  post 
of  secretary  of  state  was  filled  by  Mr.  Forsyth,  of 
Georgia,  who  had  occupied  the  office  during  the  last 
two  years  of  Jackson's  presidency.  He  had  previously 
been  minister  to  Spain,  during  the  important  negotia- 
tions resulting  in  the  acquisition  of  Florida. 

1  4  Schouler's  Hist.  U.  S.  184,  239. 


280  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Van  Biiren's  term  was  mainly  one  of  domestic  in- 
terest, the  foreign  questions  of  most  importance  grow- 
ing  out  of  similar  causes,  the  Canadian  insurrection  on 
the  northern  frontier  and  the  Texan  revolt  on  the 
south.  The  Canadian  trouble  was  occasioned  by  the 
unwise  policy  of  the  British  government  in  its  treat- 
ment of  the  provinces,  and  it  culminated,  in  1837,  in 
the  seizure  of  Navy  Island,  in  Niagara  River,  by  an 
expedition  organized  on  United  States  territory,  under 
insurgent  leaders  largely  aided  by  American  sympa- 
thizers. The  Canadian  authorities  retaliated  by  cross- 
ing to  the  American  side,  where  they  captured  and 
destroyed  a  vessel,  the  Caroline,  belonging  to  the  in- 
surgents. Van  Buren  issued  a  proclamation,  called  out 
the  New  York  state  militia,  and  took  other  stringent 
measures  to  prevent  a  viDlation  of  the  neutrality  laws. 
The  rebellion  was  easily  put  down,  and  the  Canadians 
reaped  the  benefit  of  it  in  securing  from  Great  Britain 
a  more  liberal  system  of  government.  But  Van  Buren 
suffered  much  in  popularity  in  his  own  State  by  his 
upright  enforcement  of  the  neutrality  laws. 

While  the  wisdom  of  these  laws  is  almost  universally 
recognized  by  our  people,  and  their  enactment  has 
gained  us  more  credit  in  our  international  relations 
than  any  other  kindred  act  of  the  government,  it  rarely 
happens  that  the  administration  adds  anything  to  its 
popularity  by  their  strict  and  impartial  enforcement, 
usually  because  of  the  sympathy  of  a  large  party  in 
our  country  for  the  cause  against  which  the  laws  are 
enforced. 

The  independence  of  Texas  had  been  recognized  just 


FROM  JACKSON  TO  POLK.  281 

on  the  eve  of  Van  Buren's  inauguration,  and  one  o£ 
the  first  questions  on  which  he  was  called  to  pass  was 
the  proposed  annexation  of  the  new  republic  to  the 
Union.  The  President,  foreseeing  that  annexation 
"would  result  in  a  war  with  Mexico,  declined  the  pro- 
posal, and  thus  postponed  for  eight  years  the  consumma- 
tion of  that  project.  Owing  to  his  growing  anti-slavery 
convictions  he  continued,  at  the  expense  of  his  influ- 
ence and  standing  in  his  party,  a  strong  opponent  of 
annexation. 

The  political  campaign  of  1840  swept  out  of  power 
the  party  which,  under  the  skillful  leadership  of  Jack- 
son, had  controlled  the  country  for  twelve  years.  Presi- 
dent Harrison  invited  Mr.  Clay  to  resume  the  post  of 
secretary  of  st^te,  but,  with  his  eye  on  the  presidency, 
he  preferred  to  remain  in  Congress,  and  Daniel  Webster 
was  chosen.  He  was  then  at  the  heioht  of  his  fame. 
The  Dartmouth  CoUecfe  argfument  and  other  noted  cases 
before  the  Supreme  Court  had  placed  him  at  the  head 
of  the  American  bar.  His  orations  at  Plymouth  and 
Bunker  Hill,  and  his  reply  to  Hayne,  then  fresh  in  the 
minds  of  the  people,  made  him  the  foremost  orator  of 
his  country.  These  and  his  debates  in  the  Senate  had 
earned  for  him  the  title  of  "  The  Great  Expounder  of 
the  Constitution."  Although  without  diplomatic  ex- 
perience, no  man  had  entered  the  State  Department 
with  greater  prestige  for  his  work,  and  it  is  gratifying 
to  note  that  his  ser^^ces  as  secretary  did  not  diminish 
his  reputation. 

He  was  greatly  embarrassed  in  his  duties  by  the  fact 
that  he  was  for  the  time  separated  from  his  party  by 


282  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

the  defection  of  Tyler,  who  succeeded  to  the  presi- 
dency on  the  sudden  death  of  Harrison,  but  he  felt 
that  the  grave  question  he  had  in  hand  required  him  to 
continue  in  the  direction  of  our  foreign  relations. 

This  question  was  the  much  debated  northeastern 
boundary  dispute,  growing  out  of  the  treaty  of  peace 
of  1783.  From  that  date  it  had  been  a  fruitful  source 
of  controversy.  The  treaty  of  peace  of  1814  sought 
to  settle  the  matter,  but  the  measures  then  devised 
failed.  It  was  in  1827  referred  to  the  arbitration  of 
the  king  of  the  Netherlands,  but  his  award  was  not 
accepted  by  either  party.  Meanwhile  the  State  of 
Maine  had  been  organized  out  of  the  territory  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  between  its  authorities  and  those  of 
Canada  there  was  constant  turmoil  and  conflict.  When 
Mr.  Webster  assumed  office,  the  ill  feeling  growing  out 
of  the  Canadian  insurrection  was  still  fresh  in  mind, 
and  at  the  outset  of  the  negotiations  further  elements 
of  controversy  were  added  to  inflame  the  passions  of 
both  governments  and  people.  It  was  a  time  of  intense 
excitement,  and  it  was  fortunate  that  the  negotiations 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States  were  in  the  hands  of 
one  in  whose  wisdom  and  patriotism  the  country  reposed 
such  confidence.  The  British  government,  equally  im- 
pressed with  the  importance  of  the  negotiations,  sent 
to  Washington  as  a  special  plenipotentiary.  Lord  Ash- 
burton,  a  man  of  the  highest  character  and  well  dis- 
posed toward  the  United  States. 

Out  of  their  nea:otiations  came  what  is  known  as  the 
Webster-Ashburton  treaty  of  1812,  which  settled  the 
northeastern  boundary  dispute  by  conceding  to  Canada 


FROM  JACKSON  TO  POLK.  283 

a  strip  of  territory  claimed  by  Maine  and  gaining  a 
more  important  strip  for  Vermont  and  New  York.  The 
treaty  also  provided  for  a  joint  rei)ressive  action  against 
the  slave  trade,  and  for  the  extradition  of  criminals. 
In  the  Jay  treaty  of  1794,  provision  had  been  made 
for  extradition  in  cases  of  murder  and  forgery,  but  the 
Webster  treaty  enlarged  the  list  of  crimes  for  which 
extradition  might  be  had,  and  it  may  be  regarded  as 
the  first  of  a  long  series  of  treaties  for  this  purpose. 
Webster's  great  success  in  this  negotiation  is  indicated 
by  the  fact  that  notwithstanding  the  Senate  was  hostile 
to  the  President,  the  treaty  was  ratified  by  a  three 
fourths  vote. 

While  it  is  regarded  as  Webster's  greatest  achieve- 
ment in  diplomacy,  and  deservedly  so,  it  is  also  due  to 
President  Tyler,  who  has  received  scant  justice  at  the 
hands  of  the  historians  of  the  period,  to  state  that 
much  of  the  credit  of  his  secretary's  success  belongs  to 
his  chief.  No  one  was  more  free  to  recognize  this  than 
the  secretary  himself.  In  a  letter  to  the  President  soon 
after  the  treaty  was  signed,  he  wrote :  "  Your  steady 
support  and  confidence,  your  anxious  and  intelligent 
attention  to  what  was  in  progress,  and  your  exceed- 
ingly obliging  and  pleasant  intercourse,  both  with  the 
British  minister  and  the  commissioners  of  the  States, 
have  given  every  possible  facility  to  my  agency  In  this 
important  transaction."  ^ 

In  England  the  treaty  encountered  more  serious  op- 
position. It  was  termed  "  Ashburton's  Capitulation,'* 
and  Lord  Palmerston,  who  led  the  opposition,  went  so 

^  2  Webster's  Private  Correspondence,  147. 


284  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

far  in  his  personal  assault  as  to  attribute  Ashburton's 
too  friendly  conduct  to  his  American  wi£e.^  In  this 
connection  it  is  of  interest  to  note  the  number  of  for- 
eigners, prominent  in  important  diplomatic  affairs  with 
the  United  States,  "who  have  had  American  wives. 
Without  approaching  any  nearer  to  recent  years  than 
Lord  Ashburton's  time,  we  recall  that  Oswald,  the  Brit- 
ish negotiator  of  the  peace  treaty  of  1782,  had  ac- 
quired large  interests  in  America  by  marriage.  Genet, 
the  famous  minister  of  the  French  Republic  in  1792-93, 
married  a  daughter  of  Governor  Chnton  of  New  York. 
Marbois,  Napoleon's  minister,  who  signed  the  treaty  for 
the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  married  in  the  United 
States  while  charge  of  the  French  legation.  Ershine, 
the  British  minister  in  the  trying  period  between  1806 
and  1810,  and  who  manifested  such  a  friendl}^  spirit, 
had  an  American  wife.  And  Yrujo,  the  Spanish  min- 
ister, who  passed  through  strange  ^'icissitudes  extending 
from  the  administration  of  Washington  through  Jeffer- 
son's term,  was  married  to  a  daughter  of  Governor 
McKean  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  ratification  of  the  Webster-Ashburton  treaty 
was  followed  by  an  interesting  international  contro- 
versy known  as  ^'  The  Battle  of  the  Maps."  About 
the  time  of  the  pendency  of  the  negotiations  Mr.  Jared 
Sparks,  the  historian,  in  searching  in  the  French  ar- 
chives of  Paris,  found  a  map  of  America  on  which  the 
boundary  between  the  British  Pro^dnces  and  the  LT nited 
States  was  indicated  by  a  red  line,  in  a  manner  favor- 
able to  the  British  claim.     He  also  found  a  letter  from 

'  Saunders's  Palmerston,  91 ;  Francis's  Palmerston,  443. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO  POLK.  285 

Dr.  Franklin  referring  to  some  map  upon  which  the 
boundary  had  been  dehneated.  It  was  taken  for  granted 
that  the  map  with  the  red  line  was  the  one  referred  to 
in  Dr.  Franklin's  letter,  but  there  was  no  proof  of  this 
identity,  and  it  is  now  manifest  that  Sparks  was  mis- 
taken as  to  it.  This  map,  with  a  vast  mass  of  other 
material,  was  put  into  Webster's  hands,  and  it  was 
used  by  him  to  reconcile  the  commissioners  of  the  State 
of  Maine  to  the  treaty,  which  deprived  their  State  of 
a  considerable  portion  of  the  territory  claimed  by  it. 
The  map  was  also  used  in  the  Senate  to  secure  the  rati- 
fication of  the  treaty.  It  was  not,  however,  made 
known  to  Lord  Ashburton  or  the  British  government. 
When  the  existence  of  the  map  and  the  use  made  of  it 
became  public,  it  created  a  sensation  in  England,  and 
comments  unfavorable  to  the  American  negotiator  and 
government  were  made  in  Parliament  and  the  press. 

This  publication  led  to  a  search  in  the  Paris  archives 
by  the  British  officials,  which  resulted  in  a  failure  to 
find  the  Sparks  map,  but,  strange  to  say,  the  search 
developed  another  ancient  map  with  the  line  marked  as 
claimed  by  the  United  States.  And,  still  more  strange, 
it  appears  that  orders  were  given  on  Lord  Ashburton's 
departure  for  America  to  supply  him  with  all  maps  in 
the  British  Museum  bearing  upon  the  negotiations, 
which  it  is  claimed  was  done.  But  after  the  Sparks 
map  denouement,  another  examination  was  made  in  the 
British  Museum,  in  the  map  department,  and  the  origi- 
nal map  used  by  Oswald,  the  British  negotiator  of  the 
treaty  of  1783,  was  found,  which  laid  down  the  line 
traced  by  him,  with  the  indorsement  by  George  III.  in 


286  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

his  own  handwriting,  showing  the  boundary  as  claimed 
by  the  United  States.  This  map  was  used  in  ParHa- 
ment  to  vindicate  the  conduct  of  Lord  Ashburton  in 
agreeing  to  the  treaty,  just  as  the  Sparks  map  had  been 
used  in  the  Senate  to  support  Mr.  Webster.  Lord  Ash- 
burton assured  Mr.  Everett,  our  minister  in  London,  and 
also  wrote  to  Mr.  Webster,^  that  he  had  no  knowledge 
of  this  map  till  after  his  return  from  the  United  States. 
Mr.  Webster  was  charged  in  England  with  acting  a 
dishonorable  part  in  withholding  from  Lord  Ashburton 
an  inspection  of  the  Paris  map  and  afterwards  using  it 
to  secure  the  ratification  of  the  treaty.  Webster's 
answer  was  :  "  I  must  confess  that  I  did  not  think  it  a 
very  urgent  duty  on  my  part  to  go  to  Lord  Ashburton 
and  tell  him  that  I  had  found  a  bit  of  doubtful  evi- 
dence in  Paris,  out  of  which  he  might  perhajDS  make 
something  to  the  prejudice  of  our  claims."  ^  Lord 
Ashbiu'ton  is  reported  to  have  said  that  it  was  fortunate 
for  both  countries  that  the  maps  were  not  made  public 
till  after  the  treaty  was  in  force,  as  with  a  knowledge 
of  the  Paris  map  he  never  would  have  consented  to  the 
line  agreed  upon,  and  the  Americans  would  never  have 
conceded  the  British  claim.  In  further  commentins:  on 
the  incident  he  wrote  as  follows  :  "  The  public  are  very 
busy  with  the  question  whether  Webster  was  bound  in 
honor  to  damage  his  own  case  by  telling  all.  I  have 
put  this  to  the  conscience  of  old  diplomatists  without 
getting  a  satisfactory  answer.  My  own  opinion  is  that 
in  this  respect  no  reproach  can  fairly  be  made."  ^ 

1  2  Webster's  Private  Correspondence,  191. 

2  2  Webster's  Works,  149.  ^  2  Croker  Papers,  200. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  287 

Three  other  questions  were  concurrently  considered 
by  the  negotiators,  but  not  included  in  the  treaty. 
The  first  of  these  grew  out  of  the  seizure  and  destruc- 
tion of  the  Caroline,  on  the  American  side  of  the  Niag- 
ara River,  in  1837.  In  18-iO,  one  McLeod,  a  British 
subject,  came  from  Canada  into  the  State  of  New  York, 
and,  it  being  charged  that  he  participated  in  the  seizure 
and  destruction  of  the  vessel  which  resulted  in  the  death 
of  an  American,  he  was  arrested,  indicted  for  murder, 
and  held  for  trial  in  one  of  the  state  courts.  The 
British  government  protested  against  this  proceeding, 
on  the  ground  that  the  destruction  of  the  Caroline 
was  a  national  act  ordered  by  the  British  authorities  as 
a  justifiable  proceeding  of  self-defense,  and  that  the 
government,  not  its  subject,  was  responsible  for  the 
consequences.  Webster  took  the  position  that  McLeod 
ought  not  to  be  held  to  answer  for  the  offense  in  the 
state  court,  but  the  court,  supported  by  the  governor, 
refused  to  discharge  him.  The  Attorney-General  of 
the  United  States  was  sent  by  the  President  to  watch 
the  proceedings  and  see  that  the  prisoner  had  a  fair 
trial.  Fortunately  McLeod  proved  an  alibi,  and  he  was 
acquitted.  But  the  case  brought  about  the  passage  of 
a  law  by  Congress,  drawn  by  Secretary  Webster,  con- 
ferring jurisdiction  in  such  cases  upon  the  federal 
courts,  thus  bringing  them  within  the  control  of  the 
national  authorities.^ 

The  second,  known  as  the  case  of  the  Creole, 
arose  out  of  the  institution  of  slavery,  which  more  than 
once  exercised  a  baleful  influence  on  our   diplomacy, 

'  5  Stat,  at  Large,  539. 


288  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

and  placed  us  before  the  world  in  an  attitude  incon- 
sistent with  our  much-vaunted  principles  of  freedom. 
The  Creole  was  a  vessel  engaged  in  1841  in  carrying  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  negro  slaves  from  Richmond, 
Virginia,  to  New  Orleans.  While  at  sea  the  slaves 
killed  the  captain  and  carried  the  vessel  into  the  British 
port  of  Nassau.  Nineteen  men  were  held  for  murder 
and  the  rest  set  free.  Mr.  Webster  urged  the  claim  for 
damages  upon  Lord  Ashburton,  on  the  ground  that  it 
was  the  duty  of  the  British  authorities  to  have  restored 
the  officers  of  the  vessel  to  control  and  allowed  them  to 
continue  their  voyage.  Ashburton  declined  to  enter- 
tain the  claim  for  the  reason  that  he  was  not  empowered 
to  consider  it,  but  it  was  finally  referred  in  1853  to  a 
joint  claims  commission,  was  allowed  by  the  umpire, 
and  paid.^ 

The  third  unadjusted  question  considered  by  the 
negotiators  was  the  long  disputed  and  irritating  subject 
of  impressment  and  right  of  search,  which  was  the 
main  cause  of  the  War  of  1812,  and  had  continued  a 
fruitful  source  of  controversy.  While  no  formal  re- 
nunciation was  made  by  Great  Britain  of  the  right  to 
take  seamen  out  of  an  American  vessel,  this  practice 
had  virtually  been  abandoned.  The  claim  contested  by 
Webster  was  a  right  of  visitation  and  search  of  vessels 
on  suspicion  of  being  engaged  in  the  slave  trade. 
The  subject  was  met  in  the  treaty  by  an  agreement  to 
respectively  keep  a  naval  force  on  the  coast  of  Africa 
to  watch  this  illegal  trade.  Lewis  Cass,  then  minister 
to  France,  appointed  by  Van  Buren,  fiercely  attacked 

1  1  Moore's  Interuational  Arbitrations,  410  ;  4  lb.  4375. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO  POLK.  289 

the  treaty  for  not  securing  a  renunciation  from  Great 
Britain  of  the  right  of  visitation,  search,  and  impress- 
ment, resigned  his  post,  and  engaged  Webster  in  a  vig- 
orous discussion  of  the  treaty/  The  latter  maintained 
that  the  negotiation  had  not  left  the  subject  where  it 
found  it,  but  that  his  declaration  made  to  Lord  Ash- 
burton  would  stand,  to  wit,  that  "  in  every  regularly 
documented  American  merchant  vessel  the  crew  who 
navigate  it  will  find  their  protection  in  the  flag  which 
is  over  them."  ^ 

A  number  of  other  important  questions  received 
Secretary  Webster's  attention,  not  the  least  important 
of  which  was  the  establishment  of  diplomatic  relations 
with  China.  Soon  after  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  was  established,  American  vessels  began  to  make 
voyages  to  the  far  East,  and  in  a  few  years  a  direct 
trade  with  China  was  built  up,  and  an  important  com- 
merce with  that  country  was  created  which  called  for  the 
fostering  care  of  the  government.  In  1840,  President 
Van  Buren  sent  a  special  message  to  Congress,  com- 
municating information  respecting  the  trade  with 
China ;  ^  and  in  1842,  President  Tyler  transmitted  to 
Congress  a  message,^  prepared  by  Secretary  Webster.'' 
urging  that  adequate  provision  be  made  for  official 
representation  to  that  empire. 

As  the  result  of  this  latter  recommendation  an  ap- 
propriation was  made  by  Congress  ^  "  to  establish  the 

>  Ex.  Doc.  223,  27th  Cong.  3<1  Sess.  ^  5  Webster's  Works,  146. 

3  H.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  119,  20th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  ;  also  No.  170,  same  Con- 
gress. 

*  4  Richardson's  Messages,  211.  *  2  Curtis's  Webster,  176. 

«  5  Stat,  at  L.  624. 


290  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

future  commercial  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Chinese  Empire  on  terms  of  national  equal 
reciprocity ; "  and  on  March  3,  1843,  Edward  Everett, 
then  minister  in  London,  was  appointed  commissioner ; 
and  on  his  declination,  Caleb  Cashing  was  named.  Soon 
after  arrival  at  his  post,  he  was  enabled  to  celebrate  the 
first  treaty,  July  3,  1844,  which  inaugurated  our  official, 
political,  and  commercial  relations  with  that  vast  empire, 
and  which  have  continued  unbroken.  This  convention, 
in  addition  to  fixing  the  terms  of  our  trade  and  inter- 
course, conferred  upon  American  consuls  jurisdiction 
and  legal  protection  over  all  citizens  of  the  United 
States  in  China.  In  communicating  it  to  the  Secretary 
of  State,  Mr.  Cushing  wrote  :  "  By  that  treaty  the  laws 
of  the  Union  follow  its  citizens,  and  its  banner  protects 
them,  even  within  the  domain  of  the  Chinese  Empire."  ^ 
This  is  the  practice  known  in  international  law  as 
"  extraterritoriality,"  which  has  been  conceded  to  all 
Christian  nations  by  the  independent  countries  of  Asia. 
Under  this  treaty  it  became  necessary  for  Congress  to 
confer  judicial  powers  upon  ministers  and  consuls,  to 
enable  them  to  carry  the  extraterritorial  provision  into 
effect ;  ^  and  various  regulations  were  adopted  from 
time  to  time  by  United  States  ministers  in  China  for 
the  government  of  consuls  in  their  judicial  capacity.' 

1  7  Opinions  Attorneys  General,  499.  For  correspondence  relating  to 
the  treaty,  S.  Ex.  Doc.  67,  28th  Cong.  2(i  Sess. 

^  For  the  first  statutes  on  the  subject,  9  Stat,  at  L.  276  ;  12  Stat,  at  L. 
72. 

8  S.  Ex.  Doc.  Nos.  32  and  92,  34th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  6, 
and  H.  Ex.  Doc,  No.  11,  34th  Cong.  3d  Sess.  ;  S.  Ex.  Doc,  Nos.  9  and 
47,  35th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  For  action  of  Senate  on  regulations,  Cong. 
Globe,  35th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  pp.  1203,  1555. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  291 

Secretary  Webster,  in  his  carefully  prepared  instruc- 
tions to  Mr.  Gushing,  laid  down  the  policy,  which  has 
been  ever  since  followed  by  our  government,  of  disin- 
terested friendship  for  China,  but,  at  the  same  time,  of 
a  strict  enforcement  of  the  riofhts  of  American  citizens ; 
and  as  the  rulers  of  the  Celestial  Empire  had  been 
accustomed  to  look  upon  other  nations  as  dependents 
and  their  representatives  as  tribute-bearers,  Mr.  Cush- 
ing  was  instructed  to  make  known  "  that  you  are  no 
tribute-bearer;  that  your  government  pays  tribute  to 
none  and  expects  tribute  from  none ;  and  that  even  as 
to  presents,  your  government  neither  makes  nor  accepts 
presents."  ^ 

From  the  beginning  of  our  political  intercourse  with 
that  country  we  have  discouraged  all  efforts  on  the  part 
of  Americans  to  engage  in  the  opium  trade,  so  injuri- 
ous to  its  people  and  forbidden  by  its  laws.  As  early 
as  1843  participation  in  that  trade  by  an  American  con- 
sul was  made  a  cause  for  his  dismissal ;  our  ministers 
were  instructed  to  inform  the  Chinese  government  that 
citizens  of  the  United  States  would  not  be  sustained  by 
their  government  in  any  attempts  to  violate  the  laws  of 
China  respecting  the  trade ; "  and  by  the  treaty  of  1880 
our  citizens  are  prohibited  to  buy  or  sell  opium  in  China, 
or  to  import  it  into  that  country. 

In  view  of  the  peculiar  conditions  existing  in  China, 
as  well  as  in  other  Asiatic  countries,  our  government 
has  authorized  American  ministers  to  unite  with  the 
representatives  of  other  Western  powers  in  joint  efforts 
for  the  protection  of  the  citizens  and  business  of  their 

>  1  Wharton'a  Int  Dig.  447.  ^  it.  447,  449. 


292  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

respective  nations.  This  practice  constitutes  a  depar- 
ture from  the  policy  generally  pursued  by  our  govern- 
ment of  independent  action  in  foreign  affairs,  but  it 
has  not  been  carried  to  the  extreme  of  a  resort  to  mili- 
tary force  to  accomplish  the  object  had  in  view  until 
the  extraordinary  disorders  of  1900. 

In  1857,  when  the  troubles  arose  which  resulted  in 
the  Anglo-French  war  against  China  of  1858-60,  Sec- 
retary Marcy  wrote  to  our  minister  that  "  the  British 
government  evidently  had  objects  beyond  those  con- 
templated by  the  United  States,  and  we  ought  not  to 
be  drawn  along  with  it,  however  anxious  it  may  be  for 
our  cooperation."  And  when,  the  next  year,  we  were 
invited  to  "  unite  with  the  English  and  French  in  their 
hostile  movements,"  our  minister  was  instructed  that 
we  could  not  cooperate  with  them  beyond  "  peaceful 
measures  to  secure  by  treaty  those  just  concessions  to 
foreign  commerce  which  the  nations  of  the  world  had 
a  right  to  demand."  ^  Two  years  later  President  Buch- 
anan was  enabled  to  report  to  Congress  that  "  the 
friendly  and  peaceful  policy  pursued  by  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  towards  the  empire  of  China 
has  produced  the  most  satisfactory  results.  The  treaty 
of  Tientsin  of  the  18th  June,  1858,  has  been  faithfully 
observed  by  the  Chinese  authorities." "" 

Anticipating  somewhat  events,  it  may  be  stated  in 
this  connection  that  under  the  treaty  of  1858  the  Chi- 

'  5  Richardson's  Messages,  497. 

*  lb.  626.     For  correspondence  and  reports  of  these  events,  S.  Ex. 
Doc.  22,  35th  Cong.  2d  Sess. ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  Nos.  30  and  39,  36th  Cong. 

Ist  Sess. 


FROM  Jackson  to  polk.  293 

nese  government  paid  to  the  United  States  the  sum  of 
^735,238  in  satisfaction  of  the  claims  of  its  citizens 
against  China.  On  an  adjudication  of  these  claims 
by  a  domestic  commission  of  the  United  States,  it  was 
found  that  they  had  been  very  considerably  exagger- 
ated, and  less  than  half  of  the  fund  proved  to  be  justly 
due.  The  balance  remained  in  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States  until  1885,  when  the  sum  of  $453,400 
•was  returned  to  China  by  act  of  Congress.  In  ac- 
knowledging this  unusual  international  proceeding,  the 
Chinese  minister  in  Washington  said  to  the  Secretary 
of  State  that  "  this  jrenerous  return  of  the  balance  of 
the  indemnity  fund  by  the  United  States  to  China  can- 
not fail  to  elicit  feelinf^s  of  kindness  and  admiration 
on  the  part  of  the  government  of  China  towards  that 
of  the  United  States,  and  thus  the  friendly  relations  so 
lono"  existins"  between  the  two  countries  will  be  strens^th- 
ened."^ 

During  Mr.  Webster's  incumbency  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  State,  another  matter  relating  to  the  distant 
Pacific  Ocean  demanded  his  attention.  Early  in  the 
century  missionaries  had  been  sent  by  the  Congrega- 
tional churches  of  New  Eno-land  to  the  Sandwich  or 
Hawaiian  Islands,  and  under  their  influence  the  natives 
had  been  induced  to  renounce  in  great  measure  their 
heathen  practices,  and  under  their  guidance  the  chiefs 
had  organized  a  government  based  upon  principles 
similar  to  those  of  Christian  nations.  A  delegation  of 
plenipotentiaries  from  this  new  nation  visited  the  United 
States  and  Europe  in  1842,  asking  for  recognition  and 

1  For.  Rel.  of  U.  S.  1885,  p.  183. 


294  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

the  protection  of  the  Christian  powers.  The  recogni- 
tion was  readily  given,  but  in  addition  thereto  an  im- 
portant declaration  was  made  by  Secretary  Webster  to 
the  Hawaiian  delegation  and  by  President  Tyler  to 
Congress.  It  was  stated  that  in  view  of  the  prepon- 
derating trade  and  intercourse  of  the  United  States 
with  those  islands,  and  of  *the  greater  interest  of  our 
country  in  their  fate,  our  government  would  insist  that 
no  European  nation  should  take  possession  of  or  colo- 
nize them,  nor  subvert  the  native  government.^ 

This  declaration  was  repeated  by  successive  Secre- 
taries of  State,  and  in  1851,  when  for  a  second  time 
Mr.  Webster  occupied  the  office,  he  found  that  the 
French  naval  forces  had  made  a  hostile  demonstration 
against  the  Hawaiian  authorities,  and  it  was  feared 
that  that  government  intended  to  take  possession  of 
the  islands,  following  its  occupation  of  Tahiti.  He 
thereupon  instructed  our  minister  in  Paris  to  insist  with 
that  government  that  it  desist  from  measures  incom- 
patible with  the  sovereignty  and  independence  of  Ha- 
waii ;  and  to  inform  it  that  the  United  States  would 
never  consent  to  see  those  islands  taken  possession  of 
by  either  of  the  great  commercial  powers  of  Europe, 
nor  could  it  consent  that  demands  manifestly  unjust 
and  derogatory,  and  inconsistent  with  a  bona  jide  in- 
dependence, should  be  enforced  against  their  govern- 
ment." 

Mr.  Webster's  reputation  as  secretary,  during  his 
first  term  of  service,  rests  mainly  upon  the  Ashburton 
treaty,  and  he  felt  when  that  was  fully  consummated 

1  6  Webster's  Works,  478.  «  1  Wharton's  Int.  Dig.  419,  420. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  295 

he  could  retire  from  the  office.  He  had  been  restive 
uuder  the  criticism  of  his  party  friends  for  continuing 
in  the  Cabinet  of  President  Tyler  after  the  latter  had 
broken  with  those  who  elected  him,  and  having  ad- 
justed the  important  northeastern  boundary  dispute,  he 
sought  an  early  opportunity  to  retire,  after  a  service  of 
two  years.  His  relations  with  President  Tyler  had  been 
pleasant,  but  the  latter  was  deeply  intent  upon  accom- 
plishing the  annexation  of  Texas  during  his  term,  and 
ha  felt  that  he  could  not  count  upon  Mr.  Webster's 
cooperation  to  that  end.  His  son  and  biogra2)her 
Avrites :  "  The  time  had  come  when  it  was  necessary  to 
have  in  the  office  of  secretary  of  state  one  Avho  would 
go  the  full  length  of  the  Texas  question.  Certainly 
that  man  was  not  Webster."  ^ 

The  latter  had  manifested  a  willingness  to  accept  a 
special  mission  to  London,  and  it  was  arranged  that 
application  should  be  made  to  Congress  for  an  appro- 
priation to  meet  the  expense.  The  state  of  negotiations 
seemed  to  call  for  such  a  mission.  We  were  pressing 
upon  Mexico  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of 
Texas.  We  were  likewise  seeking  to  persuade  Mexico 
to  sell  to  us  the  province  of  California.  The  Webster- 
Ashburton  treaty  had  left  unsettled  the  Oregon  ques- 
tion, and  its  settlement  was  becominof  urjjent.  It  was 
proposed  that  a  tripartite  convention  be  negotiated  in 
London,  whereby  the  independence  of  Texas  should  be 
recognized,  the  British  government  was  to  bring  its 
influence  to  bear  on  Mexico  to  cede  California  to  the 
United  States  for  a  handsome  money  compensation, 

1  2  Letters  and  Times  of  the  Tylers,  263. 


296  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

and  Great  Britain  was  to  receive  all  that  part  of  Oregon 
north  of  the  Columbia  River  in  consideration  of  con- 
tributing a  part  of  the  indemnity  to  be  paid  to  Mexico 
on  account  of  the  cession  of  California. 

John  Quincy  Adams  was  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  House,  and  he  was  enlisted 
to  procure  the  necessary  appropriation  for  the  special 
mission ;  but  when  he  proposed  it  in  the  committee  it 
was  voted  down  by  three  ayes  to  six  nays/  Thus  this 
project  came  to  naught,  but  there  still  seemed  a  way 
open  to  accomplish  the  purpose.  Congress  had  made 
an  appropriation  to  establish  diplomatic  and  commercial 
relations  with  China,  and  after  the  failure  of  the  appro- 
priation for  the  London  special  mission,  the  President 
nominated  Edward  Everett,  our  minister  in  London,  to 
the  Chinese  mission.  Adams  was  again  pressed  into 
service,  and  wrote  Everett  a  letter  urging  him  to  accept 
the  mission,^  but  the  latter  preferred  to  remain  in  Lon- 
don and  declined  the  appointment.  Lord  Ashburton, 
unconscious  that  Webster  was  coveting;  the  London 
mission,  wrote  him  :  "  We  were  in  some  anxiety  that 
he  [Everett]  might  leave  us  for  the  Celestial  Empire, 
but  I  find,  as  I  anticipated,  that  he  will  remain  with 
the  Terrestrials.  He  would  be  much  too  fine  an  instru- 
ment for  such  a  purpose ;  it  would  be  cutting  blocks 
with  a  razor."  ^ 

Being  a  second  time  disappointed  in  his  plan  for  an 
easy  retirement  from  his  post,  Mr.  Webster  submitted 

1  11  Adams's  Memoirs,  327,  347.  ^  jb.  337. 

^  Webster's  Pr.  Cor.  192.    For  details  as  to  Webster  mission,  2  Tyler's 
Tyler,  259-263. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  297 

his  resignation,  and  after  a  brief  interval  he  resumed 
his  seat  in  the  Senate.  His  biographer,  Mr.  Lodge, 
says :  "  No  one,  with  the  exception  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  has  ever  shown  higher  qualities,  or  attained 
greater  success  in  the  administration  of  the  State  De- 
partment than  Mr.  Webster  did  while  in  Mr.  Tyler's 
Cabinet." ' 

The  State  Department  was  filled,  during  the  ten 
months  following  Mr.  Webster's  resignation,  by  a  series 
of  ad  interim  appointments,  until  in  March,  1844,  John 
C.  Calhoun  assumed  its  duties.  He,  Clay,  and  Webster, 
compose  the  triumvirate  of  great  statesmen  of  the  sec- 
ond generation  of  our  national  history.  His  career 
began  in  the  lower  House  of  Congress  as  one  of  the 
war  party,  and,  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  For- 
eign Affairs,  he  had  a  leading  part  in  bringing  on  the 
conflict  with  Great  Britain  in  1812.  Like  Webster  he 
had  held  no  diplomatic  post,  but  as  cabinet  minister, 
vice-president,  and  senator  he  had  borne  a  conspicu- 
ous part  in  public  affairs.  He,  more  than  any  other, 
sowed  the  seeds  of  disunion  which  brought  about  our 
Civil  War,  and  as  the  champion  of  slavery  was  the  most 
fit  person  to  do  the  work  upon  which  the  President  was 
so  intent,  and  for  which  Webster  could  not  be  used. 

This  was  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  Union.  It 
was  largely  a  question  of  domestic  politics,  and  one 
of  the  absorbing  topics  of  the  presidential  campaign 
of  18'44,  but  we  have  only  to  do  with  its  diplomatic 
aspects.  It  has  been  seen  that  Mr.  Adams,  during  the 
neo-otiations  for  the  ])urchase  of  Florida  and  the  fixa- 

'  Lodge's  Webster,  261. 


298         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

tion  of  the  western  boundary  of  Louisiana,  contended 
for  the  inclusion  of  Texas ;  that  is,  making  the  Rio 
Grande  the  western  boundary.  During  the  latter's 
presidential  term,  Secretary  Clay,  in  1827,  instructed 
our  minister  in  Mexico  to  propose  the  purchase  of 
Texas,^  but  the  latter  did  not  deem  it  prudent  to  sub- 
mit the  proposition.  Ten  years  later  its  independence 
was  recognized  by  the  United  States.  The  same  year 
the  new  republic  proposed  a  union  with  the  United 
States,  but  the  offer,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not  favored 
by  President  Van  Buren.  The  project  was  held  in 
abeyance  until  Vice-President  Tyler  had  become  well 
seated  in  the  place  made  vacant  by  Harrison's  untimely 
death.  After  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Webster  from  the 
State  Department,  in  1843,  active  efforts  to  that  end 
were  begun.  The  Mexican  government,  learning  of 
this  movement,  in  August  of  that  year  notified  the 
United  States  that  annexation  would  be  regarded  as  a 
cause  of  war.^ 

Mr.  Calhoun,  the  Secretary  of  State,  had,  as  early  as 
1836,  declared  himself  in  favor  of  annexation  on  the 
ground  that  the  interests  of  slavery  in  the  Southern 
States  opposed  the  establishment  of  an  independent 
state  between  them  and  Mexico,  and  the  action  of 
Great  Britain  and  France  subsequently  taken  showed 
that  from  his  point  of  view  such  a  poHcy  was  a  wise 
one.  Previous  to  Calhoun's  takino^  charo'e  of  the  State 
Department,  the  Texan  minister  had  asked,  as  a  condi- 
tion of  signing  a  treaty  of  annexation,  that  the  United 

1  H.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  40,  25th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  p.  9. 

2  S.  Doc.  No.  1,  28th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  vol.  1,  p.  26. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  299 

States  would,  pending  the  ratification  of  the  treaty, 
use  its  naval  and  military  force  to  protect  Texas  from 
Mexican  invasion.  Nelson,  Attorney-General  and  ad 
interim,  Secretary  of  State,  had  answered  that  such 
use  would  be  unconstitutional,  but  he  gave  the  Texan 
to  understand  that  the  forces  could  be  so  posted  as  to 
effect  the  desired  end. 

Meantime  the  Texan  government,  playing  a  double 
game,  came  to  an  agreement  with  Great  Britain,  whereby, 
in  return  for  the  latter's  action  in  securing  the  recog- 
nition of  its  independence  by  Mexico,  Texas  pledged 
itself  not  to  be  annexed  to  any  other  country.  This 
agreement  had  been  approved  by  Mexico,  and  was 
awaiting  the  final  action  of  Texas  when  Calhoun  be- 
came secretary.  This  event  hastened  negotiations  on 
his  part.  He  entered  office  March  6,  and  on  April  12 
a  treaty  of  annexation  was  signed.^  It  was  preceded 
by  a  declaration  from  Calhoun  that  "  during  the  pend- 
ency of  the  treaty  of  annexation  the  President  would 
deem  it  his  duty  to  use  all  the  means  placed  icithin  his 
j)ower  by  the  Constitution  to  protect  Texas  from  for- 
eign invasion."  ^  This  language,  carefully  chosen  by 
Calhoun,  was  accepted  by  the  Texans  as  a  sufficient 
guarantee  of  protection  from  the  Mexican  government, 
and  by  the  signature  of  the  treaty  they  abandoned  the 
British  scheme  of  an  independent  existence. 

The  treaty  was  not  sent  to  the  Senate  till  Calhoun 
could  answer  a  note  of  the  British  minister,  which  had 

*  For  copy  of  Prosidc'nt's  Message  and  treaty,  S.  Doc.  341,  28th  Cong. 
1st  Sess.  vol.  5,  pp.  5,  10. 
2  5  Calhoun's  Works,  3G3. 


300  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

been  received  Februciry  26,  containing  a  statement 
from  Lord  Aberdeen,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  that 
Great  Britain  desired  to  see  slavery  abolished  in  Texas 
eventually,  as  elsewhere,  but  disclaimed  any  intention 
to  exercise  undue  influence  to  that  end.  This  note  was 
answered  by  Secretary  Calhoun  April  18,  in  which  he 
stated  that  the  avowal  of  Lord  Aberdeen  on  this  sub- 
ject made  it  "  the  imperious  duty  of  the  federal  gov- 
ernment "  to  conclude,  "  in  self-defense,"  a  treaty  of 
annexation  with  Texas.^  As  to  this  transaction,  the 
historian  Von  Hoist,  in  his  biography  of  Calhoun,  says : 
"  It  may  not  be  correct  to  apply,  without  modification, 
the  code  of  private  ethics  to  politics ;  but  however 
flexible  political  morality  may  be,  a  lie  is  a  lie,  and 
Calhoun  knew  there  was  not  a  particle  of  truth  in 
these  assertions."  ^ 

This  is  strong  language,  but  it  seems  to  be  justified 
by  the  facts.  Calhoun's  attitude  had  been  declared 
eight  years  before  ;  it  was  well  known  that  President 
Tyler  had  been  using  every  influence  to  bring  about 
annexation ;  negotiations  to  that  end  were  on  foot 
before  the  British  minister's  note  was  received  ;  and  if 
it  had  never  been  written  the  action  of  the  Executive 
Department  of  the  United  States  would  have  been  ex- 
actly the  same.  Aside  from  Lord  Aberdeen's  dispatch, 
it  was  well  known  that  British  and  French  influences 
were  at  work  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  absorption  of 
Texas  into  the  Union.  The  Texan  debt  was  largely 
owed  in  England,  and  it  was  the  policy  of  that  country 

1  For  correspondence,  S.  Doc.  341,  pp.  48-53  ;  36-67. 
3  Von  Hoist's  Calhoun,  233. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO  POLK.  301 

to  encourage  an  independent  nation.^  Besides,  a  strong 
belief  existed  among  tlie  Southerners  that  unless  an- 
nexation was  successful,  Texas  would,  under  European 
influence,  soon  abolish  slavery.  The  Aberdeen  dispatch 
only  served  to  confirm  the  preconceived  opinions  and 
resolutions  of  the  administration. 

The  treaty  was  held  back  in  the  Senate  till  the  De- 
mocratic National  Convention  of  1844  had  declared  for 
"  the  re-annexation  of  Texas,"  in  the  hope  that  this 
declaration  would  aid  in  securing  its  ratification.  On 
June  8,  1844,  the  treaty  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of 
thirty-five  to  sixteen.^ 

Not  discouraged  by  this  failure.  President  Tyler  sent 
a  message  two  days  afterwards  to  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives transmitting  documents,  and  stating  that 
Congress  was  "fully  competent,  in  some  other  form  of 
proceeding,  to  accomplish  everything  that  a  formal  rati- 
fication of  the  treaty  could  have  accomplished  ;  ^  but 
no  action  was  taken  upon  this  suggestion  before  the 
adjournment,  and  the  subject  was  postponed  till  after 
the  presidential  campaign.  The  election  resulted  in 
the  choice  of  Polk,  the  champion  of  annexation.  En- 
couraged by  this  result.  President  Tyler,  in  his  last 
annual  message  in  December,  1844,  recurred  to  his  pre- 
vious sujjjjestion  that  Cong-ress  mio-ht  bring"  about  the 
desired  end  by  another  method  than  a  treaty,  and 
recommended  annexation  by  joint  resolution.'*    A  joint 

'  For  British  action  and  as  to  abolition  of  slavery  in  Texas,  S.  Doc 
341,  pp.  18-42. 

2  2  Benton's  View,  619.  »  4  Richardson's  Messages,  323. 

*  4  Richardson's  Messages,  345. 


302  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

resolution  to  this  effect  was  passed  March  1, 1845,  after 
a  long  and  animated  debate.^  The  vote  in  the  House 
was  128  to  98,  and  27  to  25  in  the  Senate."  This  pre- 
cedent of  Congress  was  followed  in  the  recent  admis- 
sion by  joint  resolution  of  the  Hawaiian  republic  ;  the 
action,  however,  in  the  latter  case  was  taken  upon  a 
two  thirds  majority  in  both  houses.  The  resolution 
was  accepted  by  Texas  July  4,  1845.  On  March  6, 
the  Mexican  minister  demanded  his  passports  and  left 
the  United  States,  and  in  May  the  United  States  minis- 
ter likewise  left  Mexico.^  It  was  apparent  that  this 
action  would  lead  to  war  with  Mexico,  and  both  gov- 
ernments took  measures  to  prepare  for  the  coming 
conflict. 

The  serious  state  of  our  foreign  relations  on  the 
south  made  it  necessary  that  some  adjustment  should 
be  reached  of  the  territorial  dispute  with  Great  Britain 
as  to  the  Pacific  coast,  which  had  existed  for  a  gener- 
ation, and  which  had  been  greatly  intensified  because 
of  domestic  partisan  measures.  The  Oregon  boundary 
question  had  received  the  attention  of  Mr.  Calhoun 
while  Secretary  of  State,  but  little  progress  was  made 
by  him  towards  a  settlement,  be  holding  that  time 
was  steadily  working  in  favor  of  American  interests 
through  increased  immigration.  Besides,  the  annex- 
ation of  Texas  was  nearest  to  his  heart,  and  he  did 
not  consider  it  good  policy  at  that  time  to  push  England 

1  5  Stat,  at  Large,  797.  «  2  Benton's  View,  chap.  148. 

*  Other  official  documents  not  above  cited  :  S.  Doc.  1,  24th  Cong.  2d 
Sess.  pp.  27-105  ;  S.  Doc.  160  ;  H.  Doc.  40,  25th  Cong.  1st.  Sess.  ;  H. 
Ex.  Doc.  266,  27th  Cong.  2d  Sess. 


THE    OREGON    TERRITOKV    L\    DISPUTE 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  803 

too  strongly  in  the  Oregon  negotitations.  He  would 
have  heen  willing  to  continue  in  the  department  under 
Mr.  Polk,  but  his  independent  and  somewhat  change- 
able career  did  not  commend  him  favorably  to  that 
partisan  chief. 

James  Buchanan,  "who  succeeded  Calhoun  In  March, 
1845,  was  a  man  of  large  experience  in  public  affairs. 
His  fame  is  clouded  by  vacillating  and  unstatesmanlike 
conduct  at  a  great  crisis  in  our  history,  but  in  the  di- 
rection of  foreign  affairs  during  the  important  period  of 
Mr.  Polk's  administration,  he  displayed  marked  ability 
and  prudence.  He  was  well  equipped  for  the  duties  of 
his  post  by  long  service  in  both  Houses  of  Congress 
and  by  several  years'  residence  abroad  as  minister  to 
Russia.  Later,  under  President  Pierce,  he  served  as 
minister  in  London,  and  returned  home  to  be  elected 
President  in  1856. 

In  view  of  the  impending  war  with  Mexico,  Mr. 
Buchanan,  as  Secretary  of  State,  early  addressed  him- 
self to  the  settlement  of  our  long-standing  dispute 
with  Great  Britain  over  the  Oregon  boundary.  Four 
nations  had  advanced  conflicting  claims  on  the  Pacific 
coast,  based  on  early  discoveries,  —  Russia,  Great 
Britain,  the  United  States,  and  Spain. 

Great  Britain  and  Spain  first  came  into  conflict  on 
the  northwest  coast,  because  of  settlement  on  Vancou- 
ver Island,  and  through  the  Nootka  Convention  of  1790 
their  respective  claims  were  adjusted  upon  the  basis  of 
actual  occupation.  The  Spaniards,  as  early  as  1543, 
had  made  explorations  as  high  as  the  fifty-fourth  degree 
of  latitude,  but  their  settlements  were  much  lower  on  the 


804  A  CENTURY  OF  AlVIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

coast.  The  Columbia  River  had  been  discovered  by 
Captain  Gray,  of  Boston,  in  1792,  and  Vancouver, 
upon  whose  voyages  the  British  largely  founded  their 
early  claims,  did  not  enter  the  river  until  the  next  year, 
when  he  reports  that  he  found  Captain  Gray  there. 
The  Hudson's  Bay  Comj^any  reached  the  Pacific  coast 
about  1793,  but  north  of  the  forty-ninth  degree.  The 
United  States  had  no  well-founded  claim  to  this  coast 
through  the  Louisiana  purchase,  but  that  based  on  the 
discovery  of  the  Columbia  by  Gray  was  strengthened 
by  the  exploring  expedition  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  in 
1801—6,  and  by  the  permanent  establishment  at  the 
mouth  of  that  river  of  Astor's  fur-trading  post.  The 
Florida  treaty  of  1819  transferred  to  the  United  States 
whatever  rights  Spain  possessed  on  that  coast  north  of 
latitude  4:2".  In  1818,  by  treaty  with  Great  Britain, 
our  northern  boundary  was  fixed  west  of  the  Lake  of 
the  Woods  on  the  parallel  of  the  forty-ninth  degree  as 
far  as  the  "  Stony  [Rocky]  Mountains,"  and  it  was 
agreed  that  there  should  be  a  joint  occupation  of  the 
territory  "  claimed  by  either  party  "  beyond  the  moun- 
tains for  ten  years ;  and  this  agreement  was  renewed 
for  another  period  in  1827. 

When  the  Russian  Emperor  issued  his  ukase  in  1821, 
we  have  seen  that  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
protested  against  the  claims  of  one  hundred  miles 
exclusive  ocean  jurisdiction  and  of  territory  on  the 
northwest  coast  of  America  to  the  fifty-first  degree  of 
latitude.  This  protest  was  followed  by  instructions  to 
the  American  and  British  ministers  at  St.  Petersburg 
to  unite  their  negotiations  at  the  Russian  court,  with  a 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  305 

view  to  a  joint  or  concurrent  settlement  of  the  ques- 
tions ;  but  when  it  became  apparent  that  the  United 
States  would  set  up  claim  to  territory  on  the  coast  north 
of  the  fifty-first  degree,  the  British  minister  was  di- 
rected by  his  government  to  withdraw  from  the  tripar- 
tite negotiations,  and  thenceforth  each  government 
proceeded  separately  with  Russia.^  The  treaty  with  the 
United  States  fixed  the  limits  of  the  respective  terri- 
torial claims  at  the  latitude  of  54°  40',  and  the  same 
line  was  agreed  upon  in  the  Anglo-Russian  treaty  of 
1825.  These  adjustments  left  the  territory  on  the 
northwest  coast  below  54°  40'  undetermined  as  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.^ 

An  attempt  was  made  in  London,  while  the  St. 
Petersburg  negotiations  were  in  progress,  to  reach  a 
settlement,  and  Mr.  Rush  proposed  the  line  of  the  forty- 
ninth  parallel,  but  the  British  government  put  forth 
the  claim  of  the  line  of  the  Columbia  River  from  the 
point  where  it  crosses  the  forty-ninth  degree  to  its 
mouth,  and  no  agreement  was  reached.  Another  at- 
tempt was  made  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  our  minister  in  Lon- 
don, in  1826 ;  the  same  offer  was  made  and  met  by  the 
counter  proposal  of  the  line  of  the  Columbia  River. 

While  Mr.  Webster  was  neffotiatins:  with  Lord  Ash- 
burton  as  to  the  boundaries  in  1842,  news  reached  the 

»  4  Fur  Seal  Arbitration  Papers  (1893),  415. 

*  An  interesting  report  by  a  special  committee,  submitted  to  the  House 
in  1821,  was  one  of  the  earliest  discussions  of  our  claim  to  the  northwest 
coast  of  America,  in  which  it  was  contended  that  the  United  States 
possessed  "  the  undisputed  sovereip^nty  of  that  coast,  from  the  sixtieth 
degree  of  north  latitude  down  to  thirty-six."  H.  Rep.  45,  IGth  Cong. 
2d  Sess. 


306  A  CENTURY  OF  AJ^IERICAN  DIPLOilACY. 

American  settlers  in  Oregon  that  the  territory  was 
likely  to  be  gained  by  Great  Britain,  and  Dr.  Marcus 
Whitman,  a  pioneer  missionary  of  Oregon,  made  a  win- 
ter journey  across  the  mountains  and  the  continent, 
to  lay  before  the  government  the  far-reaching  impor- 
tance to  our  country  of  insuring  this  foothold  on  the 
Pacific.  When  Dr.  Whitman  reached  Washington,  the 
treaty,  without  any  provision  as  to  Oregon,  had  been 
signed  and  ratified,  but  he  strongly  impressed  upon  Mr. 
Webster  and  President  Tyler  the  value  to  the  Union 
of  this  Pacific  possession ;  and  his  visit  had  a  decided 
influence  on  the  future  attitude  of  the  government.^  It 
had  not  been  possible  to  secure  any  provision  as  to  this 
territory  in  the  treaty  of  1842,  but  Webster,  immedi- 
ately after  its  celebration,  took  steps  to  obtain  a  set- 
tlement on  the  line  of  the  forty-ninth  degree,  but  no 
progress  had  been  made  in  the  negotiations  at  the 
date  of  his  resignation. 

The  subject  remained  in  this  state  when  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas  was  pressed  forward  into  prominence  by 
Tyler  and  Calhoun.  This  annexation  was  so  manifestly 
in  the  interest  of  slavery  extension  that  the  partisans  of 
the  administration  sought  to  allay  opposition  by  joining 
with  it  a  demand  for  the  recognition  of  our  claim  to 
Oregon  in  its  largest  extent.  To  this  end  the  Demo- 
cratic National  Convention  in  1844,  which  nominated 
Mr.  Polk,  passed  a  resolution  declaring  for  the  "  re- 
occupation  "  of  Oregon  and  the  "  re-annexation "  of 
Texas,  implying  that  we  should  take  possession  of  that 
portion  of  the   northwest    coast    now    held    by    Great 

^  For  narrative  of  Whitman's  journey,  Barrows's  Oregon,  chap.  18. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  SOT 

Britain,  and  brint^  again  into  the  Union  the  country 
west  of  the  Sabine  River,  as  a  part  of  the  Louisiana 
territory  improperly  conceded  to  Spain  in  the  Florida 
treaty  of  1819.  With  these  as  among  the  party  cries 
in  the  campaign,  Mr.  Polk  came  to  the  presidency  and 
delivered  his  inaugural  address,  in  which  he  advocated 
the  Oregon  claim  in  its  entirety.^ 

Mr.  Buchanan,  desirous  of  adjusting  our  differences 
with  England  before  we  entered  upon  the  conflict  with 
Mexico,  early  after  assuming  the  duties  of  his  depart- 
ment, opened  negotiations  with  the  British  minister, 
and,  regardless  of  the  President's  declaration  in  his 
inaugural,  proposed  as  a  compromise  the  forty-ninth 
parallel  as  the  boundary.  The  British  minister,  doubt- 
less nettled  by  the  party  cry  and  the  President's  declar 
ration,  rather  tartly  rejected  the  proposition,  and  argued 
for  the  line  of  the  Columbia ;  whereupon  Mr.  Buchanan 
withdrew  the  proposition  and  set  up  our  claim  to  the 
■whole  territory  in  dispute. 

When  Congress  assembled  in  December,  1845,  the 
President  laid  the  correspondence  before  it,  stated  in 
his  message  that  we  had  gone  far  enough  in  the  spirit 
of  concession,  and  asked  Congress  to  consider  what 
measures  were  necessary  to  protect  our  just  title  to  the 
territory.^  His  partisans  at  once  took  up  the  cry  of 
"Fifty-four  Forty  or  Fight,"  and  a  resolution  w\is 
passed  by  Congress  authorizing  the  President,  in  his 
discretion,  to  give  notice,  in  accordance  with  the  terms 
of  the  treaty,  of  the  termination  of  the  arrangement 

^  4  Richardson's  Messages,  381. 
2  lb.  392-398. 


308  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

for  joint  occupation  of  the  territory  in  dispute.^  Both 
countries  by  this  action  were  thrown  into  a  high  state 
of  excitement,  but  neither  government  was  disposed  to 
push  the  controversy  to  an  open  conflict ;  Mr.  Buch- 
anan caused  the  British  government  to  be  informed 
that  he  was  prepared  to  renew  his  proposition  for  the 
line  of  the  forty-ninth  degree,  and  the  response  was 
that  such  a  settlement  would  be  considered ;  the  Senate 
was  confidentially  consulted,  and  signified  its  willing- 
ness to  ratify  it ;  ^  and  just  as  our  army  in  hostile  array 
was  entering  upon  Mexican  territory  on  the  south,  a 
treaty  composing  our  differences  with  our  northern 
neighbor  was  signed  June  15,  1846.  The  debate  in 
the  Senate  was  very  acrimonious  and  heated,  the  par- 
tisans of  the  line  of  54°  40'  being  led  by  Senator 
Cass,  the  next  Democratic  candidate  for  President,  and 
afterwards  Secretary  of  State ;  but  it  was  apparent  that 
the  opposition  was  not  supported  by  the  more  sober 
sentiment  of  the  country,  and  the  treaty  was  ratified 
by  more  than  the  two  thirds  vote  required  by  the  Con- 
stitution. Senator  Benton  facetiously  criticised  the 
war-cry  of  the  opposition  thus :  "  And  this  is  the  end 
of  that  great  line  !  all  gone  —  vanished  —  evaporated 
into  thin  air  —  and  the  place  where  it  was  not  to  be 
found.  Oh  !  mountain  that  was  delivered  of  a  mouse, 
thy  name  shall  henceforth  be  fifty-four  forty."  ^ 

One  of  our  most  careful  historians  has  said :  "  A 

'  6  Stat,  at  Large,  109. 

^  4  Richardson's  Messages,  449  ;  2  Benton's  View,  675,  676. 

^  2  Benton's  View,  chaps.  156  to  159,  for  negotiations  and  discussion 
of  Oregon  question  ;  3  Writings  of  Gallatin  (Adams),  491  ;  for  brief 
statement  of  both  sides  of  question,  Snow's  Cases  iu  International  Law,  9. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO  POLK.  309 

candid  student  must  recognize  that  the  Oregon  ques- 
tion, or  the  controversy  over  the  line  from  the  Rocky 
Mountains  to  the  Pacific,  did  not  embody  claims  on  the 
part  of  any  nation  that  were  beyond  dispute,  and  that 
it  reasonably  invited  a  settlement  by  compromise."  ^ 

Every  addition  of  territory  to  the  Union,  with  one 
exception,  has  encountered  strenuous  opposition  from  a 
large  portion  of  our  people,  and  awakened  gloomy  fore- 
bodings as  to  its  influence  on  the  future  of  the  coun- 
try. This  single  exception  was  in  the  case  of  Florida, 
the  necessity  and  desirability  of  its  acquisition  being 
universally  recognized  after  the  purchase  of  Louisi- 
ana. We  have  seen  how  even  the  authors  of  this  last 
measure  failed  to  recognize  its  need  or  its  great  benefit 
to  the  nation,  and  how  its  opponents  predicted  the 
dismemberment  of  the  Union  as  a  result  of  the  vast 
extent  of  its  territory.  In  the  case  of  the  annexation 
of  Texas  a  very  large  minority,  if  not  a  majority,  of 
the  voters  of  the  United  States,  as  judged  by  the  elec- 
tion of  1844,  were  opposed  to  the  measure ;  and  some 
of  our  wisest  statesmen,  such  as  John  Quincy  Adams, 
regarded  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  as  a  certain  con- 
sequence of  it. 

In  the  case  of  Oregon  our  claim  to  the  territory  was 
recognized  as  well  founded,  and  the  government  was 
supported  by  the  country  in  its  insistence  upon  a  rea- 
sonable boundary,  but  there  was  a  widespread  and 
settled  sentiment  as  to  the  unwisdom  of  extendinsf  our 
territory  and  sovereignty  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
Mr.  Jefferson,  even  after  he  fully  realized  the  impor- 

'  7  WiiiBor's  Critical  and  Narrative  Hist.  America,  555. 


310  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

tance  of  the  Louisiana  purchase,  regarded  it  as  ex- 
tremely doubtful  whether  it  would  be  possible  to  main- 
tain one  government  over  so  great  an  extent  of  coun- 
try, and  spoke  rather  cheerfully  of  the  contingency  of 
an  Atlantic  and  a  Mississippi  republic  in  friendly  rivalry. 
As  to  Oregon,  he  was  quite  clear  that  it  would  be  im- 
practicable to  extend  our  government  over  it.  In  a 
letter  dated  in  1812  to  John  Jacob  Astor,  who  had 
given  him  a  narrative  of  the  difficulties  he  had  en- 
countered in  establishing  his  fur-trading  colony  at 
Astoria,  he  writes  encouragingly,  and  says  he  looks 
forward  to  the  time  when  the  descendants  of  the  pre- 
sent settlers  would  have  spread  themselves  through  the 
whole  length  of  the  coast  of  Western  America,  as  "  free 
and  independent  Americans,  unconnected  with  us  but 
by  the  ties  of  blood  and  interest,  and  employing  like 
us  the  rights  of  self-government."  ^ 

Albert  Gallatin,  one  of  the  most  sagacious  of  our 
public  men,  writing  at  the  time  of  the  Oregon  boundary 
controversy,  referring  to  the  words  just  quoted,  said  : 
"  Viewed  as  an  abstract  proposition,  Mr.  Jefferson's 
opinion  appears  correct,  that  it  will  be  best  for  both 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  nations,  whilst  entertaining  the 
most  friendly  relations,  to  remain  independent,  rather 
than  to  be  united  under  the  same  government."  But 
he  added,  it  was  a  question  which  posterity  would  have 
to  settle.^ 

The  most  ardent  champion  of  Western  interests  dur- 
ing the  second  quarter  of  the  present  century  was  Sen- 
ator Benton  of  Missouri ;  but  even  he  failed  to  realize 

I  9  Writings  of  JefEerson,  351.  »  3  Writings  of  GaUatin,  533. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO   POLK.  311* 

at  the  beginning  of  his  career  the  great  destiny  which 
awaited  his  country  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.  In 
discussing  a  bill  before  the  Senate  in  1825  for  the 
occupation  of  the  Columbia  River,  which  he  favored 
because  it  would  be  the  nucleus  of  a  new  American 
republic  on  the  Pacific  and  result  in  the  frustration  of 
the  hostile  schemes  of  Great  Britain,  he  said  :  "  This 
republic  should  have  limits.  The  present  occasion 
does  not  require  me  to  say  where  these  limits  should  be 
found  on  the  north  and  south  ;  but  .  .  .  westward  we 
can  speak  without  reserve,  and  the  ridges  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  may  be  named  without  offense,  as  present- 
ing a  convenient,  natural,  and  everlasting  boundary. 
Along  the  back  of  this  ridge,  the  western  limit  of  this 
republic  should  be  drawn,  and  the  statue  of  the  fabled 
god.  Terminus,  should  be  raised  upon  its  highest  peak, 
never  to  be  thrown  down."  ^  Benton,  however,  lived 
to  change  his  views  on  the  subject,  and  in  his  compila- 
tion of  the  debates  of  Congress  his  speech  of  1825  is 
revised  and  this  portion  omitted.^ 

Daniel  Webster,  in  discussing  the  annexation  of 
Texas  in  1845,  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  govern- 
ment was  likely  to  be  endangered  by  a  further  enlarge- 
ment of  territory,  already  so  vast,  and  said :  "  Perhaps 
the  time  was  not  far  distant  when  there  would  be  estab- 
lished beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  on  the  shores 
of  the  western  sea,  a  great  Pacific  republic,  of  which 
San  Francisco  would  be  the  capital."  ^    Robert  C.  Win- 

1  1  Debates  in  Congress  (Gales  and  Seaton),  711. 

2  8  Benton's  Debates  of  Congress,  197. 

3  5  Webster's  Works,  387. 


"312  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

throp,  Speaker  of  the  House  o£  Kepresentatives,  in 
1844  read  the  extract  just  given  from  Benton's  speech 
and  fully  indorsed  his  views.  During  the  debate  on 
the  Oregon  question  similar  opinions  were  frequently 
exj)ressed  by  members  from  various  parts  of  the  coun- 
try. Senator  McDuffie  of  South  Carolina  pictured  the 
difliculty  of  building  a  railroad,  requiring  tunnehng 
through  mountains  five  or  six  hundred  miles  in  extent, 
and  exclaimed  :  "  The  wealth  of  the  Indies  would  be 
insufficient ;  "  and  as  for  agricultural  purposes,  "  I 
would  not  give  a  pinch  of  snuff  for  the  whole  terri- 
tory." 

These  great  men  and  wise  statesmen  could  not  in 
their  times  anticipate  the  influence  of  two  physical  fac- 
tors which  have  since  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  the 
question  of  territorial  expansion  - —  steam  and  electricity. 
General  Lane,  the  first  territorial  governor  of  Oregon, 
left  his  home  in  Indiana,  August  27,  and,  desiring  to 
reach  his  destination  as  soon  as  possible,  traveling 
overland  to  San  Francisco  and  thence  by  ship,  reached 
his  post  on  the  1st  of  March  following  —  the  journey 
*'*  occupying  six   months.^      At   the   time    our  treaty  of 

peace  and  independence  was  signed  in  1783,  two  stage- 
coaches were  sufficient  for  all  the  passengers  and  nearly 
all  the  freight  between  New  York  and  Boston.^  When 
Jefferson  wrote  his  letter  to  Astor  he  could  not  make 
the  journey  from  Monticello  to  Philadelphia  as  soon  as 
the  representative  from  Oregon  can  now  reach  Wash- 
ington.    While  it  then  required  weeks  to  receive  intel- 

^  Hermann's  Louisiana  Purchase,  80. 
2  Fiske's  Critical  Period,  61. 


FROM  JACKSON  TO  POLK.  313 

ligence  from  the  authorities  of  the  new  territory  of 
Louisiana,  now  the  events  which  transpire  in  our  new 
possessions  on  the  other  side  of  the  globe  are  flashed 
almost  instantaneously  to  the  federal  capital. 

The  establishment  of  our  territorial  rig-hts  in  Oregfon 
was  of  the  utmost  importance.  The  domain  acquired 
was  in  itself  of  imperial  extent,  more  than  two  and  one 
third  times  that  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  ;  more 
than  a  third  larger  than  either  France,  the  German  or 
Austrian  empires  ;  and  more  than  two  and  a  half  times 
larger  than  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Dela- 
ware, and  Maryland  combined.  But  its  greater  im- 
portance was  that  it  secured  to  our  nation  a  foothold 
on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  now  enlarged  to  a 
great  area,  embracing  a  teeming  population  and  a  thriv- 
ing commerce,  confronting  the  hundreds  of  millions  of 
Asia  and  the  islands  of  the  sea. 


CHAPTER  IX 

FROM    THE    MEXICAN    TO    THE    CIVIL   WAR 

The  joint  resolution  for  the  admission  of  Texas  as  a 
State  of  the  Union  was  passed  in  the  closing  days  of 
the  Tyler  administration,  but  the  final  act  of  admission 
had  to  be  taken  by  President  Polk.  There  was  every 
reason  to  believe  that  Mexico  was  in  earnest  in  its 
notice  that  the  annexation  would  be  held  as  an  act  of 
war,  and  a  portion  of  the  federal  army  under  General 
Taylor  was  ordered  to  occupy  part  of  the  territory 
claimed  by  Texas  adjoining  Mexico.  Texas  never  hav- 
ing been  recognized  as  an  independent  state  by  Mexico, 
no  boundary  line  had  been  fixed  and  it  was  a  subject 
of  dispute.  Texan  settlements  had  not  extended  be- 
yond the  Nueces  River,  and  between  that  river  and  the 
Rio  Grande  there  were  Mexican  settlements  and  military 
posts.  As  Taylor  advanced  to  the  Rio  Grande  he  was 
attacked  April  25,  1846,  by  Mexican  troops  and  they 
were  defeated. 

President  Polk,  on  May  11,  sent  a  message  to  Con- 
gress,^ In  which  he  recited  the  negotiations  which  had 
followed  the  annexation  of  Texas,  stated  the  occasion 
of  Taylor's  presence  in  the  disputed  territory,  and 
charfjed  Mexico  with  a  deliberate  act  of  war.  Con- 
gress,  adopting  the  language  of  the  President,  passed  a 
^  4  Richardson's  Messages,  437. 


MEXICAN   CEDEIK 


•iRITORY,    1845-48 


FROM   THE  MEXICAN  TO   THE  CIVIL  WAR.       315 

joint  resolution  affirming  that,  "  by  the  act  of  the  Re- 
public of  Mexico,  a  state  of  war  exists  between  that 
government  and  the  United  States."  ^  Although  the 
policy  which  brought  about  the  war  was  opposed  by  a 
large  part,  if  not  by  a  majority,  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  the  joint  resolution  was  promptly  passed 
with  slight  opposition,  only  two  votes  in  the  Senate  and 
fourteen  in  the  House  beino;  recorded  asrainst  it. 

The  acquisition  of  the  vast  territory  which  was 
brought  about  by  the  Mexican  War  is  a  subject  which 
belongs  rather  to  our  military  history  than  diplomacy. 
But  such  an  important  event  must  not  be  passed  over 
too  briefly.  For  some  years  previous  to  the  war 
rumors  were  from  time  to  time  put  in  circulation  that 
Great  Britain  was  contemplating  a  new  foothold  on  the 
Pacific,  and,  to  forestall  these  designs,  as  early  as  1835 
Secretary  Forsyth  proposed  to  the  Mexican  government 
the  purchase  of  California,  but  without  a  favorable 
response.  Some  years  later  Commodore  Jones,  of  the 
United  States  navy,  in  cruising  along  the  coast,  re- 
ceived a  report  that  California  had  been  ceded  by  Mex- 
ico to  Great  Britain,  and  he  thereupon  landed  a  force 
at  Monterey  and  declared  California  annexed  to  the 
United  States ;  but  having  ascertained  that  the  report 
was  unfounded  he  withdrew  his  force  and  sailed  away. 
The  government  disavowed  his  act  as  done  without 
authority.^ 

The  war  consisted  of  a  series  of  continuous  victories 
for  the   American  armies  under  Generals  Taylor  and 

1  9  Stat,  at  Large,  9  ;  May  13,  1846. 

•  Ex.  Doc.  166,  27th  Cong.  33d  Sess.  vol.  5. 


31G  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Scott,  and  the  occupation  of  the  City  of  Mexico  ^  by 
the  latter.  Mexico  was  torn  by  internal  dissensions, 
due  in  great  part  to  the  machinations  of  Santa  Anna, 
but  its  people  made  a  heroic  but  hopeless  resistance, 
and  its  government  never  failed,  in  its  relations  with 
the  United  States,  to  bear  itself  with  dignity  and  cour- 
age. 

Notwithstanding  the  large  vote  by  which  the  war 
was  declared,  it  was  not  a  popular  measure  with  the 
American  people.  There  was  a  feeling  that  by  a  more 
temperate  and  honorable  course  it  might  have  been 
avoided.  In  this  sentiment  men  of  opposite  parties 
like  Clay  and  Webster,  Calhoun  and  Benton,  partici- 
pated. "Why  not,"  exclaimed  Benton,  "march  up  to 
fifty-four  forty  as  courageously  as  we  march  upon  the 
Rio  Grande  ?  Because  Great  Britain  is  powerful  and 
Mexico  is  weak."  ^  Even  after  the  brilliant  victories  of 
our  armies,  in  the  first  general  election  following  the 
declaration  of  war,  a  majority  opposed  to  the  adminis- 
tration was  chosen  to  Congress.  When  it  assembled 
a  resolution  was  passed  by  the  House  that  the  war 
with  Mexico  was  "  unnecessarily  and  unconstitutionally 
begun  by  the  President  of  the  United  States."  Of 
this  resolution  Webster  said  in  the  Senate,  March  23, 
1848  :  "  I  hold  that  to  be  the  most  recent  and  authentic 
expression  of  the  will  and  opinion  of  the  majority  of 

^  On  its  occupation  by  the  army,  General  Scott  made  a  levy  upon  the 
city  of  §150,000  for  the  benefit  of  his  soldiers.  The  greater  portion  of 
this  sum  was  used  under  a  special  act  of  Congress  to  found  a  Soldiers' 
Home,  which  now  adorns  the  suburbs  of  the  city  of  Washington.  9  Stat, 
at  Large,  596. 

2  2  Benton's  View,  610. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.       317 

the  people  of  the  United  States."  ^  In  this  Congress 
there  appeared  for  the  first  time  two  meml)ers,  who 
were  to  play  an  important  part  in  a  national  drama,  of 
which  this  war  may  be  properly  termed  the  prelude  — 
Abraham  Lincoln  '"  and  Jefferson  Davis. 

But  this  sentiment  of  condemnation  did  not  prevent 
President  Polk  from  obtaining  from  Congress  all  neces- 
sary measures  to  prosecute  the  war  with  vigor  and  the 
ratification  of  his  action  when  the  terms  of  peace  came 
to  be  acted  upon.  After  the  occupation  of  Vera  Cruz 
by  General  Scott,  the  President  determined  to  send  a 
special  commissioner  to  accompany  the  army  on  its 
march  towards  the  City  of  Mexico,  as  he  proposed  to 
embrace  any  opportunity  to  negotiate  terms  of  peace. 
The  person  selected  for  this  mission  was  Nicholas  P. 
Trist,  the  chief  clerk  of  the  Department  of  State, 
who  had  formerly  acted  as  private  secretary  to  President 
Jackson  and  as  consul  at  Havana.  He  carried  with  him 
a  draft  of  treaty  prepared  by  the  Secretary  of  State, 
Mr.  Buchanan.  He  was  treated  by  General  Scott  as  an 
unwelcome  guest,  calculated  to  interfere  with  his  mili- 
tary operations,  and  after  reaching  the  City  of  Mexico, 
owing  to  the  indifference  of  Scott,  he  had  to  resort  to 
the  good  offices  of  the  secretary  of  the  British  legation 
to  secure  communication  and  contact  with  the  Mexican 
peace  commissioners.  This  young  secretary,  Edward 
Thornton,  years  afterwards  represented  the  British 
government  as  minister  at  Washington  in  a  long  and 
honorable  service. 

'  5  Webster's  Works,  274. 

2  For  Lincoln's  speech  on  the  war,  1  Nicolay  and  Hay's  Lincoln,  2C1. 


818  A  CENTURY  OF  AlVIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

When  Trist  submitted  to  the  Mexican  commissioners 
Secretary  Buchanan's  terms  of  peace,  they  rejected 
them  as  onerous  and  unreasonable.  Upon  receipt  of 
Trist's  report  at  Washington,  he  was  ordered  to  cease 
further  negotiations  and  return  to  the  United  States. 
The  President  reported  to  Congress  that  "  his  recall 
would  satisfy  Mexico  that  the  United  States  had  no 
terms  of  peace  more  favorable  to  offer ;  "  and  that  any 
offers  which  Mexico  might  make  were  to  be  transmitted 
by  the  commanding  general  to  Washington.  For  some 
time  after  Trist  received  the  instructions  respecting 
his  recall,  no  safe  opportunity  for  his  return  through 
the  enemy's  country  was  afforded,  and  meanwhile  the 
Mexican  commissioners  manifested  a  desire  to  reopen 
the  negotiations.  In  violation  of  his  instructions  Trist 
resumed  his  conferences  which  resulted  in  the  treaty  of 
peace  of  February  2,  1848,  named,  from  the  village  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  City  of  Mexico  where  it  was  signed, 
Guadalupe  Hidalgo.  Its  terms  were  substantially  those 
drafted  by  Secretary  Buchanan. 

A  strange  sequel  is  connected  with  the  negotiations. 
Trist's  failure  to  proceed  to  Washington  brought  from 
the  executive  an  order  for  his  arrest  and  forcible  re- 
turn to  the  United  States,  but  when  it  arrived  he  had 
achieved  success  in  the  signing  of  the  treaty  and  the 
order  was  not  executed.  On  reaching  Washington,  he 
found  that  his  pay  had  been  stopped  from  the  date  of 
his  recall,  and  that  he  was  dismissed  in  disgrace  from 
the  service.  Twenty-two  years  afterwards  this  matter 
was  made  a  subject  of  investigation,  and  a  report  from 
the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations.     The  re- 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.       319 

port,  prepared  by  Mr.  Sumner,  with  his  usual  care,  is 
an  interestin<^  historical  document,  containing  a  review 
of  the  negotiations.^  It  says  :  "  Mr.  Trist  was  proud 
and  sensitive.  .  .  .  Ilis  mission  had  been  crowned  with 
success,  but  he  was  disgraced.  ...  He  determined  to 
make  no  application  at  that  time  for  the  compensation 
he  had  earned,  and  to  await  the  spontaneous  offer  of  it 
unless  compelled  by  actual  want."  The  Congress  of 
another  generation  had  learned  to  appreciate  the  value 
of  his  services  to  his  country,  and  on  April  20,  1871, 
an  appropriation  was  made  in  his  favor  for  $14,560.^^ 

Senator  Sumner  says  in  his  report  that  it  was  un- 
derstood the  President,  on  the  arrival  of  the  treaty, 
proposed  to  suppress  it;  but  unwilling  to  encounter 
public  opinion,  which  desired  peace,  he  submitted  it  to 
the  Senate.^  Enough  blood  had  been  shed,  and  to 
despoil  Mexico  of  half  her  territory  was  sufficient  for 
even  the  slavery  propagandists.  The  treaty  reached 
the  Senate  just  as  its  doors  were  closing,  because  of  a 
tra<ric  event  at  the  other  end  of  the  capitol.  The  vener- 
able John  Quincy  Adams,  ex-minister,  ex-secretary  of 
state,  ex-president,  and  so  long  a  representative  in 
Cono-ress  from  Massachusetts,  had  been  stricken  down 
in  his  seat  and  lay  dying  in  the  rotunda,  and  both 
Houses  adjourned  to  mourn  with  the  country  over  its 
great  loss.  His  was  a  singular  history,  in  that  after 
having  held  the  highest  posts  of  honor  which  the  nation 

1  S.  Rep.  No.  261,  4l8t  Cong.  2d  Sess. 

2  17  Stat,  at  Large,  643. 

»  4  Richardson's   Messages,   573  ;    S.   Doc.  No.  52,   30th  Cong.   1st 

Sess.  vol.  7. 


320  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

could  bestow,  at  the  age  of  sixty-five  he  entered  upon 
the  most  brilliant  part  of  his  career.  Neither  as  di- 
plomatist, secretary,  or  president  did  he  achieve  such 
lasting  renown  as  that  which  attaches  to  him  as  the 
representative  of  a  rural  district  in  Congress,  fighting 
almost  single-handed  the  battle  of  the  right  of  petition. 

When  the  Senate  reassembled  after  the  Adams  obse- 
quies it  entered  upon  the  consideration  of  the  Mexican 
treaty  of  peace,  and,  after  a  two  weeks'  discussion  and 
stout  opposition,  it  was  ratified  with  certain  amend- 
ments. Two  commissioners  were  sent  to  Mexico  to 
secure  the  favorable  action  of  the  Mexican  government. 
On  their  arrival  at  Queretaro,  the  temporary  capital, 
the  Mexican  Congress  had  ratified  the  treaty  with  the 
Senate  amendments.  Before  the  exchanofe  of  ratifica- 
tions,  the  American  commissioners  found  it  necessary 
to  make  certain  explanations  as  to  the  effect  of  the 
Senate  amendments  upon  the  treaty,  which  explanations 
were  reduced  to  the  form  of  a  protocol  signed  and 
sealed  by  the  American  commissioners  and  the  Mexican 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  This  protocol  was  not 
published  with  the  treaty,  but  its  contents  becoming 
known,  the  President  in  response  to  a  resolution,  sent 
the  protocol  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  with  a 
message  in  which  he  declared  that  this  instrument  had 
no  effect  whatever  upon  the  treaty,  because  it  had  not 
been  submitted  to  the  Senate  for  ratification.^ 

An  acrimonious  debate  followed,  in  which  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  commissioners  were  charged  with  duplicity 
and  bad  faith,  in  securing  the  final  approval  of  the 
1  H.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  50,  30th  Cong.  2d  Sess. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE   CIVIL  WAR.       321 

Mexican  government  through  a  beUef  in  the  binding 
vaHdity  of  the  protocol.  The  Mexican  minister  in 
Washington,  who  was  at  the  time  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  who  had  signed  the  protocol,  likewise 
engaged  Secretary  Buchanan  in  a  correspondence  on 
the  subject.^  The  latter  correctly  maintained  that  the 
protocol  not  having  been  passed  upon  by  the  Senate,  it 
could  not  be  held  in  any  way  to  modify  the  treaty ;  but 
the  action  of  the  Executive  Department  of  the  govern- 
ment was  of  very  questionable  propriety.^ 

The  judgment  of  history  is  that  the  annexation  of 
Texas  and  the  consequent  Mexican  War  were  brought 
about  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  the  institution 
of  slavery  in  the  United  States.  These  acts  met  with 
strong:  condemnation  in  the  Northern  States.  Little 
palliation  for  the  immense  territory  taken  was  found  in 
the  fact  that  the  sum  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars  was 
paid  as  a  consideration.  General  Grant  echoed  the  pre- 
vailing sentiment  in  the  North  when  he  pronounced  the 
war  "  one  of  the  most  unjust  ever  waged  by  a  stronger 
against  a  weaker  nation.  .  .  .  The  occupation,  separa- 
tion, and  annexation  [of  Texas]  were,  from  the  incep- 
tion of  the  movement  to  its  final  consummation,  a 
conspiracy  to  acquire  territory  out  of  which  slave 
States  might  be  formed    for    the    American    Union. ^ 

1  H.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  5,  31st  Cong.  1st  Sess. 

2  For  other  documents  see  11.  Ex.  Docs.  Nos.  40,  56,  60,  69,  70,  30th 
Cong.  1st  Sess. 

^  Mr.  Trist  reported  to  Secretary  Buchanan  that  during  the  peace 
negotiations  the  Mexican  commissioners  asked  that,  as  the  territory  to 
be  ceded  was  now  free  from  shivery,  so  decreed  by  the  ^lexican  constitu- 
tion, a  stipulation  be  inserted  in  the  treaty  that  it  should  continue  to  be 


322  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Even  if  the  annexation  itself  could  be  justified,  the 
manner  in  which  the  subsequent  war  was  forced  on 
Mexico  cannot.  .  .  .  The  Southern  Rebellion  was  largely 
the  outjrrowth  of  the  Mexican  War.  Nations  like  indi- 
viduals,  are  punished  for  their  transgressions.  We  got 
our  punishment  in  the  most  sanguinary  and  expensive 
war  of  modern  times."  ^ 

This  is  a  true  but  the  dark  side  of  the  picture. 
While  we  wrested  this  imperial  domain  from  Mexico 
by  conquest  and  injustice,  we  took  territory  from  her  of 
which  she  had  made  little  use ;  we  gave  to  its  few  inhab- 
itants the  benefits  of  our  government  and  civilization ; 
we  have  made  it  the  home  of  millions  of  people  ;  and 
have  developed  its  great  wealth  and  boundless  resources. 
President  Polk,  in  a  message  to  Congress  asking  for 
legislation  to  carry  the  treaty  into  effect  and  to  organ- 
ize the  new  Territory,  well  divining  the  future  impor- 
tance of  this  great  acquisition,  said  :  "  It  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  estimate  the  value  of  these  possessions  to  the 
United  States.  They  constitute  of  themselves  a  coun- 
try large  enough  for  a  great  empire,  and  the  acquisition 
is  second  only  in  importance  to  that  of  Louisiana  in 
1803.  .  .  .  Our  future  destiny  will  be  without  a  paral- 
lel or  example  in  the  history  of  nations."  ^ 

free  territory.  To  this  the  American  commissioner  replied  that  the  bare 
mention  of  the  subject  in  a  treaty  was  an  utter  impossibility;  that  if  the 
territory  should  be  covered  all  over  a  foot  thick  with  pure  gold,  on  the 
single  condition  that  slavery  should  be  excluded  therefrom,  he  could  not 
even  entertain  the  proposition,  nor  think  for  a  moment  of  commimicating 
it  to  the  President.     S.  Doc.  No.  52,  30th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  vol.  7,  p.  199. 

'  1  Grant's  Personal  Memoirs,  53-56. 

2  4  Richardson's  Messages,  587. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE   CIVIL  WAR.        323 

While  the  spirit  of  slavery  extension  was  the  ruling 
motive  which  controlled  the  conduct  of  our  govern- 
ment in  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  Mexican  War, 
frankness  compels  us  to  admit  that  another  sentiment, 
in  which  the  American  people  largely  participated, 
entered  into  the  final  result.  The  extension  of  the 
national  domain  has  always  been  popular  in  the  United 
States.  The  prevailing  opinion,  aside  from  considera- 
tions as  to  the  effect  on  the  institution  of  slavery,  was 
that  Texas  was  destined  to  become  a  part  of  the  Ameri- 
can Union,  and  no  administration  would  have  been 
pardoned  by  the  people  which  allowed  it  to  pass  irre- 
vocably from  our  control.  President  Tyler  reflected 
this  sentiment  when,  in  transmitting  the  treaty  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas  to  the  Senate,  he  said  :  "  There 
exists  no  civilized  government  on  earth,  having  a  revo- 
lutionary tender  made  to  it  of  a  domain  so  rich  and 
fertile,  so  replete  with  all  that  can  add  to  national 
greatness  and  wealth,  and  so  necessary  to  its  peace  and 
safety,  that  would  reject  the  offer."  ^  While  the  oppo- 
sition party  in  the  House  of  Representatives  had  de- 
clared the  war  unnecessary  and  unconstitutional,  when 
the  terms  of  peace  came  to  be  agreed  upon,  no  serious 
thought  was  entertained  of  refusing  the  ceded  territory. 
Said  Senator  Dayton,  a  leading  member  of  the  oppo- 
sition :  "  If  the  question  of  no  territory  was  to  be  made 
the  test,  there  would  be  an  end  of  the  Whig  party 
before  the  end  of  the  year."  ^ 

The  Mexican  War  afforded  Mr.  Buchanan,  as  Secre- 
tary of  State,  little  opportunity  for  diplomatic  work, 
*  4  Richardson's  Messages,  312.  ^  16  Debates  of  Congress,  186. 


324  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

but  it  is  to  his  credit  that  it  was  so  conducted  as  to 
avoid  any  serious  complaint  on  the  part  of  other  gov- 
ernments. The  encroachments  of  Great  Britain  on  the 
Mosquito  Coast,  and  other  portions  of  Central  America, 
drew  from  him  some  pointed  declarations  respecting  the 
paramount  interest  of  the  United  States  in  the  Isthmus 
of  Panama,  and  tending  to  broaden  the  application  of 
the  Monroe  Doctrine.  During  this  term  a  number  of 
commercial  treaties  were  made,  one  of  which,  that  with 
New  Granada,  or  Colombia,  in  1846,  has  had  special 
significance.  Its  Article  35  contains  a  stipulation 
whereby  the  United  States  agrees  to  "  guarantee  posi- 
tively and  efficaciously  .  .  .  the  perfect  neutrality  of 
the  isthmus  "  [of  Panama]  and  "  the  rights  of  sov- 
ereignty and  property  which  New  Granada  has  and 
possesses  over  the  said  territory." 

This  is  the  nearest  approach  to  an  alHance  or  guar- 
antee of  sovereignty  made  by  the  United  States  since 
its  release  from  the  obligations  of  the  treaty  with 
France  of  1778.  The  acquisition  of  California,  and 
the  construction  by  American  citizens  of  a  railroad 
across  the  isthmus  made  this  guarantee  an  important 
one.  Under  the  article  cited  it  has  been  held  that  the 
United  States  is  authorized  and  required  to  protect  the 
transit  of  the  isthmus  from  foreign  invasion,  and  to 
compel  Colombia  to  keep  the  transit  free  from  domestic 
disturbance.  Because  of  the  failure  or  inability  of 
Colombia  to  maintain  the  latter,  the  government  of  the 
United  States  has,  on  repeated  occasions,  sent  its  naval 
forces  to  the  isthmus,  and  landed  troops  to  preserve 
the  peace  and  secure  free  transit. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE   CIVIL   WAR.       325 

One  of  the  last  diplomatic  achievements  in  Mr. 
Polk's  term  was  the  negotiation  of  a  postal  convention 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  brought 
about  by  the  rivalry  of  the  steamship  lines  plying 
between  New  York  and  Liverpool.^  It  marks  the 
beginning  of  the  long  list  of  postal  conventions  which 
has  made  our  communication  with  foreign  nations  so 
easy  and  rapid. 

The  administration  of  Polk  closed  under  circum- 
stances more  flattering  than  any  since  the  successful 
term  of  Monroe.  He  entered  upon  his  duties  with 
an  ambition  to  attain  four  objects,  —  the  settlement 
of  the  Oregon  dispute,  the  annexation  of  Texas,  the 
acquisition  of  California,  and  a  change  in  the  tariff 
system,  —  and  in  all  of  these  he  was  completely  suc- 
cessful. 

Following  the  Democratic  administration  of  Polk, 
the  Whig  party,  recovering  from  the  disappointment 
and  disorganization  of  Tyler's  defection,  returned  to 
power  in  184:9,  under  the  presidency  of  General  Zach- 
ary  Taylor,  a  hero  of  the  Mexican  War.  The  annexa- 
tion of  Texas  and  the  addition  of  the  vast  domain 
acquired  through  the  Mexican  War  brought  to  the 
country  perplexing  and  exciting  questions  in  connec- 
tion with  slavery,  and  the  administration  was  mainly 
absorbed  with  domestic  affairs,  but  several  interestinof 
foreign  matters  received  attention.  John  M.  Clayton, 
called  to  the  post  of  secretary  of  state,  was  not  a  man 
of  commanding  talent,  in  this  respect  falling  below 
several  of  his  recent  predecessors ;   but  he   had   long 

J  5  Scbouler's  U.  S.  124. 


326  A  CEXTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

been  a  prominent  member  of  the  Senate,  and  was  a 
gentleman  of  education  and  culture. 

He  is  best  known  through  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty 
of  1850,  pro\dding  for  a  joint  protectorate  by  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  over  the  projected 
Nicaraguan  Canal  and  for  its  complete  neutralization, 
and  also  for  an  adjustment  of  questions  respecting  the 
British  settlements  of  and  protectorate  claimed  over 
certain  portions  of  Central  America.  This  negotiation 
and  treaty  will  be  further  discussed  in  connection  with 
the  Monroe  Doctrine,^  and  it  will  suffice  now  to  say 
that  from  the  date  of  its  ratification  it  has  been  a  con- 
stant source  of  discussion  and  disagreement,  and  has 
generally  been  regarded  as  the  most  serious  diplomatic 
mistake  in  our  history. 

Taylor's  death  and  the  accession  of  Vice-President 
Fillmore  brought  about  a  change  of  cabinet,  and 
Daniel  Webster,  for  a  second  time,  was  intrusted  with 
the  management  of  our  foreign  relations.  Cuba,  which 
in  the  past  fifty  years  has  been  such  a  perennial  source 
of  international  trouble,  was  just  then  the  exciting 
cause  of  difference  with  not  only  Spain,  but  also  Eng- 
land and  France.  Fillibustering  expeditions  organized 
in  American  territory,  with  apparently  little  support 
among  the  resident  Cubans,  became  so  threatening 
that  a  proclamation  against  them  was  issued  in  1849 
by  President  Taylor,"  and,  this  proving  insufficient,  a 
further  one  was  issued  in  1851  by  Fillmore.^  There 
was  a  widespread  sympathy  throughout  the  country  for 

^  Infra,  chap.  xii. 

*  5  Richardson's  Messages,  7.  '  IIj.  111. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.        327 

the  movement,  Lut  it  was  strongest  in  the  Southern 
States,  hirgely  inspired  by  a  hope  that  it  would  result 
in  annexation  and  the  increase  of  the  slave  power. 
The  efficacy  of  the  neutrality  laws  was  put  to  a  severe 
test,  and  the  Spanish  government  was  constantly  com- 
plaining of  their  lax  enforcement.  The  governments 
of  Great  Britain  and  France,  sympathizing  with  Spain, 
gave  instructions  to  their  naval  officials  to  coiiperate 
with  the  Spanish  war  vessels  in  preventing  the  landing 
of  fillibustering  expeditions,  and  this  action  led  to 
vigorous  protest  from  our  government  against  the  exer- 
cise of  police  powers  by  the  English  and  French  navies 
so  near  to  American  waters.^ 

At  a  later  period  in  this  administration  Great  Britain 
and  France  proposed  to  the  United  States  a  tripartite 
treaty  guaranteeing  the  possession  of  Cuba  to  Spain, 
and  a  disavowal  of  any  intention  on  their  part  to 
acquire  the  island.  Edward  Everett,  then  acting  as 
Secretary  of  State,  replied  in  a  lengthy  and  able  letter 
declining  the  proposal,  which  was  accepted  by  succeed- 
ing administrations  as  a  proper  statement  of  our  atti- 
tude on  the  status  of  Cuba.'^ 

After  the  unsuccessful  landing  of  several  expeditions 
organized  on  American  territory,  the  movement  col- 
lapsed with  the  capture  of  the  leader  Lopez  and  his 
band,  and  the  prompt  execution  of  a  large  part  of  his 
force,  which  was  mainly  composed  of  Americans.  This 
caused  intense  indignation  in  the  United  States,  and  at 
New  Orleans  the  excited  citizens  in  the  form  of  a  mob 

1  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  1,  32d  Cong.  1st  Sess.  pp.  7-i-«2. 

2  1  Wbartou's  lut.  Dig.  5G2. 


828         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

attacked  and  demolished  the  Spanish  consulate,  the 
newspaper  office,  and  various  stores  and  shops  of  Span- 
ish residents,  without  any  attempt  at  restraint  by  the 
local  authorities. 

The  Spanish  minister  at  Washington,  under  instruc- 
tions from  his  government,  promptly  made  a  demand 
of  reparation  for  the  insult  to  the  flag  and  consulate, 
and  of  indemnity  for  the  losses  and  injuries  sustained 
from  the  mob  by  Spanish  subjects.  A  correspondence 
with  the  Secretary  of  State  followed,  in  which  Mr. 
Webster,  in  a  carefully  written  and  able  note  to  the 
Spanish  minister,  recognizing  the  outrage  done  to  the 
consulate,  offered  to  make  due  reparation  on  that  ac- 
count, but  he  claimed  that  the  Spanish  subjects  were 
entitled  to  receive  no  other  or  greater  protection  than 
American  citizens,  and  that  they  must  resort  to  the  local 
courts  for  redress  of  their  injuries,  either  against  the 
individuals  who  inflicted  the  wrongs  or  against  the 
municipality  which  failed  to  protect  them.^  As  public 
sentiment  was  almost  entirely  on  the  side  of  the  rioters, 
the  remedy  indicated  was  a  virtual  denial  of  redress. 
While  this  position  has  been  sustained  by  such  distin- 
guished successors  in  the  office  as  Evarts,  Blaine,  and 
Bayard"  as  a  correct  statement  of  our  domestic  law, 
Mr.  Webster's  sense  of  justice  did  not  allow  him  to 
leave  the  subject  in  that  condition ;  and  on  his  recom- 
mendation Congress,  as  a  matter  of  grace  and  comity, 
voted  an  af)propriation  from  the  national  treasury  to 

1  S.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  32(1  Cong.  1st  Sess.  vol.  1. 

2  Evarts,  Foreign  Relations,  U.  S.  1881,  p.  319  ;  Blaine,  lb.  335  ;  Bay- 
ard, lb.  1886,  pp.  158-167. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO   THE  CIVIL   WAR.        329 

pay  the  losses  sustained.^  The  precedent  then  estab- 
lished has  been  followed  in  similar  cases.^ 

The  conduct  and  correspondence  of  Secretary  Web- 
ster respecting  the  New  Orleans  riot  won  for  him  much 
praise  in  diplomatic  circles.  Lord  Palmerston,  British 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  in  a  dispatch  to  his 
representative  in  Washington,  wrote :  '*  It  is  highly 
creditable  to  the  good  faith  and  sense  of  justice  of 
the  United  States  government,  and  the  President  has 
more  rightly  consulted  the  true  dignity  of  the  country, 
by  so  handsome  a  communication,  than  if  the  acknow- 
ledgment of  wrong  and  the  expression  of  regret  had 
been  made  in  more  niggardly  terms."  ^ 

Another  matter  havinjj  relation  to  our  foreio'n  inter- 
course,  and  which  attracted  great  interest  throughout 
America  and  Europe,  had  its  origin  in  the  Hungarian 
revolt  of  1848,  when  the  democratic  uprising  threat- 
ened so  many  thrones  in  the  Old  World.  President 
Taylor  dispatched  a  secret  agent  to  Europe  to  study 
the  situation,  with  a  view  to  the  recognition  of  the  in- 
dependence of  Hungary  if  the  facts  justified  it ;  but 
before  this  agent  reached  Hungary,  Russia  had  come 
to  the  aid  of  Austria  and  put  down  the  rebellion,  and 
Kossuth  and  the  other  Hungarian  patriots  had  found 
refuge  in  Turkey.  No  action  was  therefore  taken  by 
our  government,  but  the  documents  relating  to  the  sub- 
ject were  sent  to  Congress  by  the  President,  accompa- 

1  H.  Ex.  Doc.  113,  32d  Cong.  1st  Sess.  ;  10  Stat,  at  Large,  89. 

2  Chinese,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  102.  49111  Cong.  1st  Sess.  ;  Italians,  For.  Rel. 
1891,  p.  727. 

«  2  Curtis's  Webster,  556. 


330  A  CENTURY   OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

nying  his  annual  message  of  December,  1849,  in  which 
he  said,  in  explanation  of  the  agent's  mission :  "  I 
thought  it  my  duty,  in  accordance  with  the  general 
sentiment  of  the  American  people,  to  stand  prepared, 
upon  the  contingency  of  the  establishment  by  her  of  a 
permanent  government,  to  be  the  first  to  welcome  Hun- 
gary into  the  family  of  nations."  ^  Whereupon  the 
Austrian  charge  in  Washington,  Mr.  Hiilsemann,  sent  a 
note  to  Secretary  Clayton,  protesting  against  the  action 
of  our  government  as  an  unjustifiable  interference  in 
the  affairs  of  an  independent  and  friendly  nation. 

The  correspondence  was  in  progress  at  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Cabinet  on  Taylor's  death,  and  after  Web- 
ster became  Secretary  of  State  the  charge  renewed  his 
protest  in  more  positive  language.  Mr.  Webster's 
reply,  couched  in  equally  positive  and  scarcely  more 
courteous  terms,  was  a  lengthy  review  of  the  princijDles 
which  g'overn  the  United  States  in  recoo-niziuo'  govern- 
ments  founded  on  revolution  and  popular  will,  vindi- 
cated its  action  in  the  case  under  review,  and  contained 
a  glowing  statement  of  the  growth  and  destiny  of  the 
young  republic  of  the  New  World.^  It  created  much 
enthusiasm  among  the  American  people,  but  it  did 
not  escape  criticism.  A  historian  characterizes  it  as 
"  hardly  more  than  a  stump  speech  under  diplomatic 
guise."  ^  In  a  private  letter  Mr.  Webster  makes  this 
explanation  of  its  temper  :  "  If  you  say  that  my  Hiilse- 
mann letter  is  boastful  and  rough,  I  shall  own  the  soft 
impeachment.     My  excuse  is  twofold.     First,  I  thought 


'  5  Richardson's  Messages,  12. 

'  6  Webster's  Works,  488-506.  »  1  Rhodes's  U.  S.  206. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.        331 

it  well  enough  to  speak  out  and  tell  the  people  of  Eu- 
rope who  and  what  we  are,  and  awaken  them  to  a  just 
sense  of  the  unparalleled  growth  of  this  country.  Sec- 
ond, I  wished  to  write  a  paper  which  would  touch  the 
national  pride."  ^ 

Probably  no  paper  emanating  from  the  State  De- 
partment ever  met  with  a  more  widespread  popular 
approval  in  America.  It  appeared  soon  after  our  suc- 
cessful war  with  Mexico  and  the  resultant  territorial 
expansion,  and  it  was  in  vindication  of  the  nation's 
sympathy  for  the  cause  of  republicanism  in  Europe  as 
represented  in  the  popular  hero  Kossuth,  soon  to  visit 
the  United  States  as  the  guest  of  the  nation.  He  was, 
in  accordance  with  a  resolution  of  Congress,^  brought 
from  his  refuge  in  Turkey  on  an  American  man-of-war, 
praised  by  the  President  in  his  annual  message,^  was 
presented  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  the  President, 
received  by  both  Houses  of  Congress  with  much  cere- 
mony,'* and  his  progress  through  the  country  was 
marked  by  the  most  enthusiastic  demonstrations. 

The  effect  of  all  these  attentions  led  Kossuth  into 
a  serious  misapprehension  of  the  proper  functions  and 
sphere  of  influence  of  our  government,  and  for  a  time 
it  seemed  as  if  our  own  people  might,  through  their 
enthusiasm  for  this  patriot  and  orator,  be  likewise  led 
astray.  He  sought  to  enlist  our  government  and  its 
citizens  in  measures  for  renewed  efforts  towards  Hun- 
garian independence  through  political  and  financial  aid. 

1  2  Curtis's  Webster,  537.  ^  9  stat.  at  Large,  647. 

8  Dec.  2,  1851,  5  Richardson's  Messages,  119. 
*  10  Stat,  at  Large,  145. 


332  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

But  the  sober  second  thought  brought  our  pubUc  meu 
and  our  people  back  to  a  sense  of  the  true  destiny  of 
the  republic,  and  in  this  way  they  were  greatly  aided 
by  Kossuth's  own  indiscreet  conduct.  It  soon  became 
apparent  that  in  all  this  Hungarian  business  we  had 
departed  from  the  policy  marked  out  by  Washington  to 
abstain  from  intermeddling  in  the  political  affairs  of 
Europe,  and  that  our  action  was  inconsistent  with  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  whereby  we  sought  to  exclude  Euro- 
pean nations  from  extending  their  political  influence  on 
the  American  hemisphere. 

The  Hungarian  question  terminated  unfortunately 
for  the  Austrian  charge,  Mr.  Hiilsemann.  He  became 
quite  indignant  at  the  honors  bestowed  upon  Kossuth 
by  the  government  and  its  citizens,  and  he  addressed  a 
note  to  Secretary  Webster,  protesting  against  these  acts 
and  particularly  a  speech  of  the  Secretary  of  State  at 
a  banquet  given  in  Washington  to  Kossuth.  To  this 
note  Mr.  Webster  made  no  reply.  Obtaining  no  satis- 
faction in  that  quarter,  he  called  personally  on  the 
President,  and  laid  his  protest  before  him.  This  was 
followed  by  a  notice  from  the  Secretary  of  State  that 
the  government  would  hold  no  further  intercourse  with 
him,  and  that  he  must  confine  himself  to  written  com- 
munications addressed  to  the  Department  of  State.  In 
answer  to  this  notice  he  addressed  a  communication  to 
Secretary  Webster,  April  20,  1852,  stating  that  his 
government  would  not  allow  him  "  to  remain  here  any 
longer,  to  continue  an  official  intercourse  with  the  prin- 
cipal promoters  of  the  much  to  be  lamented  Kossuth 
episode."     Mr.  Webster,  in  reporting  Mr.  Hiilsemann's 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL   WAR.       333 

departure  to  the  American  representative  at  Vienna, 
states  that  he  was  not  well  informed  as  to  his  duty  and 
privileges,  as  his  rank  was  that  of  secretary  of  lega- 
tion and  ad  inter hn  charge ;  that  as  such  he  had  no 
right  to  personally  appeal  to  the  President  against 
newspaper  criticisms  and  the  unofficial  remarks  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  or  to  converse  with  the  President 
on  matters  of  business  ;  and  that  no  foreign  govern- 
ment can  take  just  offense  at  anything  an  officer  of  this 
government  may  say  in  his  private  capacity.^ 

The  foreiroing;  events  made  Webster's  second  term 
as  Secretary  of  State  as  famous  as  his  first,  but  to  them 
is  to  be  added  another  even  more  important  in  its 
influence  on  the  world.  The  enterprising  American 
mariner,  in  navigating  the  Pacific  Ocean  in  search  of 
new  fields  for  American  commerce,  had  encountered 
the  islands  of  the  Japanese  Empire,  with  its  ports  closed 
to  foreigners.  All  their  efforts  to  establish  trade  or 
intercourse  of  any  kind  had  failed,  and  in  case  of 
stress  of  weather  vessels  driven  on  to  its  coasts  had  been 
seized  and  its  sailors  maltreated.  This  unsatisfactory 
state  of  affairs  had  been  brought  to  the  attention  of 
the  government,  and  various  efforts  to  remedy  it  had 
been  unsuccessful.  In  1832,  an  agent  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  State  had  been  dispatched  in  a  naval  vessel  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  he  was  instructed  to  obtain  "  in- 
formation respecting  Japan  and  the  means  of  opening 
a  communication  with  it ; "  but  nothing  came  of  this 
mission.  In  181:5,  Commodore  Biddle  was  directed  to 
visit  Japan  and  ascertain  if  its  ports  were  accessible. 

»  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  92,  32d  Cong.  1st  Sess. 


834  A  CENTUEY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

He  entered  the  port  of  Yeddo  (Tokio),  but  was  told  by 
the  authorities  that  it  was  the  immemorial  poHcy  o£  the 
country  to  exclude  foreigners  from  its  ports  and  from 
trade.  Four  years  later  another  American  commodore 
went  to  Nagasaki  to  secure  the  release  of  some  ship- 
wrecked sailors,  and  he  reported  that  he  thought  it  "a 
favorable  time  for  entering  upon  negotiations  with 
Japan." 

This  report  being  brought  to  Secretary  "Webster's 
attention,  he  prepared  instructions  for  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment, in  June,  1851,  which  in  November,  1852,  were 
transferred  to  Commodore  Perry,  who  was  dispatched 
with  an  adequate  naval  force  to  compel  an  audience 
with  the  Japanese  authorities ;  and  he  bore  credentials 
authorizing  him  "  to  negotiate  and  sign  a  treaty  of 
amity  and  commerce  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Empire  of  Japan."  He  entered  the  Bay  of  Yeddo 
with  his  fleet,  and  by  firm  persistence  succeeded  in 
concluding  a  treaty,  March  31,  1854,  by  which  two 
Japanese  ports  were  opened  to  trade  with  the  United 
States,  and  a  consul  was  authorized  to  be  appointed.^ 
This  event  is  referred  to  by  Secretary  Seward  as  the 
time  "  when  we  gently  coerced  Japan  into  friendship 
with  us,"  and  it  was  the  first  step  in  the  opening  of 
Japan  to  the  world,  as  similar  treaties  were  soon  after 
negotiated  by  other  Western  nations. 

In  some  respects  Mr.  Webster  is  the  most  noted  of 
the  Secretaries  of  State.     Others  have  had  lonsfer  ser- 

'  For  reports  and  details  of  these  events,  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  59,  32d 
Cong.  1st  Sess.  ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  34,  and  H.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  97,  33d  Cong. 
2d  Sess. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.        335 

vice,  have  ably  dealt  "with  more  intricate  and  important 
questions,  and  have  contributed  more  to  the  volume  of 
international  law  and  diplomatic  precedents.  But  his 
services  and  fame  as  secretary  shine  with  the  reflected 
light  of  his  greater  reputation  as  a  lawyer,  legislator, 
and  orator.  His  personal  appearance  and  qualities 
likewise  contributed  to  his  fame.  His  was  a  command- 
ing physique,  of  large  frame,  massive  head,  raven  black 
hair,  broad  forehead,  deep-set  piercing  eyes,  and  swarthy 
complexion.  His  dress,  of  the  old  Revolutionary  colors 
of  blue  and  buff,  also  lent  attraction  to  his  person.  A 
witticism  is  credited  to  Sydney  Smith  that  Webster 
"  was  a  living  lie,  because  no  man  on  earth  could  be 
so  great  as  he  looked."  ^  He  closed  his  earthly  career 
in  1852,  while  still  secretary,  soon  after  he  had  been 
rejected  by  his  party  convention  as  its  candidate  for 
president,  a  soured  and  disappointed  statesman.  But 
he  was  one  to  whom  that  high  office  could  bring  no 
greater  fame.  As  long  as  brilliant  and  skillful  diplo- 
macy is  admired,  as  long  as  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  endures,  as  long  as  English  literature  is 
read,  so  long  will  Daniel  Webster  be  remembered. 

On  the  accession  of  Mr.  Pierce  to  the  presidency  in 
1853,  William  L.  Marcy  became  Secretary  of  State. 
He  possessed  large  experience  in  public  affairs,  serving 
as  governor  of  New  York,  for  successive  terms  as 
senator,  and  as  secretary  of  war  under  Polk,  but  he 
was  best  known  as  a  partisan  leader.  It  was  he  who 
first  made  in  a  public  debate  in  the  Senate  the  an- 
nouncement "  To  the  victors  belong  the  spoils,"  and  of 

*  Moore's  American  Congress,  244. 


836  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

whom  it  has  been  said  that  he  Tvoiild  rather  be  wrong 
with  his  party  than  right  without  it.  It  is  due  to  him, 
however,  to  say  that,  while  in  domestic  affairs  of  that 
stirring  period  he  was  a  strict  partisan,  his  manage- 
ment of  our  foreign  relations  was  marked  by  exalted 
patriotism  and  a  high  order  of  ability. 

Matters  of  more  than  ordinary  importance  occupied 
his  attention.  Among  the  first  of  these  was  one  that 
reawakened  the  interest  of  Americans  in  the  Hungarian 
cause,  which  had  died  away  with  the  disappointment 
and  departure  of  Kossuth.  Koszta,  a  Hungarian  refu- 
gee, had  declared  his  intention  to  become  an  American 
citizen,  but  before  his  naturalization  was  perfected  he 
went  to  Turkey  on  business,  and  while  in  Smyrna  was 
arrested  and  placed  on  board  an  Austrian  man-of-war 
in  the  harbor.  His  release  was  demanded  by  the  Amer- 
ican consul  on  the  ground  that  he  had  taken  the  first 
step  toward  his  citizenship.  Meanwhile  Captain  Ingra- 
ham  arrived  in  the  port  with  an  American  naval  vessel 
and  asked  for  Koszta's  delivery,  under  threat  of  resort 
to  force  unless  released  within  a  given  time.  It  was 
finally  arranged  that  he  should  be  placed  in  custody 
of  the  French  consul,  until  his  case  should  be  settled 
between  the  two  governments.  A  correspondence  fol- 
lowed in  which  Secretary  Marcy  fully  sustained  the 
action  of  the  consul,  and  his  course  was  enthusiastically 
indorsed  by  the  American  people.  Koszta  was  ulti- 
mately released,  without  prejudice  to  the  conflicting 
claims,  and  he  returned  to  the  United  States.  The 
attitude  of  our  government  has,  however,  been  some- 
what modified  on  the  question,  and  the  action  of  a 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL   WAR.       337 

consul  in  such  a  case  would  now  be  sustained,  if  at  all, 
rather  upon  the  ground  of  an  acquired  domicile  than 
of  a  claim  of  citizenship.^ 

The  subject  of  naturalization  and  expatriation  has 
been  the  occasion  of  much  diplomatic  correspondence 
and  controversy  on  the  part  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States  with  European  powers.  From  the  begin- 
ninjx  of  our  national  existence  we  have  encourasfed 
immigration  ;  liberal  laws  for  the  naturalization  of  for- 
eigners have  been  passed  ;  and  the  right  of  expatria- 
tion has  been  maintained.  In  this  branch  of  interna- 
tional law  the  attitude  of  the  United  States  has  had 
a  marked  effect  upon  the  practice  of  nations.  One 
of  the  chief  causes  of  the  War  of  1812  was  because 
of  the  impressment  of  seamen,  naturalized  citizens  of 
British  birth,  taken  from  American  vessels.  The  old 
common  law  doctrine  was  that  no  British  subject  could 
denationalize  himself,  and  that  he  owed  perpetual  alle- 
giance to  the  crown;  but  the  persistent  claim  of  the 
United  States  was  finally  recognized  by  Parliament  in 
the  naturalization  act  of  1870.  The  doctrine  of  expa- 
triation is  now  generally  accepted  by  the  nations  of  the 
world,  and  the  United  States  has  succeeded  in  havino- 

o 
it  embodied  in  many  of  its  treaties. 

One  of  the  most  useful  achievements  of  Mr.  Marcy 

was  the  negotiation  of  a  reciprocity  treaty  with  Canada. 

From  the  time  that  the  Provinces  acquired  the  right 

to  regulate  their  own  tariff  in  1845,  various  efforts  had 

been  made,  through  negotiations  and  proposed  recip- 

*  For  official  documents,  11.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  1,  33d  Cong.  1st  Sess.  pp. 
25-52  ;  H.  Ex.  Doc.  91  ;  and  S.  Ex.  Doc.  53,  same  session. 


338  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

rocal  legislation,  to  place  the  relations  of  the  neighbor- 
ing countries  on  a  better  and  freer  commercial  basis, 
but  nothing  came  of  them.  Finally,  in  1854,  Great 
Britain  empowered  Lord  Elgin,  then  governor-general 
of  Canada,  and  afterwards  famous  in  the  Orient,  to 
come  to  Washington  and  enter  upon  direct  negotiations 
with  the  Secretary  of  State.  He  was  accompanied 
by  the  Prime  Minister  of  Canada  and  a  full  staff  of 
experts  and  assistants,  and  was  cordially  welcomed  by 
our  government.  After  a  careful  study  of  the  subject 
a  treaty  was  agreed  upon  and  proclaimed,  providing  for 
the  free  exchange  of  a  list  of  articles,  mostly  natural 
products,  the  reciprocal  privilege  of  fishing  in  territo- 
rial waters,  and  the  use  of  the  rivers  and  canals  on 
equal  terms.  The  effect  of  the  treaty  was  to  largely 
increase  trade  between  the  two  countries. 

One  of  Lord  Elgin's  secretaries,  in  a  book  of  remi- 
niscences published  many  years  after  the  event,  gives 
quite  a  graphic  account  of  the  negotiations,  and  boast- 
fully claims  a  masterly  triumph  for  British  diplomacy.^ 
He  narrates  how  Mr.  Marcy  informed  Lord  Elgin,  on 
his  arrival,  that,  although  he  was  favorable  to  the  de- 
sired treaty,  there  was  no  chance  to  get  it  confirmed  by 
the  Senate,  because  his  own  party  senators  were  opposed 
to  it.  The  noble  lord  thereupon  undertook  to  convert 
the  democratic  senators  by  social  courtesies  and  cham- 
pagne. After  ten  days  of  dining  and  wining,  the 
British  diplomatist  informed  Secretary  Marcy  that  he 
could   assure  him  that  the   necessary  majority  in  the 

^  Episodes  in  a  Life  of  Adventure,  Lawrence  Oliphant,  p.  40  ;  Me- 
moirs of  Lawrence  Oliphant,  120,  130. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.       339 

Senate  was  now  secured,  whereupon  the  plenipotentia- 
ries set  to  work  to  prepare  the  treaty.  He  describes 
the  completion  of  the  final  draft  and  signing  of  the 
treaty  in  the  hours  after  midnight,  when  the  decrepit 
and  drowsy  secretary,  "  far  gone  in  years,"  was  "  being 
done  by  an  English  lord,"  and  modestly  records :  "  We 
were  tremendously  triumphant ;  we  have  signed  a  stun- 
ning treaty."  Upon  such  imaginary  facts,  unfortu- 
nately, the  record  of  history  is  too  often  made. 

At  the  end  of  its  term  in  1865  the  treaty  was  termi- 
nated in  accordance  with  a  resolution  of  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  but  that  action  was  influenced 
more  by  the  unfriendly  conduct  of  Canada  during  our 
Civil  War  than  by  the  results  of  the  reciprocity.  It 
was  defective,  but  there  was  a  strong  sentiment  in  Con- 
gress to  have  it  revised  and  continued,  and  it  is  most 
probable  that  this  would  have  been  done  but  for  the 
resentment  existing  in  the  North  because  of  Canadian 
sympathy  with  the  rebellion.^  Canada's  folly  cost  her 
a  most  advantageous  trade  relation  with  her  neighbor, 
which  might  have  continued  indefinitely.  Her  repeated 
efforts  to  regain  it  have  thus  far  proved  fruitless. 

An  apparently  trivial  instruction  issued  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  soon  after  he  entered  upon  his  duties  was 
the  subject  of  much  discussion  and  criticism,  and  its 
echoes  are  still  heard  at  this  day ;  for  a  time  it  even 
threatened  the  good  relations  of  our  ministers  at  more 
than  one  European  court.     Mr.  Marcy,  in  familiarizing 

1  For  debates  in  Congress,  Congressional  Globe,  38th  Cong.  1st  Sess. 
Pt.  3,  pp.  2333-38,  2452-5G,  2502-09  ;  2d  Sess.  pp.  35,  95-97,  204-206. 
For  Joint  Ilesolutiou  of  Congress,  13  Stat,  at  Large,  5CG. 


340         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

himself  with  the  service,  found  that  a  uniform  had 
been  prescribed  by  the  department  for  our  diplomatic 
representatives  on  state  occasions,  and  being-  a  man  of 
plain,  democratic  habits  and  j^rinciples,  he  sent  them  a 
circular  letter  recommending  them  to  appear  at  court 
"  in  the  simple  dress  of  an  American  citizen,"  though 
he  failed  to  inform  them  just  what  that  dress  was.  It 
was  received  by  the  ministers  at  European  courts  with 
dismay,  as  they  well  knew  what  was  before  them. 

The  experience  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  our  minister  at 
London,  will  illustrate  their  situation.  He  reports  to 
Secretary  Marcy  that  soon  after  the  circular  became 
public  through  the  comments  of  the  London  papers, 
he  made  the  acquaintance  of  Queen  Victoria's  master 
of  ceremonies,  who  manifested  much  opposition  to  the 
minister's  appearance  at  court  in  "  the  simple  dress  of 
an  American  citizen,"  and  said  that  of  course  he  could 
not  expect  to  be  invited  to  court  balls  and  dinners.^ 
Presently  he  received  an  invitation  from  the  master  of 
ceremonies  to  the  opening  of  Parliament,  but  as  the 
invitation  contained  a  printed  notice  "  that  no  one  can 
be  admitted  to  the  diplomatic  tribune  .  .  .  but  in  full 
uniform,"  Mr.  Buchanan  did  not  attend.  His  absence 
•was  the  subject  of  general  comment  in  the  London 
press,  and  caused  quite  a  sensation  in  society.^  The 
minister  finally  solved  the  momentous  problem  by  con- 
senting to  buckle  a  black-hilted  dress  sword  on  his 
usual  dress  suit,  and  thus  accoutred  he  was  graciously 
received  by  the  Queen  and  her  court.     He  wrote  :  "  I 

1  2  Curtis's  Life  of  Buchanan,  107. 

«  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  31,  36th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  p.  16. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL   WAR.        341 

confess  that  I  never  felt  more  proud  of  being  an  Amer- 
ican than  when  I  stood  in  that  brilliant  circle,  in  '  the 
simple  dress  of  an  American  citizen,'  "  and  he  adds  : 
"  Many  of  the  most  distinguished  members  of  Parlia- 
ment have  never  been  at  court  because  they  would  not 
wear  the  prescribed  costume."  ^  Mr.  Marcy  encoun- 
tered much  ridicule  on  account  of  his  circular,  but  the 
American  people  have  indorsed  it  by  enacting  a  similar 
provision  into  a  law  of  Congress  now  in  force." 

Pierce's  administration  is  noted  as  the  heyday  of  the 
filibuster.  "  Young  America  "  was  then  rampant  and 
the  spirit  of  slavery  extension  was  reaching  out  for  new 
territory  to  the  South.  The  strange  career  of  a  notori- 
ous character,  William  Walker,  a  native  of  Tennessee 
and  an  adventurer  in  California,  illustrates  the  spirit  of 
the  period.  His  first  experience  as  a  filibuster  was  an 
attempt  to  detach  Lower  California  from  Mexico,  but 
his  expedition  proved  a  failure.  He  a  second  time 
organized  a  band  of  adventurers  at  San  Francisco,  and, 
championing  the  cause  of  a  local  revolutionist,  he  made 
a  descent  upon  Nicaragua,  and  succeeded  in  gaining 
control  of  the  government  of  that  little  republic.  He 
issued  a  decree  legalizing  slavery,  and  sent  a  priest, 
Father  Vigil,  as  minister  to  Washington,  where  he  was 
received  by  President  Pierce.^  But  Walker's  success 
was  only  temporary,  as  the  outraged  people  of  Nicara- 
gua drove  him  from  the  capital,  and  he  and  his  Ameri- 
can followers  were  only  saved  by  the  interposition  of  a 

»  Jh.  19. 

2  U.  S.  Revised  Statutes,  sect.  1688. 

*  5  Richardson's  Messages,  373. 


342  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

United  States  naval  vessel,  which  carried  them  away 
from  the  country. 

Another  prominent  propagandist  o£  the  extension 
of  American  influence  over  territory  to  the  south  of 
us  was  Quitman,  a  general  of  the  Mexican  War,  late 
governor  of  Mississippi,  and  then  a  congressman-elect. 
He  was  planning  new  attempts  on  Cuba.  These  events 
brought  out  protests  from  Mexico,  Central  America, 
and  Spain,  and  proclamations  from  the  President,  fol- 
lowed by  half-hearted  efforts  at  the  enforcement  of 
the  neutrality  laws.  But  the  most  distinguished  and 
one  of  the  most  able  of  the  advocates  of  southern 
exj)ansion  was  Pierre  Soule,  a  fiery  Southerner,  who 
had  been  sent  as  minister  to  Spain,  with  instructions 
to  negotiate  for  the  purchase  of  Cuba. 

Soule  had  a  romantic  history.  A  native  of  France, 
he  had,  as  a  plotter  against  the  established  government 
while  a  young  man,  been  held  as  a  prisoner  of  state. 
Escaping  to  America,  his  talents  soon  gave  him  a  pro- 
minent place  in  the  politics  of  Louisiana.  Having  in- 
curred the  deep-seated  hostility  of  Louis  Napoleon,  on  his 
way  to  his  post  at  Madrid,  he  was  not  permitted  to  tarry 
in  France,  but  was  required  to  pass  through  its  terri- 
tory under  surveillance.  In  the  Spanish  court  he  had 
to  contend  against  the  French  influence,  headed  by  the 
mother  of  the  Empress  Eugenie,  the  French  ambassador, 
the  Spanish  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  with  whom 
when  minister  in  Washington  Soule  had  quarreled,  and 
other  high  officials.  Soon  after  his  arrival,  owing  to  a 
supposed  affront  offered  to  Mrs.  Soule,  two  duels  were 
fought,  one  between  Soule^s  son  and  the  Duke  of  Alva, 


FROM   THE   MEXICAN   TO   THE   CIVIL   WAR.        343 

brotlier-in-law  of  Louis  Napoleon,  and  the  other  be- 
tween Minister  Soule  himself  and  the  French  ambassa- 
dor, in  which  the  latter  was  severely  wounded  and 
lamed  for  life. 

It  may  well  be  inferred  that  under  such  circum- 
stances little  progress  had  been  made  towards  the  pur- 
chase of  Cuba.  But  following  soon  upon  the  duels 
came  the  news  of  the  seizure  in  Havana  of  an  Ameri- 
can merchant  vessel,  the  Black  Warrior,  charged 
with  violations  of  the  customs  laws  or  port  regulations. 
Owing  to  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  the  Cuban  authori- 
ties, the  master  of  the  vessel  felt  compelled  to  abandon 
her  to  the  latter.  When  the  news  reached  Washington 
it  caused  considerable  excitement,  but  it  was  mainly 
confined  to  the  slavery  element,  as  the  North  w\as  too 
deeply  engrossed  with  the  Kansas-Nebraska  question  to 
manifest  much  indijjnation  over  an  event  calculated  to 
enhance  the  prospect  of  the  annexation  of  Cuba.  The 
President  sent  a  message  to  Congress,  communicating 
the  event  and  stating  that  a  demand  for  indemnity  had 
been  made  upon  Spain.^  The  instruction  sent  to  Min- 
ister Soule  was  to  demand  an  indemnity  of  $300,000 ; 
the  President's  hope  was  expressed  that  the  Spanish 
government  would  visit  with  its  displeasure  the  Cuban 
officials,  and  that  "  as  early  a  reply  as  practicable " 
should  be  obtained. 

Soule  felt  that  his  opportunity  had  arrived.  In  the 
first  instance  he  called  upon  the  Spanish  minister,  re- 
hearsed the  facts  in  the  case,  and  left  with  him  a  note  in 
which  he  closely  followed  his  instructions."    Three  days 

1  H.  Ex.  Doc.  7G,  33d  Cong.  1st  Sess. 

2  H.  Ex.  Doc.  93,  33d  Cong.  '2d  Soss.  p.  69. 


344  A  CENTURY  OF  AZVIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

having  passed  without  an  answer,  he  sent  a  second  note, 
in  which  he  intensified  and  exceeded  his  instructions ; 
to  the  demand  for  indemnity  he  added  the  requirement 
that  all  persons  concerned  in  the  wrong  should  be 
dismissed  from  the  service,  and  that  these  demands 
should  be  complied  with  in  forty-eight  hours.^  The 
secretary  of  legation,  in  delivering  the  note  to  the 
Spanish  minister  of  state,  pointed  to  the  clock,  then 
exactly  at  twelve,  and  indicated  that  in  precisely  two 
days  the  answer  would  be  due.  These  notes  reached 
the  foreign  office  during  holy  week,  when  it  is  not 
usual  to  dispatch  business,  but  the  day  after  the  second 
note  was  received,  April  12,  1854,  a  reply  was  sent 
by  the  minister  couched  in  the  best  style  of  the  proud 
Castilian.  Careful  attention,  it  said,  would  be  given 
to  the  affair  when  full  information  was  received ;  it  was 
unreasonable  to  expect  that  so  grave  a  case  should  be 
determined  upon  the  hearing  of  one  side  only  ;  and  it 
was  added  that  the  Spanish  government  was  "  not 
accustomed  to  the  harsh  and  imperious  manner  with 
which  this  matter  has  been  expressed ;  which,  further- 
more, is  not  the  most  adequate  for  attaining  the  amica- 
ble settlement  which  is  wished  for."" 

Soule  could  do  nothing  but  forward  this  reply  to  his 
government,  though  he  fully  anticipated  it  would  bring 
instructions  to  break  off  diplomatic  relations.  When 
this  correspondence  reached  "Washington  the  excite- 
ment had  completely  died  out ;  the  Black  Warrior  had 
been  released,  with  great  marks  of  consideration  on 
the  part  of  the  Cuban   authorities ;    and  the  warHke 

1  H.  Ex.  Doc.  93,  33d  Cong.  2d  Sess.  p.  70.  «  ib.  73. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL   WAR.       345 

instructions  ^vhicli  Soule  expected  were  never  sent. 
lu  the  heated  state  of  the  country  over  the  slavery 
question  in  Kansas,  such  a  case  could  not  be  exagger- 
ated into  a  cause  of  war ;  and  Marcy,  the  experienced 
politician  and  cool-headed  Secretary  of  State,  left  his 
excitable  minister  to  fret  at  Madrid  over  his  silence.^ 

But  another  opportunity  soon  opened  to  Soule  to 
exploit  his  expansion  schemes.  While  Marcy  was  not 
ready  to  plunge  the  country  into  war  because  of  the 
provocation  just  narrated,  he  was  quite  anxious  to 
bring  about  the  annexation  of  Cuba,  and  he  cherished 
the  delusion  that  it  could  be  accomplished  by  pur- 
chase. Accordingly  he  instructed  Soule  to  join  Mason, 
our  minister  in  Paris,  and  Buchanan,  minister  in  Lon- 
don, in  a  conference  with  a  view  to  concerting  some 
plan  for  the  acquisition  of  Cuba,  in  a  way  that  would 
overcome  the  opposition  of  France  and  England,  and 
would  satisfy  both  the  honor  and  cupidity  of  Spain. 
The  three  envoys  met  in  October,  first  at  Ostend  and 
afterwards  adjourned  to  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  the  result 
of  their  conference  was  the  issuance  of  a  remarkable 
document,  mainly  the  work  of  Soule,  known  as  "  The 
Ostend  Manifesto.'  It  set  forth  the  reasons  which 
impelled  the  United  States  to  desire  the  acquisition  of 
the  island,  why  Spain  should  yield  to  this  desire,  and 
why  the  transfer  would  redound  to  the  benefit  of  the 
European  governments  and  commerce.  The  price,  it 
stated,  should  not  exceed  a  certain  maximum  sum, 
which  was  not  inserted,  but  it  is  understood  was  fixed 
at  $120,000,000 ;  and  it  was  intimated  that  if  Spain 
1  lb.  105, 107. 


346  A  CENTURY  OF  AJMERICAN  DIPLOilACY. 

should  refuse  this  liberal  offer,  the  United  States  would 
be  justified  "  by  every  law,  human  and  divine,"  in  tak- 
ing the  island  by  force.^ 

Soule  was  highly  elated  at  his  success  in  bringing  his 
colleagues.  Mason  and  Buchanan,  to  his  views,  but  he 
was  destined  a  second  time  to  have  his  hopes  dashed 
by  his  chief.  When  the  "  manifesto  "  reached  Marcy's 
hands  he  at  once  saw  the  fatal  error  into  which  the  en- 
voys had  fallen,  and  in  an  instruction  to  Soule  plainly 
indicated  his  dissent  from  the  course  indicated.  He 
affected  to  believe  that  the  envoys  did  not  "  recommend 
to  the  President  to  offer  to  Spain  the  alternative  of  ces- 
sion or  seizure,"  then  proceeded  to  argue  against  such 
a  proceeding,  and  notified  Soule  that  if  the  Spanish 
government  was  not  willing  to  entertain  a  proposition 
for  a  peaceful  purchase,  the  negotiations  should  not  be 
further  pressed."  Upon  receipt  of  this  dispatch  Soule 
felt  that  he  could  no  longer  serve  under  a  secretary  of 
state  who  so  constantly  frustrated  his  plans,  and  he 
indignantly  tendered  his  resignation. 

The  sentiment  in  the  United  States  was  generally 
averse  to  the  "  manifesto."  Even  the  Southern  expan- 
sionists felt  that  the  envoys  had  overreached  them- 
selves. In  the  North  the  anti-slavery  press  was  not 
stinted  in  its  condemnation.  It  was  styled  "  atrocious 
in  its  recommendations  ;  "  the  "  manifesto  of  the  brig- 
ands ; "  and  that  it  meant :  ^'  If  Spain  will  not  sell 
Cuba,  we  must  steal  it."  In  Europe  our  reputation  for 
statecraft  was  greatly  tarnished  by  Soule's  conduct  and 
this  document.     The  London  Times,  in  discussing  the 

1  H.  Ex.  Doc.  93,  33d  Cong.  2cl  Sess.  p.  127.  ^  ib.  134. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.       347 

subject,  echoed  the  prevaihng  judgment  when  it  said  : 
"  The  diplomacy  of  the  United  States  is  certainly  a  very 
singular  profession."  ^ 

The  Crimean  War  brought  us  into  diplomatic  con- 
flict with  Great  Britain,  because  of  the  attempt  of  the 
minister  and  consuls  of  that  country  to  carry  on  enlist- 
ment for  the  British  army  at  various  places  in  the 
United  States  in  disregard  of  the  laws,  and  their  con- 
duct led  to  the  dismissal  of  the  minister  and  the  consuls 
at  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Cincinnati.  Crampton, 
the  British  minister,  had  long  resided  in  the  United 
States,  was  popular  in  society,  and  greatly  liked  by 
members  of  the  Cabinet.^  His  offense  was  that,  in 
conjunction  with  the  consuls  at  the  places  named,  he 
had  conducted  an  extensive  system  of  recruiting  for 
military  service,  in  plain  violation  of  the  neutrality  laws 
of  the  United  States.  An  opportunity  was  afforded 
the  British  government  to  transfer  him  to  another  post, 
but  this  it  declined  to  do,  and  no  alternative  was  left 
the  Secretary  of  State  but  to  send  him  his  passport 
and  require  him  to  leave  the  country.^  The  incident 
occasioned  much  excitement  in  England,  and  its  press 
demanded  the  dismissal  of  the  American  minister  at 
London,  but  the  offense  was  too  clearly  established  to 
justify  retaliation. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  Crimean  War  the  confer- 
ence of  European  powers,  which  joined  in  the  peace, 
also  united  in  a  series  of  declarations  at  Paris  in  1856, 

1  2  Rhodes'3  U.  S.  43. 

^  1  Life  of  Jefferson  Davis,  by  his  wife,  5G9. 

•  For  official  docuraents,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  107,  34th  Cong.  1st  Sess. 


348  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

which  they  designed,  by  the  adhesion  of  other  nations, 
to  have  incorporated  into  the  recognized  code  of  inter- 
national law.  These  rules  were,  briefly  stated,  (1)  the 
abolition  of  privateering ;  (2)  the  exemption  from 
seizure  of  an  enemy's  goods  under  a  neutral  flag; 
(3)  a  like  exemption  of  neutral  goods  under  an  enemy's 
flag;  and  (4)  that  a  blockade,  in  order  to  be  valid, 
must  be  effective. 

All  these  but  the  first  had  been  long  advocated  by 
the  United  States.  The  first  was  plainly  in  the  interest 
of  nations  having  a  strong  navy,  but  Mr.  Marcy  agreed 
to  accept  it  with  an  amendment  of  the  rules  exempting 
the  private  property  of  individuals,  except  contraband, 
from  seizure  on  the  high  sea  by  naval  vessels  in  time 
of  war.  The  amendment  was  not  accepted  by  Great 
Britain,  and  our  government  declined  to  give  its  ad- 
hesion to  the  declarations.^  Subsequently  when  the 
Civil  War  began  and  our  commerce  was  threatened 
by  rebel  cruisers,  our  government  proposed  to  give  its 
unconditional  adhesion  to  them,"  but  Great  Britain 
and  France  declined,  except  on  condition  that  the  rules 
should  not  be  applied  during  the  war  of  the  Rebellion.^ 
Verily  in  diplomacy,  as  in  the  ordinary  affairs  of  men, 
"  circumstances  alter  cases." 

During  the  recent  war  with  Spain  our  government 
made  a  public  announcement  of  its  intention  to  ob- 
serve the  rules  of  Paris  in  the  existing  war,*  and  they 

^  For  official  correspondence,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  1,  34th  Cong.  3d  Sess. 
pp.  31-44. 

2  3  Wharton's  Int.  Dig.  273.  «  lb.  233. 

*  President's  Proclamation,  April  26,  1898. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.       349 

■were  likewise  observed  by  Spain.  These  rules  may  now 
be  regarded  as  accepted  by  all  the  maritime  nations, 
and  we  may  look  forward  with  reason  to  the  adoption 
of  the  addition  proposed  by  Secretary  Marcy,  which,  it 
will  be  remembered,  when  more  than  a  century  ago  it 
was  advocated  by  Dr.  Franklin,  was  derisively  termed 
the  "  Philosopher's  Dream."  ^  It  has  again  received 
executive  approval  in  the  annual  message  of  President 
McKinley  of  1898,  in  which  he  asks  the  indorsement 
of  Conjjress  and  such  le^fislation  as  will  enable  him  to 
convoke  a  conference  of  the  nations  with  a  view  to  its 
universal  acceptance. 

The  last  presidential  term  before  the  Civil  War  was 
filled  by  James  Buchanan,  a  man  well  equipped  for 
dealing  with  international  and  diplomatic  matters,  but 
the  absorbing  character  of  the  domestic  questions  which 
brought  on  that  conflict  greatly  influenced  his  conduct 
even  in  foreign  affairs,  and  barred  the  way  to  the  real- 
ization of  most  of  his  exterior  plans. 

He  chose  as  Secretary  of  State,  Lewis  Cass,  of 
Michigan,  who  had  served  as  minister  to  France,  had 
been  for  many  years  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  Senate, 
and  eight  years  before  had  been  the  unsuccessful 
Democratic  candidate  for  President.  Althouofh  a  man 
prominent  in  his  party,  his  selection  was  mainly  dictated 
by  friendship,  as  he  was  seventy-five  years  of  age  and 
naturally  of  a  somewhat  indolent  temperament.  Presi- 
dent Buchanan  records  that  he  had  virtually  to  be  his 
own  Secretary  of  State." 

Two   matters  which    had   received    much   attention 

1  See  supra,  chap,  iii,  p.  93.  ^  2  Curtis's  Buchanan,  399. 


350  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

from  the  preceding  administration  continued  prominent 
in  this,  viz.,  Cuba  and  the  Nicaragua  fihbustering. 
The  co-author  of  the  "  Ostend  Manifesto  "  could  hardly 
be  expected  as  president  to  omit  any  opportunity  to 
brinof  about  the  annexation  of  the  "  Pearl  of  the 
Antilles,"  and  his  minister  to  Spain  was  instructed  to 
advance  the  project  as  far  as  possible.  In  his  annual 
message  of  December,  1858,  he  urged  upon  Congress 
the  importance  of  the  acquisition,  and  asked  that,  fol- 
lovring  the  precedent  in  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  and 
the  Mexican  additions,  an  appropriation  be  made  to  be 
used  in  the  negotiations ;  ^  whereupon  a  bill  was  intro- 
duced in  the  Senate  placing  at  the  disposal  of  the 
President  $30,000,000.  This  brought  on  a  lengthy 
debate,  in  which  the  slavery  and  anti-slavery  elements 
were  arrayed  against  each  other,  and,  while  there  was 
apparent  a  decided  majority  for  the  measure,  the  oppo- 
sition was  so  strenuous  it  was  not  possible  to  secure 
action  before  the  adjournment.  The  next  elections 
gave  the  anti-slavery  party  a  majority  in  the  House, 
and  made  legislation  on  that  subject  impossible  ;  but 
the  appropriation  would  have  been  futile,  as  Spain 
refused  even  to  receive  a  proposition  for  purchase  at 
any  price. 

Walker,  the  filibuster,  we  have  seen,  had  been  once 
driven  out  of  Nicaragua,  but,  not  daunted  by  this  dis- 
comfiture, he  renewed  his  project  from  New  Orleans. 
The  state  of  affairs  seemed  to  favor  success.  The  de- 
velopment of  our  Pacific  coast  possessions  made  the 
isthmus  transit    of   the  greatest  importance,   and  the 

1  5  Richardson's  Messages,  510,  642. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE   CIVIL   WAR.       351 

Americanization,  as  it  was  termed,  of  Central  America 
was  a  favorite  phrase  with  the  President  and  his  party. 
This  high  oflieial  even  went  so  far  as  to  write  a  letter 
to  a  Walker  meeting  in  New  York,  commending  his 
"  heroic  efforts  "  in  behalf  of  Nicarajjua.  But  when 
the  latter's  plans  developed  into  a  plain  violation  of  the 
neutrality  laws,  it  became  necessary  to  instruct  the 
federal  officials  to  prevent  the  departure  of  his  expe- 
dition. The  sympathies  of  the  officials  and  populace 
were,  however,  largely  with  Walker,  and  he  was  en- 
abled to  get  away  with  his  band  of  adventurers  and 
land  at  Greytown  in  Nicaragua.  But  his  conduct  there 
was  of  such  a  flagrant  character  that  the  American  naval 
officer  of  that  station  felt  compelled  to  land  a  force, 
which  arrested  Walker,  and  brought  him  a  prisoner  to 
New  Orleans.  The  affair  was  made  the  subject  of  a 
special  message  by  President  Buchanan,^  who  charac- 
terized the  conduct  of  the  naval  officer  as  "  a  creat 
error ;  "  and  it  was  severely  criticised  by  the  Southern 
expansionists.  For  a  fourth  time  Walker  was  permitted 
to  organize  an  expedition  and  sail  for  Central  America. 
He  landed  on  the  coast  of  Honduras,  where  he  and  his 
force  were  captured,  his  followers  sent  back  to  the 
United  States,  and  Walker's  career  was  ended  by  his 
military  execution. 

The  isthmus  question  was  made  more  prominent  by 
the  ne2:lect  of  the  British  g-overnment  to  observe  the 
stipulations  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  as  interpreted 
by  the  United  States,  in  the  continuance  of  its  pro- 
tectorate over  the  Mosquito   Indians   on   the    eastern 

^  S.  Ex.  Doc.  13,  35th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  63,  same  Sess. 


352  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

coast  of  Nicarao-ua.  Mr.  Buchanan  had  soug-ht  an  ad- 
justment  of  this  matter  when  minister  in  London,  and 
as  president  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  bringing  it  to  a 
conclusion  by  the  rehnquishment  of  the  British  claim.^ 

A  further  advance  in  the  removal  of  outstanding 
differences  with  Great  Britain  was  made  in  the  final 
surrender  of  all  claim  of  rig^ht  of  search  of  American 
vessels.  For  many  years  that  government  ha(i  ab- 
stained from  any  claim  of  impressment  of  seamen  from 
American  vessels,  the  main  cause  of  the  War  of  1812, 
and  its  contention  at  this  time  was  limited  to  a  visita- 
tion of  vessels  simply  to  ascertain  whether  they  were 
engaged  in  the  slave  trade,  which  was  unlawful  under 
both  domestic  law  and  treaty.  In  18-42,  when  Mr. 
Cass  was  minister  in  France,  he  had  protested  vigor- 
ously against  the  Webster-Ashburton  treaty  because 
it  did  not  provide  against  that  j)ractice,^  and  now  as 
secretary  of  state  he  brought  the  whole  power  of  the 
government  into  play  to  prevent  it,  and  secured  from 
Great  Britain  a  formal  surrender  of  any  such  claim. 

It  was  heralded  by  the  administration  as  a  great 
diplomatic  triumph,  and  it  was  a  consistent  result  of 
our  attitude  from  the  organization  of  the  government 
on  the  immunity  of  the  vessel  carrying  the  American 
flag ;  but  our  triumph  would  have  been  a  more  gratify- 
ing one  if  the  cause  which  brought  it  about  had  been 
more  worthy.  Owing  to  the  largely  increased  demand 
for  slave  labor  in  the  Southern  States  and  Cuba,  a 
fresh  incentive  had  been  given  to  the  universally  pro- 

1  5  Richardson's  Messages,  442,  639. 
^  See  supra,  chap.  viii.  p.  288. 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.        353 

scribed  traffic  in  African  slaves,  and  the  British  gov- 
ernment had  increased  its  naval  patrol  in  the  waters 
about  Cuba  with  a  view  to  stopping  the  growing  traffic. 
About  this  time  a  cargo  of  African  negroes  had  been 
openly  landed  in  Savannah,  and  every  effort  to  enforce 
the  laws  against  the  master  of  the  vessel  had  failed, 
owing  to  the  sympathy  of  the  people  of  Georgia.  The 
British  naval  vessels  claimed  the  right  to  visit  sus- 
pected slavers  to  determine  their  character,  and  did 
exercise  it  against  several  American  vessels  in  these 
waters,  and  this  brought  out  the  protest  of  Secretary 
Cass  and  his  diplomatic  triumph.^ 

The  present  century  inherited  from  the  Middle  Ages 
a  diplomatic  controversy  almost  as  strange  as  that 
settled  by  Decatur's  guns  with  the  Barbary  pirates  of 
the  Mediterranean,^  which,  greatly  owing  to  the  stout 
resistance  of  the  United  States,  came  to  an  end  in  Buch- 
anan's term.  When  this  country  assumed  its  place 
among  the  nations,  it  found  the  kingdom  of  Denmark 
examining  all  vessels  and  collecting  dues  from  them 
and  their  cargoes  passing  to  and  from  the  Baltic  Sea 
through  the  sounds  or  oreat  belts  connectinof  that  sea 
with  the  ocean,  and  this  practice  had  been  acquiesced 
in  by  all  the  maritime  nations  for  centuries.  In  the 
time  of  Secretary  Clay  as  many  as  one  hundred  Ameri- 
can vessels,  engaged  in  the  Baltic  trade,  were  paying 
this  tribute,  but  all  that  he  and  the  succeeding  secre- 

1  5  Richardson's  Messages,  507,  640  ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  59,  35th  Cong.  Ist 
Sess. ;  H.  Ex.  Doc.  2,  35th  Cong.  2d  Sess. ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  2,  36th  Cong.  Ist 
Sess.  pp.  51-90. 

"^  See  supra,  chap.  vi.  p.  205. 


354  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

taries  could  accomplish  was  a  reduction  of  the  dues. 
In  1843,  Secretary  Upshur,  in  a  communication  to  the 
President,  said  :  "  Denmark  continues  to  this  day,  with- 
out any  legal  title,  to  levy  exceedingly  strange  duties 
on  all  goods  passing  the  sound.  Denmark  cannot  lay 
claim  to  these  duties  upon  any  principle  either  of  na- 
ture or  the  law  of  nations,  nor  for  any  other  reason 
than  that  of  antiquated  custom.  .  .  .  For  the  United 
States  the  time  has  come  when  they  can  appropriately 
take  decisive  steps  to  free  their  Baltic  trade  from  this 
pressure." 

But  a  change  of  secretaries,  and  the  interest  and 
excitement  incident  to  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the 
war  with  Mexico,  postponed  any  decisive  action.  Dur- 
ing the  presidency  of  Pierce  notice  was  given  of  the 
termination  of  the  treaty  which  regulated  these  dues, 
and  its  action  was  seconded  hy  that  of  various  Euro- 
pean governments,  by  whom  a  conference  was  called 
on  the  subject.  The  United  States  declined  to  take 
part  in  the  conference,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  un- 
willing to  recognize  any  right  belonging  to  Denmark 
to  collect  this  tribute,  and  the  only  payment  we  could 
make  was  by  way  of  compensation  for  any  expendi- 
tures made  by  Denmark  for  the  improvement  and 
safety  of  commerce.  The  conference  agreed  upon  the 
capitalization  of  the  dues  in  one  aggregate  payment, 
which  was  carried  out  pro  rata  by  the  European  nations. 
The  share  proportioned  to  the  United  States  was  fixed 
at  $1,050,000,  which  our  government  refused  to  pay, 
but  it  finally  consented,  in  1857,  to  the  payment  of 
$393,000,  in  consideration  of   an  agreement  on  the 


FROM  THE  MEXICAN  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR.        355 

part  of  Denmark  to  maintain  li<^hts,  buoys,  and  pilot- 
age in  the  sounds.^  And  thus,  in  great  measure 
through  the  persistency  of  the  United  States,  another 
medieval  burden  upon  commerce  was  forever  removed. 
During  this  period  the  affairs  of  Mexico  had  fallen 
into  a  wretched  condition  of  disorder.  The  Liberal 
party  was  struggling  against  the  Clericals  to  secure  a 
government  free  from  ecclesiastical  domination,  and 
the  country  was  distracted  throughout  its  extent  by 
fratricidal  war.  As  a  result  foreigners  of  all  national- 
ities suffered  in  person  and  property,  and  international 
claims  were  accumulatinof  on  that  account.  President 
Buchanan  sent  an  able  representative  in  the  person 
of  Robert  M.  McLane  to  investigate  the  contest,  with 
authority  in  his  discretion  to  recognize  the  Liberal  gov- 
ernment, at  the  head  of  which  was  Juarez.  The  latter 
had  been  expelled  from  the  capital,  and  was  found  by 
Mr.  McLane  at  Vera  Cruz,  where  he  established  diplo- 
matic relations  with  him,  and  soon  negotiated  a  treaty 
and  convention  securing  transit  privileges  across  the 
isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  and  an  advantageous  trade 
arrangement,  in  return  for  which  the  United  States 
was  to  pay  the  Liberal  government  $4,000,000,  with 
half  of  which  American  claims  were  to  be  satisfied,  the 
other  half  to  be  used  for  the  restoration  of  the  Liberal 
government  to  power.  It  was  virtually  an  alliance 
with  one  of  the  parties  contending  for  supremacy  in 
Mexico.  While  these  negotiations  were  in  progress,  the 
President  sent  a  message  to  Congress,  calling  attention  to 

^  For  official  correspondence,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  108,  33d  Cong.  1st  Sess.  ; 
S.  Ex.  Doc.  28,  35th  Cong.  1st  Sess. 


356  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

the  condition  of  the  country,  which  he  described  as  "  a 
wreck  upon  the  ocean,  drifting  about  as  she  is  impelled 
by  different  factions,"  and  he  asked  for  authority  to 
employ  a  military  force  to  enter  Mexico  for  the  purpose 
of  enforcing  our  claims  and  respect  for  our  government.^ 
In  making  this  recommendation,  he  said  if  such  action 
was  not  taken  "  it  would  not  be  surprising  should  some 
other  nation  undertake  the  task,  and  thus  force  us  to 
interfere  at  last,  under  circumstances  of  increased  diffi- 
culty, for  the  maintenance  of  our  established  policy." 

But  Mr.  Buchanan's  spirit  of  territorial  acquisition 
was  too  well  known  to  secure  either  for  the  treaties 
or  his  message  any  favorable  action.  The  presidential 
contest  of  1860  was  then  on,  the  great  Civil  War  was 
impending,  and  Juarez  and  his  republican  adherents  in 
Mexico  had  to  content  themselves  with  our  moral  sup- 
port till  the  deadly  struggle  against  slavery  was  termi- 
nated, and  we  were  once  more  free  to  vindicate  the 
Monroe  Doctrine. 

^  5  Richardson's  Messages,  538,  563,  644. 


CHAPTER  X 

DURING    THE    CIVIL    WAR 

At  no  time  since  the  foundation  of  the  government 
have  our  diplomatic  relations  been  of  such  an  intense 
and  critical  nature  as  during  the  Civil  War.  President 
Lincoln  was  fortunate  in  his  selection  of  a  Secretary  of 
State  in  the  person  of  William  H.  Seward,  although  his 
choice  had  been  controlled  mainly  by  considerations  of 
domestic  politics,  the  secretary  having  been  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's chief  competitor  before  the  nominating  conven- 
tion. Probably  no  man  in  the  country  was  better  fitted 
for  the  arduous  and  trying  duties  of  his  important  post. 
Besides  an  honorable  standing  in  his  profession  of  the 
law,  he  had  filled  the  place  of  governor  of  his  State  (New 
York),  and  senator,  had  taken  an  active  part  in  build- 
ing up  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  which  brought  his 
party  into  power  and  occasioned  the  war  ;  and,  although 
never  in  the  diplomatic  service,  he  had  traveled  abroad 
and  served  on  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Rela- 
tions. His  whole  soul  was  absorbed  in  the  terrible  con- 
test upon  which  his  party  and  the  country  had  entered, 
and  his  hopeful  temperament  stood  him  in  good  stead 
in  the  dark  days  of  the  struggle  when  the  sympathy 
of  the  nations  of  the  world  appeared  to  be  turned 
against  us. 

The  contest  between  the  States  of  the  North  and  the 


358  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

South  seemed  at  times  evenly  balanced  and  the  outcome 
doubtful,  but  the  result  was  never  in  reality  uncertain 
if  it  should  continue  a  domestic  combat.  The  great 
danger  for  the  Union  was  in  the  unfriendly  conduct 
of  European  nations  and  esjDecially  of  Great  Britain, 
and  our  diplomacy  was  steadily  taxed  to  the  utmost  to 
prevent  intervention.  From  the  beginning  the  sympa- 
thy of  the  government  and  the  ruling  and  upper  classes 
of  England  was  plainly  on  the  side  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy.  It  seemed  an  inconsistent  position  for 
the  nation  which  had  led  the  van  in  the  anti-slavery 
movement,  but  there  were  other  and  more  powerful 
motives  which  influenced  its  conduct.  From  the  date 
of  our  independence  it  had  grudgingly  yielded  our  just 
claims.  The  marvelous  development  of  the  American 
republic  had  been  regarded  with  ill-disguised  disfavor 
by  the  aristocracy.  The  American  spirit  was  held  to 
be  presumptuous  and  boastful  in  an  offensive  degree. 
The  policy  of  free  trade  upon  which  Great  Britain  had 
entered,  it  was  thought,  would  be  best  subserved  by  the 
triumph  of  the  Confederacy ;  and  the  breaking  up  of 
the  great  democracy  was  a  welcome  anticipation. 

There  existed  a  widespread  conviction  in  Europe 
that  a  disruption  of  the  United  States  was  inevitable. 
This  conviction  was  not  unnatural  in  view  of  the  senti- 
ments expressed  by  the  President  then  in  office  and  by 
many  of  the  public  men  in  all  sections  of  our  country. 
President  Buchanan,  in  his  annual  message  of  Decem- 
ber 4,  1860,^  had  announced  in  evasive  language  that 
he  was  resolved  to  execute  the  laws  and  defend  and 

^  5  Richardson's  Messages,  626. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  359 

protect  the  property  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
while  the  riirht  of  secession  did  not  exist,  there  was  no 
power  in  the  federal  government  to  coerce  a  State.  It 
was  a  confession  hefore  the  world  of  the  impotence  of 
the  general  government  in  the  presence  of  the  greatest 
danirer  that  had  ever  threatened  the  existence  of  the 
Union.  As  epitomized  by  Mr.  Seward,  then  a  senator, 
the  message  "  shows  conclusively  that  it  is  the  duty  of 
the  President  to  execute  the  laws  —  unless  somebody 
opposes  him  ;  and  that  no  State  has  a  right  to  go  out 
of  the  Union — unless  it  wants  to."  ^  This  message 
was  the  only  official  utterance  to  guide  the  conduct 
of  the  American  diplomatic  representatives  in  Europe 
through  the  dreary  winter  of  18G0-G1,  and  during 
that  period  a  number  of  these  representatives  were 
busy  in  behalf  of  the  rapidly  forming  Southern  Con- 
federacy, and  at  least  one  of  them  was  using  his  official 
influence  to  procure  arms  for  that  cause.'^ 

It  was  only  four  days  before  the  inauguration  of 
President  Lincoln  that  the  new  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Black,^  issued  a  circular  dispatch  to  our  representatives 
abroad  instructing  them  to  exert  their  influence  to  pre- 
vent any  recognition  of  the  seceded  States.'*  This  was 
followed  within  ten  days  by  another  circular  dispatch 
from  Secretary  Sew^ard,  announcing  the  advent  of  the 
new  administration,  inclosing  a  copy  of  President  Lin- 
coln's inaugural  address,  and  instructing  our  represent- 

1  2  Life  of  Seward,  by  F.  W.  Seward,  480. 

2  1  Moore's  Rebellion  Record  ;  N.  Y.  Times,  Aug.  13,  1861. 

8  Jeremiah  S.  Black  succeeded  Lewis  Cass  as  Secretary  of  State,  Dec. 
17,  1860. 
*  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  1861,  p.  31. 


360  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

atives  in  Europe  "  to  exercise  the  greatest  possible  dili- 
gence and  fidelity  to  counteract  and  prevent  the  designs 
of  those  who  would  invoke  foreign  intervention  to  em- 
barrass or  overthrow  the  republic."  ^  As  rapidly  as 
possible  the  missions  in  Europe  were  filled  with  new 
representatives  who  possessed  the  confidence  of  the 
administration  and  were  inspired  by  loyalty  to  the  gov- 
ernment ;  but  an  irreparable  injury  had  already  been 
done  the  cause  of  the  Union  by  its  unfaithful  or  indif- 
ferent ministers. 

Mr.  George  M.  Dallas,  the  Buchanan  minister  in 
London  (whose  "  loyalty  and  fidelity,  too  rare  in  these 
times,"  was  commended  by  Mr.  Seward),  as  soon  as  the 
latter's  circular  was  received,  sought  an  interview  with 
Lord  John  Russell,  the  British  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  to  lay  its  contents  before  him  and  learn  the 
views  and  intentions  of  the  British  government.  In 
this  interview  he  received  encouraging  assurances  from 
Lord  John  Russell,  but  at  their  next  conference  the 
minister  was  informed  by  his  lordship  that  the  com- 
missioners from  the  Southern  Confederacy  had  arrived 
in  London,  and  that  it  was  his  intention  to  receive 
them  unofficially.^ 

The  dispatch  of  Mr.  Dallas  conveying  this  intel- 
ligence awakened  in  Secretary  Seward  a  feeling  of 
intense  indignation,  and  in  this  state  of  mind  he  wrote 
an  instruction  to  the  newly  appointed  minister  to  Great 
Britain,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  which  has  become  cele- 
brated both  for  its  extraordinary  tone  and  for  the  trans- 
formation it  underwent  at  the  hands  of  the  President. 
»  Diplomatic  Correspondence  1861,  p.  32.  *  lb.  81,  83. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  361 

It  was  intemperate  and  menacing  in  the  extreme,  tbreat- 
eninsT  Great  Britain  with  war  if  she  should  recofrnize 
the  Confederacy ;  instructing  Mr.  Adams  to  break  off 
diplomatic  relations  if  even  unofficial  intercourse  was 
established  with  the  rebel  commissioners ;  and  intimat- 
inof  that  the  United  States  would  not  hesitate  to  enter 
into  hostilities  with  one,  two,  or  even  more  of  the  Eu- 
ropean nations  to  maintain  its  dignity  and  integrity. 

As  was  his  custom,  Mr.  Seward  read  the  draft  of  the 
dispatch  to  President  Lincoln  before  preparing  it  for 
transmission.  Lincoln  at  once  detected  its  extraordi- 
nary and  dangerous  character,  and  quietly  asked  his 
secretary  to  leave  it  with  him  for  examination.  When 
it  was  returned  to  the  State  Department,  it  had  under- 
gone an  important  transformation.  The  President  had 
struck  out  a  number  of  the  most  irritating  and  offen- 
sive sentences  and  phrases;  with  his  own  pen  he  had 
softened  and  modified  others,  and  had  changed  its  en- 
tire character.  As  originally  written,  Mr.  Adams  was 
directed  to  read  it  to  the  British  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  and  leave  with  him  a  copy.  Under  Lincoln's 
modification  it  became  only  an  expression  of  the  views 
of  the  ofovernment  for  the  confidential  guidance  of  the 
American  minister.  The  original  draft,  with  the  Presi- 
dent's changes  and  annotations,  is  reproduced  in  the 
life  of  Lincoln,  by  his  private  secretaries,  and  furnishes 
a  most  interesting  study .^  In  its  final  official  form  it 
appears  in  the  Diplomatic  Correspondence  as  No.  10, 
May  21,  1861.- 

The  delivery  of  the  dispatch  in  its  original  text  at 

1  4  Nicolay  and  Hay's  Lincoln,  270.  a  Dip.  Cor.  18G1,  p.  87. 


362  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

the  British  Foreign  Office  would  undoubtedly  have 
occasioned  a  suspension  of  diplomatic  intercourse,  and 
in  all  probability  would  have  led  to  hostilities  by  Great 
Britain  and  France  jointly  against  the  United  States. 
For  such  a  suicidal  policy  some  other  explanation  is 
required  than  that  which  upon  its  face  occasioned  the 
dispatch,  —  the  expected  unofficial  reception  by  Lord 
John  Kussell  of  the  Confederate  commissioners.  Lin- 
coln's biographers,  many  years  after  the  event,  made 
public  a  paper  which  throws  much  light  on  the  May 
21st  dispatch.  On  April  1,  1861,  Mr.  Seward  sub- 
mitted to  the  President  a  paper  more  extraordinary 
even  than  the  dispatch,  entitled  by  him,  "  Some  thoughts 
for  the  President's  consideration."  ^  It  was  divided 
into  two  parts,  one  relating  to  domestic,  and  the  other 
to  foreign  matters.  He  would  change  the  question 
agitating  the  country  from  slavery  to  union  or  disunion. 
To  do  this,  in  foreign  matters,  he  would  create  a  foreign 
war,  and  to  bring  this  about  would  address  specific 
demands  against  Spain  and  France,  and  if  these  were 
not  conceded  Congress  should  be  convoked  and  war 
declared  against  them.  In  this  way  a  spirit  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  nation's  existence  would  be  awakened 
throughout  the  South  as  well  as  the  North,  which  would 
silence  the  slavery  agitation.  As  these  radical  measures 
would  involve  something  of  the  qualities  of  a  dictator- 
ship, he  coolly  offers  the  President  his  services  in  that 
capacity,  if  the  latter  will  transfer  the  executive  func- 
tions to  him. 

It  did  not  require  the  practical,  matter-of-fact  Lincoln 

1  3  Nicolay  and  Hay's  Lincoln,  445. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  363 

much  study  to  see  the  utterly  visionary  and  dangerous 
character  of  this  paper,  and  he  sent  Seward  on  the  same 
day  an  answer  which  must  have  convinced  him  that  a 
master  mind  was  in  control  of  the  administration/  In 
this  reply  he  reviews  some  of  the  points  of  his  secre- 
tary's paper,  and  in  reply  to  the  closing  proposition,  that 
he  abdicate  his  functions,  he  adds  as  to  the  measures 
recommended :  "  If  this  must  be  done,  I  must  do  it." 
This  ended  the  discussion.  The  secretary's  "  Thouo-hts  " 
and  the  President's  reply  were  privately  filed  away,  and 
it  does  not  appear  that  any  other  member  of  the  Cabi- 
net had  knowledoe  of  them. 

The  paper  of  April  1  enables  us  to  better  understand 
the  dispatch  to  Mr.  Adams  of  May  21.  Mr.  Seward 
was  laboring  under  the  hallucination  that  a  foreign  war 
was  a  remedy  for  disunion,  and  he  saw  in  the  unofficial 
reception  of  the  Confederate  commissioners  the  desired 
opportunity  of  forcing  Great  Britain  into  a  conflict. 
Further  indications  exist  that  such  intent  was  in  his 
mind.  Russell,  the  war  correspondent  of  the  London 
Times,  reported  an  interview  with  Mr.  Seward  as  late 
as  July  4,  18G1,  in  which  the  latter  spoke  freely  of  the 
probability  of  a  European  war,  and  he  said,  "  a  contest 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  would 
■wrap  the  world  in  fire,  and  at  the  end  it  would  not  be 
the  United  States  which  would  have  to  lament  the  re- 
sult of  the  conflict."  ^  Cobden  wrote  Senator  Sumner, 
in  18G1 :  "  There  is  an  impression,  I  know,  in  high 
quarters  here  that  Mr.  Seward  wishes  to  quarrel  with 
this  country.' 


»»  3 


^  lb.  448.  2  Russell's  Diary,  381. 

8  Morley's  Cobden,  573  ;  4  Pierce's  Sumner,  60. 


364          A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

This  impression  in  England  had  its  origin  in  a  story 
told  by  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  a  member  of  the 
British  cabinet.  The  duke  accompanied  the  Prince  of 
Wales  on  his  visit  to  the  United  States  in  1860,  and  he 
relates  that  at  a  dinner  party  in  honor  of  the  prince  at 
Albany,  New  York,  Mr.  Seward  told  him  that  in  the 
next  administration  he  should  probably  occupy  high 
office,  and  that  "  it  would  become  his  duty  to  insult 
England,  and  that  he  should  insult  her  accordingly."  ^ 
Mr.  Seward,  when  his  attention  was  called  to  it,  pro- 
nounced the  story  a  silly  falsehood.^  Whatever  foun- 
dation there  was  for  the  statement  must  have  been 
some  after-dinner  pleasantry  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Seward, 
possibly  not  sufficiently  refined  to  be  appreciated  by 
his  grace.  But  its  damaging  effect  upon  the  Ameri- 
can secretary's  reputation  and  influence  was  not  only 
recognized  by  such  friends  as  Cobden  and  Bright,  but 
by  Mr.  Adams  and  Thurlow  Weed,  then  in  London. 

Mr.  Seward,  in  common  with  many  other  loyal  and 
experienced  public  men  of  the  North,  was  bewildered 
by  the  extent  of  the  secession  movement.  He  tena- 
ciously clung  to  two  delusions  :  first,  that  there  would 
be  no  serious  or  protracted  civil  war  ;  and,  second,  that 
even  after  the  States  had  seceded,  the  Union  men  were 
in  a  majority  in  those  States.  He  became  impressed 
that  a  foreign  war  would  afford  an  opportunity  for  this 
Union  sentiment  to  assert  itself  and  force  aside  the 
secession  movement.  He  was  not  cured  of  his  error 
till  after  the  first  great  disaster  of  Bull  Run.     He  then 

1  London  Times,  Dec.  14,  1861 ;  3  Life  of  Seward,  29,  30. 

2  lb.  37. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  365 

saw  that  the  questions  at  issue  between  the  North  and 
the  South  could  only  be  settled  by  the  arbitrament  of 
war;  and,  once  convinced,  he  thenceforward  lent  all 
the  resources  of  his  mind  to  so  shape  the  policy  of  the 
government  as  to  prevent  complications  or  conflict  with 
foreign  nations. 

In  the  interview  which  Mr.  Dallas  had  with  Lord 
John  Russell,  already  noticed,  the  latter  referred  to  the 
question  of  the  recognition  of  the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy, the  rumored  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
establish  a  blockade  of  the  Southern  jDorts,  and  other 
matters  which  were  pressing  upon  the  attention  of  the 
British  cabinet ;  but  he  gave  Mr.  Dallas  the  assurance 
that  as  the  new  minister,  Mr.  Adams,  was  soon  expected 
to  arrive,  his  comins:  "  would  doubtless  be  regrarded  as 
the  appropriate  and  natural  occasion  for  finally  discuss- 
ing and  determining  "  these  questions.^  But  in  strange 
contrast  with  this  assurance,  within  five  days  his  lord- 
ship announced  in  Parliament  that  it  had  been  deter- 
mined to  concede  belligerent  rights  to  the  Confederacy, 
and  in  his  remarks  he  referred  to  the  United  States 
as  "  the  late  Union."  On  the  13th  of  May,  the  day 
of  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Adams  in  Liverpool,  the  queen's 
proclamation  of  neutrality,  conceding  belligerent  rights 
to  the  insurgent  government,  was  published  officially." 

This  first  public  act  of  the  British  government  was 
received  with  surprise  and  resentment  in  the  United 
States,  as  it  was  regarded  as  a  hasty  and  unfriendly  step 
taken  by  a  power  to  which  we  looked  for  sympathy  and 

1  Dip.  Cor.  1861,  pp.  82-84. 

*  For  copy  of  proclamation,  1  Moore's  Reb.  Record,  245. 


366  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

favor.  Mr.  Seward  characterized  it  as  "  remarkable  "  in 
the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  issued,  and  for 
several  succeeding  months  sought  from  the  British  gov- 
ernment a  retraction  of  what  he  termed  "  its  original 
error  in  granting  to  the  rebels  the  rights  of  a  belliger- 
ent." ^  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  first  interview  with  Lord 
John  Russell,  expressed  his  great  regret  at  its  issuance, 
and  still  more  at  the  language  used  by  her  Majesty's 
ministers  in  both  Houses  of  Parliament  respecting  it. 
But  after  hearing  Russell's  explanations  he  gave  his 
assent  to  his  view,  but  felt  constrained  to  add  that  it 
was  "  a  little  more  rapid  than  was  absolutely  called  for 
by  the  occasion."  " 

The  conduct  of  Great  Britain  in  recognizing  the 
Confederates  as  belligerents  was  followed  in  quick  suc- 
cession by  France,  Spain,  and  the  other  governments 
of  Europe,  and  this  action  on  their  part  greatly  tended 
to  prolong  the  contest.  Mr.  Motley,  en  route  to  his 
post  as  minister  to  Austria,  wrote  that  had  the  queen's 
proclamation  been  delayed  a  few  weeks,  or  even  a  few 
days,  it  would  never  have  been  issued.^  But  I  think  he 
was  mistaken.  The  British  government  could  not  have 
been  turned  from  its  purpose  by  the  representations  of 
Mr.  Adams,  and  the  blockade  of  the  Southern  ports 
and  the  early  military  events  justified  its  course.  The 
judgment  of  American  writers  on  international  law,  and 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  confirm  the 
propriety  of  the  proclamation.'* 

1  Dip.  Cor.  1862,  p.  54.  2  Dip.  Cor.  1861,  pp.  92,  97,  100. 

8  1  MotlBy's  Letters,  380. 

*  Dana's  Wheaton,  sect.  23,  note;  Wolsey's  International  Law,  sect. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  3G7 

Our  ministers  to  Great  Britain  and  France  were  early 
instructed  to  secure  the  assent  of  those  governments 
for  the  adhesion  of  the  United  States  to  the  four  rules 
of  the  Declaration  of  Paris  of  1856,  without  the  condi- 
tion or  amendment  before  proposed  by  Secretary  Marcy  ; 
but  these  governments,  acting  in  concert,  declined  to 
agree  to  this  unless  it  should  be  held  to  be  "  prospec- 
tive '*  and  to  have  no  "  bearing,  direct  or  indirect,  on 
the  internal  difficulties  prevailing  in  the  United  States."^ 
In  other  words,  they  would  not  deprive  the  Confederacy 
of  the  benefit  of  privateering. 

It  afterwards  became  known  that  the  British  and 
French  governments  jointly  proposed  to  the  Confed- 
erate government,  through  the  secret  agency  of  the 
British  consul  at  Cliarleston,  the  acceptance  of  the  sec- 
ond, third,  and  fourth  rules,  omitting  the  first  relating 
to  privateering,  which  was  readily  approved  by  the  Con- 
federate Congress.  The  conduct  of  the  consul,  Mr. 
Bunch,  was  so  objectionable  that  his  exequatur  was 
withdrawn  by  the  President,  and  a  British  vessel  was 
sent  to  Charleston  to  convey  him  away." 

The  next  important  event  which,  in  the  progress  of 
the  war,  put  to  the  test  Mr.  Seward's  diplomatic  know- 
ledge and  skill,  was  the  Trent  affair.  Two  commis- 
sioners of  the  Confederacy,  Mason  and  Slidell,  accred- 

180.  The  Supreme  Court,  at  the  December  term,  1862,  decided  that  the 
President's  proclamation  of  blockade  of  April  19,  1861,  was  "  itself  offi- 
cial and  conclusive  evidence  to  the  court  that  a  state  of  war  existed." 
The  queen's  proclamation  was  not  issued  till  May  13,  1861.  2  Black 
Sup.  Ct.  Rop.  665. 

^  For  negotiations.  Dip.  Cor.  1861,  pp.  34-157  ;  1  Papers  relating  to 
the  Treaty  of  Washington,  pp.  31-38. 

«  Dip.  Cor.  1862,  p.  3  ;  4  Nicolay  and  Hay's  Lincoln,  279. 


368  A   CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

ited  to  Great  Britain  and  France,  eluded  the  blockade 
at  Charleston,  reached  Havana,  and  there  took  passage 
in  the  British  mail  steamer  Trent,  e7i  route  for  Eng-- 
land.  The  day  after  leaving  Havana,  November  8, 
1861,  the  steamer  was  stopped  on  the  high  sea  by 
Captain  Wilkes,  commanding  the  United  States  naval 
vessel  San  Jacinto,  and  the  Confederate  commissioners 
and  their  secretaries  taken  off  by  force.  The  Trent 
was  allowed  to  pursue  her  voyage,  and  the  commission- 
ers were  carried  to  Boston  and  held  as  prisoners.^ 

The  news  of  Captain  Wilkes's  act  was  received  by 
the  people  of  the  North  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm, 
and  everywhere  he  was  hailed  as  a  hero.  The  press 
without  dissent  approved  his  conduct.  The  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  on  receiving  his  report,  congratulated  him 
on  his  "great  public  service,"  and  assured  him  of  "the 
emphatic  approval  of  this  department."^  The  Secre- 
tary of  War  was  also  outspoken  in  his  praise.  The 
lower  House  of  Congress,  which  convened  December  1, 
passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  captain  for  his  "  brave, 
adroit,  and  patriotic  conduct."  ^ 

When  the  news  reached  Eng-land  the  excitement  was 
equally  as  great,  but  of  an  entirely  different  character. 
The  act  of  Captain  Wilkes  was  denounced  as  a  national 
affront  and  outrage,  and  created  great  indignation 
throughout  the  kingdom.  The  demand  was  for  the 
instant  release  of  the  commissioners  and  an  apology,  or 
war.     The  government  gave  orders  for  the  navy,  the 

^  For  Captain  "Wilkes's  report,  3  Moore's  Reb.  Rec.  321. 
2  Secretary  "Welles  in  Galaxy,  May,  1873,  p.  649. 
'  Cong.  Globe,  Dec.  2,  1861,  p.  5. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  3G9 

arsenals,  and  dockyards  to  be  placed  on  a  war  footing ; 
and  troops  were  hurried  off  to  Halifax,  and  as  the  first 
of  the  transports  sailed  the  band  played  "  Dixie,"  to 
the  delight  of  the  people.  The  British  cabinet,  heartily 
sympathizing  with  the  public  sentiment,  resolved  to  pre- 
sent its  immediate  demand  upon  the  United  States  in 
the  most  imperative  terms,  and  its  decision  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  queen  for  her  approval.  The  prince- 
consort,  Albert,  was  then  sick  unto  death,  but  he  was 
able  to  counsel  the  queen,  and  his  advice  was  in  such 
a  friendly  temper  towards  the  United  States  that  she 
gave  direction  to  the  ministry  to  materially  soften  the 
tone  and  spirit  of  the  demand ;  ^  and  when  it  was  de- 
livered by  the  British  minister  in  Washington  to  Secre- 
tary Seward,  it  enabled  our  government  to  comply  with 
it  without  any  loss  of  national  self-respect. 

It  is  a  happy  coincidence  that  in  two  important  di- 
plomatic crises  of  the  Civil  War,  the  President  and  the 
Queen  interposed  with  their  ministers  to  correct  their 
indiscretion  and  save  the  two  nations  from  breaking  off 
their  friendly  relations. 

Six  weeks  passed  between  the  detention  and  search 
of  the  Trent  and  the  written  demand  of  the  British 
minister  for  the  release  of  the  commissioners  and  their 
delivery  to  the. British  authorities,  and  in  this  time  the 
Secretary  of  State  had  been  afforded  an  opportunity  to 
study  the  precedents,  and  the  President  and  Cabinet  to 
consider  the  consequences  of  Captain  Wilkes's  act.  It 
became  apparent  that  he  could  not,  without  reversing 
the  attitude  of  the  government  from  its  origin,  maiu- 
1  5  Martin's  Life  of  the  Prince  Consort,  420-22. 


370  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

tain  the  legality  and  propriety  of  that  act.  We  fought 
the  War  of  1812  mainly  upon  the  contention  that 
American  vessels  -were  free  from  search  and  impress- 
ment on  the  high  sea,  and  we  had  consistently  adhered 
to  that  position.  It  did  not  matter  that  Great  Britain 
should  reverse  its  past  policy  and  adopt  our  view  of  the 
question. 

Mr.  Seward's  note  in  reply  to  Lord  Lyons's  demand 
was  an  exhaustive  and  temperate  review  of  the  subject, 
and  its  conclusion  was  that  Captain  Wilkes  would  have 
been  justified  in  international  law  in  seizing  the  Trent 
and  bringing  her  into  an  American  port,  for  carrying 
contraband  of  war,  and  have  her  status  determined  in 
a  prize  court ;  but  that  he  had  no  right  to  stop  the 
vessel,  take  from  her  by  force  persons  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  British  flag,  and  allow  the  vessel  to  pro- 
ceed on  her  voyage.  When  the  note  was  submitted  to 
the  President  and  Cabinet  it  was  at  once  accepted  as  a 
correct  statement  of  the  law  and  our  obligations  under 
it,  and  the  British  minister  was  notified  that  the  com- 
missioners would  be  returned  to  the  British  authorities  ; 
and  they  were  accordingly  delivered  to  the  commander 
of  a  naval  vessel  outside  of  Boston  harbor,  and  the 
exciting  incident  was  closed.^  It  is  highly  creditable  to 
the  good  sense  of  the  American  people  that,  notwith- 
standing the  high  pitch  of  enthusiasm  to  which  they 
had  been  brought  by  Captain  Wilkes's  bold  act,  they 
quietly  accepted  the  conclusion  of  their  government  as 
a  wise  solution  of  the  matter. 

*  For  correspondence,  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  8,  37th  Cong.  2d  Sess.  vol.  4 ; 
Dip.  Cor.  1862,  pp.  245,  248. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  371 

The  biographers  of  Lincohi  and  Seward  have  re- 
spectively claimed  that  each  of  them  was  the  only  per- 
son in  the  government  who,  from  the  beginning,  was 
satisfied  of  the  illegality  of  Wilkes's  act,  but  it  is  most 
probable  that  each  of  them,  as  well  as  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet,  at  first  participated  in  the  general 
sentiment  of  the  country  that  it  was  justifiable.^  Mr. 
Chase,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  doubtless  expressed 
the  general  sentiment  when  he  wrote  in  his  diary  :  *'  It 
is  gall  and  wormwood  to  me  .  .  .  but  I  am  consoled 
by  the  reflection  that  .  .  .  the  surrender  under  exist- 
ing circumstances  is  but  simply  doing  right  —  simply 
proving  faithful  to  our  own  ideas  and  traditions  under 
strong  temptation  to  violate  them."  ^ 

A  peculiar  incident  attended  the  dispatch  of  British 
troops  to  Canada  consequent  on  the  Trent  excitement, 
already  noticed.  One  of  the  belated  vessels  bearing  a 
detachment,  on  arriving  found  the  St.  Lawrence  River 
closed  by  ice,  and  was  compelled  to  put  in  at  the  har- 
bor of  Portland,  Maine.  In  order  to  reach  their  desti- 
nation, the  British  minister  had  to  apply,  under  inter- 
national practice,  to  our  government  for  permission  to 
cross  over  American  territory  to  Canada.  Secretary 
Seward  granted  the  permission  with  prompt  courtesy, 
and  the  troops  sent  with  hostile  intent  proceeded  by  rail 
through  the  United  States.^ 

The  federal  government  and  people  had  recovered 
from  the  disappointment  over  the  recognition  of  bel- 

1  Welles's  Lincoln  and  Seward,  184  ;    5  Nicolay  and  Hay's  Lincoln, 
26,  32. 

2  Warden's  Life  of  Chase,  394.  83  Life  of  Seward,  35. 


372         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

ligerent  rights  extended  the  Confederacy  by  the  Euro- 
pean nations,  and  had  safely  passed  the  threatened 
collision  with  Great  Britain  on  account  of  the  Trent 
affair;  but  for  more  than  two  years  the  danger  of 
European  intervention  was  a  constant  menace.  Of  all 
these  nations  the  only  stanch  friend  of  the  Union  cause 
was  Russia,  all  the  others  being  openly  unfriendly  or  in- 
different to  the  result.^  It  was  Russia  that  gave  us  the 
first  notice,  early  in  1861,  of  the  efforts  of  the  French 
EmjDcror  to  effect  a  coalition  against  us  of  the  then  three 
great  powers.^  She  not  only  declined  the  coalition,  but 
again,  in  1862,  when  the  formal  proposition  for  Euro- 
pean intervention  was  proposed,  it  also  was  declined.^ 
In  the  darkest  days  of  the  struggle,  her  fleet  appeared 
in  American  ports,  as  an  earnest  of  her  friendship.* 

Failing  in  support  from  Russia,  the  French  Emperor 
turned  with  better  success  to  Great  Britain.  He  had 
fully  committed  himself  to  his  scheme  of  a  Latin  em- 
pire in  Mexico,  and  he  well  knew  it  was  impossible  of 
realization  without  a  dismembered  Union.  To  execute 
his  hostile  designs  against  the  United  States,  the  co- 
operation or  neutrality  of  England  was  a  necessity,  and 
he  early  secured  a  pledge  of  joint  action.  In  the  inter- 
view which  Mr.  Dallas  had  with  the  British  Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  May  2,  1861,  eleven  days  before  the 
proclamation  of  belligerency  was  issued,  Mr.  Dallas  was 
informed  "  that  there  existed  an  understanding  between 
this  government  [Great  Britain]   and  that  of  France 

1  2  Motley's  Letters,  119  ;  Dip.  Cor.  1861,  p.  308  ;  1862,  p.  447,  463  ; 
1863,  p.  763. 

*  lb.  1861,  p.  225.  8  lb.  1863,  p.  767. 

*  3  Life  of  Seward,  202. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  373 

•which  would  lead  both  to  take  the  same  course  as  to 
recognition,  whatever  course  that  might  be."  ^  As  Rus- 
sia had  declined  the  coalition,  upon  the  course  pursued 
by  Great  Britain  hung  the  fate  of  the  American  Union. 
Hence  the  importance  of  its  conduct  leads  me  to  a  brief 
review  of  the  situation  in  that  kinfj-dom. 

When  the  Civil  War  broke  out  a  coalition  Liberal 
Ministry  was  in  power,  with  Lord  Palmerston  at  its 
head.  He  was  in  his  seventy-seventh  year,  and  had 
acted  an  important  part  in  English  government,  as  one  of 
its  most  able  statesmen.  An  insight  into  his  character 
and  the  state  of  his  mind  on  the  American  question 
may  be  had  from  a  declaration  made  to  August  Bel- 
mont, of  New  York,  agent  of  the  Rothschilds.  After 
an  hour's  interview,  in  which  Mr.  Belmont  had  sought 
to  lay  before  him  in  a  favorable  light  the  claims  of  the 
Union  to  his  support,  the  Prime  Minister  summed  up 
the  attitude  of  his  jjovernment  in  this  remark  :  "  We 
do  not  like  slavery,  but  we  want  cotton,  and  we  dislike 
very  much  your  Morrill  tariff."  "    Lord  John  Russell,  the 

1  Dip.  Cor.  1861,  p.  84. 

^  Belmont's  Letters  and  Speeches,  July  30,  1861. 

Punch  expressed  the  prevailing  sentiment  in  the  following  lines  :  — 

"  Though  with  the  North  we  sympathize, 

It  must  not  be  forgotten 
That  with  the  South  we  've  stronger  ties, 

Which  are  composed  of  cotton, 
Whereof  our  Imports  mount  unto 

A  sum  of  many  figures  ; 
And  where  would  be  our  calico 

Without  the  toil  of  niggers. 

"  The  South  enslaves  those  fellow-men, 
Wliom  we  love  all  so  dearly  ; 
The  North  keeps  commerce  bound  again, 
Which  touches  us  more  nearly." 


374  A  CENTURY   OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  from  his  training  and 
temperament  should  naturally  have  been  inclined  to 
the  North,  but  he  'was  a  thorough  politician,  and  during 
the  entire  contest  'was  governed  by  expediency  rather 
than  principle.  Mr.  Gladstone  was  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer.  The  course  of  no  public  man  in  England 
was  a  greater  disappointment  in  America.  Early  in  the 
war,  in  a  public  speech,  he  declared  that  "Jefferson 
Davis  had  .  .  .  made  a  nation.  .  .  .  We  may  antici- 
pate with  certainty  the  success  of  the  Southern  States."  ^ 
After  the  war  was  over  and  the  Union  restored,  he  wrote  r 
"  I  confess  that  I  was  wrong.  .  .  .  Yet  the  motive  was 
not  bad  ; "  '  but  durinof  the  trvinsf  times  when  inter- 
vention  was  imminent  he  was  understood  to  be  on  the 
side  of  the  South.  "With  the  three  first  men  of  the 
cabinet  not  friendly  to  the  Union,  it  may  well  be  in- 
ferred that  a  decided  majority  of  the  ministry  were  of 
like  sentiments.  There  was,  however,  a  minority  strong 
in  its  influence,  if  deficient  in  numbers,  who  were 
steadily  in  favor  of  the  Union  cause,  among  whom 
were  the  Duke  of  Argyll,  Sir  George  Lewis,  and  Mr. 
Milner  Gibson. 

Of  the  House  of  Lords,  Mr.  Adams  wrote  Mr.  Seward, 
"  not  less  than  four  fifths  of  whom  may  be  fairly  re- 
garded as  no  well-wishers  of  anything  American."  ^ 
The  same  month,  Mr.  Mason,  the  Confederate  commis- 
sioner, wrote  Benjamin,  the  secretary  at  Richmond : 
^  It  is  perfectly  understood  in  the  House  of  Commons 
that  the  war  professedly  waged  to  restore  the  L'nion  is 

1  London  Times,  Oct.  8,  9,  1862.  ^  Smith's  Gladstone,  297. 

8  Dip.  Cor.  18G3,  p.  157. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  375 

hopeless,  and  the  sympathies  of  four  fifths  of  Its  mem- 
bers are  with  the  South."  ^  Among  these  overwhehn- 
ing  majorities  were  found  Lord  Derby  and  Mr.  Disraeli, 
the  Conservative  leaders.  Lord  Brougham,  Mr.  Roebuck, 
and  a  considerable  Radical  following ;  and  an  Ameri- 
can visitor  in  London  records :  "  I  regret  to  say  that 
Lord  Robert  Cecil,  now  the  Marquis  of  Salisbury,  was 
very  prominent  among  the  friends  of  the  Confeder- 
ates."" 

The  supporters  of  the  North  in  Parliament  were  few 
in  numbers,  but  they  were  men  of  strong  convictions, 
and  by  their  zeal  and  devotion  to  the  cause  of  freedom 
and  democratic  institutions  they  greatly  multiplied 
their  influence,  and  in  the  end  triumphed  over  the 
immense  majority  opposed  to  them.  The  most  distin- 
guished of  these  was  John  Bright,  but  not  less  efficient 
was  William  E.  Forster,  and,  the  more  influential  at 
that  day,  Richard  Cobden.  To  these  were  added  in 
the  important  field  of  literature  such  names  as  John 
Stuart  Mill,  Thomas  Hughes,  Goldwin  Smith,  and  the 
poet  Tennyson.  But  on  the  side  of  the  South  were 
arrayed  Carlyle,  Dickens,  and  the  historian  Grote.  Fi- 
nancial and  business  circles  and  "society"  were  very 
largely  in  sympathy  with  the  Confederacy ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  a  considerable  part  of  the  middle  and  espe- 
cially of  the  laboring  classes  were  friends  of  the  Union. 

An  important  factor  entering  into  the  American 
question  in  England  was  the  cotton  supply,  which  was 
drawn  almost  entirely  from  the  Southern  States.  With 
the  blockade  of  their  ports  and  the  policy  of  the  Con- 

•  MS.  Confed.  Dip.  Cor.  '  Yarnall's  Reminisceuces,  256. 


376  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

federacy  to  restrain  its  exportation,  British  manufac- 
turers were  suddenly  threatened  with  a  cotton  famine, 
destined  to  paralyze  the  immense  industry  and  throw 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  operatives  out  of  employment. 
The  Confederate  leaders  boasted  that  within  six  months 
the  cotton  famine  would  compel  the  forcible  raising  of 
the  blockade  of  the  Southern  ports  and  precipitate  a 
conflict  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 
Goldwin  Smith  described  in  strong  language  "  the  awful 
peril,  not  only  commercial  but  social,  with  which  the 
cotton  famine  threatened  us,  and  the  thrill  of  alarm 
and  horror  which  upon  the  dawning  of  that  peril  ran 
through  the  whole  land."  ^  The  sentiment  quoted  from 
Gladstone,  that  the  establishment  of  the  Confederacy  as 
a  nation  was  an  accomplished  fact,  and  that  the  block- 
ade of  the  Southern  ports  should  be  broken  and  the 
cotton  trade  reestablished,  was  accepted  by  the  great 
body  of  the  English  people.  John  Stuart  Mill  refers 
to  "  the  rush  of  nearly  the  whole  upper  and  middle 
classes,  even  those  who  passed  for  Liberals,  into  a  furi- 
ous pro-Southern  partisanship  ;  the  working  classes  and 
some  of  the  literary  and  scientific  men  being  almost 
the  sole  exceptions  to  the  general  frenzy."^ 

The  pinch  came  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1862. 
The  supply  of  cotton  largely  diminished.  In  May  the 
price  had  advanced  to  twenty-six  cents  per  pound,  and 
by  September  it  had  reached  sixty  cents.  Many  mills 
•were  stopped,  and  all  the  others  were  running  on  short 
time.      Want  and  starvation  prevailed  throughout  all 

1  Macmillan's  Magazine,  Dec.  1865. 

2  Mill's  Autobiography,  268. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL   WAR.  377 

the  manufcicturino;  districts.  It  was  estimated  that  a 
half  a  million  of  working-  people  were  dependent  upon 
public  charity.  The  cry  of  distress  reached  to  all  parts 
of  the  British  Empire,  and  from  Canada,  India,  and 
Australia  came  relief  contributions.  At  a  hint  from 
Bright  that  a  little  aid  from  America  would  have  a 
favorable  effect,  three  ships  were  dispatched  from  New 
York  laden  with  provisions.  It  is  estimated  that 
twelve  millions  of  dollars  were  distributed  among  the 
cotton  workmen  to  avert  starvation.  Relief  beji^an  to 
come  in  18(33  from  the  increased  production  of  cotton 
in  other  countries ;  but  we  must  confess  it  was  natural 
that  the  British  public  cried  out  for  the  end  of  a  war 
which  brought  them  so  much  distress  and  so  disorgan- 
ized their  trade. 

There  was,  however,  a  noble  and  gratifying  feature 
•of  this  famine.  The  working  classes,  the  operatives, 
who  were  most  affected  by  the  Civil  War  in  America, 
were  the  best  friends  of  the  Union  even  during  this 
trying  time.  They  understood,  what  the  ruling  classes 
refused  to  believe,  that  our  Civil  War  was  to  decide  the 
fate  of  slavery.  They  also  understood,  what  the  aris- 
tocracy clearly  saw,  that  the  fate  of  democratic  institu- 
tions was  involved  in  the  deadly  contest.  Their  great 
advocate,  John  Bright,  at  an  immense  meeting  in  Lon- 
don of  the  trades  unions,  in  March,  1863,  called  to  send 
a  message  of  sympathy  to  Abraham  Lincoln,  voiced 
these  sentiments  :  "  Privilejre  has  shuddered  at  what 
might  happen  to  old  Europe  if  this  grand  experiment 
[of  democracy  in  America]  should  succeed.  But  you, 
the  workman,  —  you  striving  after  a  better  time,  —  you 


378  A  CENTURY  OF  AI^IERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

struggling  upwards  towards  the  light  with  slow  and 
painful  steps,  —  you  have  no  cause  to  look  with  jeal- 
ousy upon  a  country,  which,  menaced  by  the  great 
nations  of  the  globe,  is  that  one  where  labor  has  met 
"with  the  highest  honor,  and  where  it  has  reaped  its 
greatest  reward.  .  .  .  Impartial  history  will  tell  that, 
when  your  statesmen  were  hostile,  when  many  of  your 
rich  men  were  corrupt,  when  your  press  was  mainly 
written  to  betray,  the  fate  of  a  continent  and  its  vast 
population  being  in  peril,  you  clung  to  freedom  with 
an  unfaltering  trust  that  God  in  his  infinite  mercy  will 
yet  make  it  the  heritage  of  all  his  children."  ^ 

The  foregoing  review  shows  that  the  prevailing  sen- 
timent in  Great  Britain  was  friendly  to  the  Southern 
cause.  It  is  also  plain  that  from  the  beginning  the 
British  government  was  prepared  to  recognize  the  Con- 
federacy, whenever  it  could  assure  itself  that  its  rela- 
tions to  the  American  continent  would  not  thereby  be 
more  seriously  embarrassed.  With  a  knowledge  of  the 
resolution  of  the  British  and  French  governments  to 
act  in  concert,  and  after  the  recognition  by  them  of 
belligerent  rights  in  the  insurgents.  Secretary  Seward 
realized  that  the  greatest  danger  which  threatened  the 
Union  was  from  this  unfriendly  coalition,  and  he  bent 

^  1  Blight's  Speeches,  248,  253.  For  details  of  cotton  famine,  Charles 
Francis  Adams,  by  his  son,  C.  F.  A.,  chap.  14 ;  Dip.  Cor.  1862,  pp.  118, 
122,  189. 

A  great  change  has  occurred  since  our  Civil  War  in  the  influence  of 
the  working  classes  of  Great  Britain.  In  the  general  election  preced- 
ing the  war  the  votes  cast  amounted  to  370,000.  In  the  general  election 
of  1895  the  number  cast  was  4,200,000.  In  1863  about  one  person  in 
twenty-three  of  the  population  had  a  vote  ;  and  in  1895_  about  one  in  six. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  379 

all  his  energies  to  frustrate  its  designs.  As  soon  as  he 
received  notice  of  this  intended  concert,  he  notified  our 
ministers  at  the  European  capitals  that  he  would  not 
recognize  any  combination  or  understanding  of  the 
powers  having  relation  to  our  domestic  contest,  and 
that  he  should  insist  upon  dealing  with  each  govern- 
ment separately/ 

He  soon  had  occasion  to  put  this  resolution  Into 
practice.  On  April  15,  18G1,  the  French  and  British 
ministers  came  together  to  the  department  to  make  a 
joint  representation  on  some  subject  connected  with  the 
war.  It  afterwards  developed  that  their  purpose  was 
to  offer  their  mediation  to  bring  about  peace.  An 
interesting  account  of  this  event  is  given  by  Assistant 
Secretary  F.  W.  Seward,  wdiich  he  justly  characterizes 
as  more  influential  on  the  fortunes  of  the  Union  than 
even  an  important  battle.'^  As  the  Secretary  of  State 
was  sitting  at  his  table  reading  dispatches,  a  messenger 
announced  the  arrival  of  the  British  and  French  minis- 
ters, and  that  they  jointly  desired  to  see  him,  an  un- 
usual diplomatic  proceeding.  He  directed  them  to  be 
shown  into  the  room  of  the  assistant  secretary,  where 
he  found  them  seated  to^'ether.  Smilinfj-  and  shaklna" 
his  head  he  said :  "  No,  no,  no  !  This  will  never  do. 
I  cannot  see  you  in  that  way."  The  ministers  rose  to 
greet  him.  "  True,"  said  the  one,  "  it  Is  unusual,  but 
we  are  obeying  our  instructions."  "  At  least,"  said  the 
other,  "you  will  allow  us  to  state  the  object  of  our 
visit  ?  "  "  No,"  said  Mr,  Seward,  "  we  must  start  right 
about  it."  "  If  you  refuse  to  see  us  together,"  —  began 
1  Dip.  Cor.  18G1,  p.  225.  «  2  Life  of  Seward,  580-582. 


380  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

the  French  minister,  with  a  courteous  smile  and  shrug. 
"  Certainly  I  do  refuse  to  see  you  together,  though  I 
Avill  see  either  of  you  separately  with  pleasure,  here  or 
elsewhere."  So  the  interviews  were  held  severally,  not 
jointly,  and  the  papers  they  were  instructed  to  jointly 
present  were  handed  to  him  for  his  examination.  A 
brief  inspection  enabled  him  to  say  courteously,  but 
decidedly,  that  he  declined  to  hear  them  read  or  to  offi- 
cially receive  them. 

Writing^  to  the  United  States  ministers  in  London 
and  Paris,  he  said  :  "  We  shall  insist  in  this  case,  as  in 
all  others,  on  dealing  with  each  of  these  powers  alone, 
and  their  agfreement  to  act  tosfether  will  not  at  all  affect 
the  course  we  shall  pursue.  .  .  .  This  government  is 
sensible  of  the  importance  of  the  step  it  takes  in  de- 
clining to  receive  the  communication  in  question."  ^ 

The  courteous  but  positive  treatment  by  Mr.  Seward 
of  the  two  envoys  put  an  end  to  further  joint  action  on 
the  part  of  the  British  and  French  representatives  in 
"Washington,  but  the  efforts  for  concerted  intervention 
did  not  cease  in  London  and  Paris.  Russell,  the  Brit- 
ish Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  in  a  public  speech 
delivered  in  October,  1861,  doubtless  expressed  the 
views  of  the  ministry,  when  he  said  the  war  in  America 
was  not  about  slavery,  but  the  two  parties  were  con- 
tending, "  the  one  for  empire  and  the  other  for  inde- 
pendence ; "  and  he  announced  that  the  separation  of 
the  two  sections  was  the  only  logical  and  permanent  set- 
tlement of   the  controversy.^      No   positive   step  was 

1  Dip.  Cor.  1861  (to  Adams),  p.  106  ;  (to  Dayton),  p.  224. 

2  Loadou  Times,  Oct.  16,  1861.     The  almost  universal  sentiment  of 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  381 

taken,  however,  until  a  year  later,  when  the  cotton 
famine  was  at  its  worst.  On  September  14,  18G2,  when 
the  news  of  Lee's  invasion  of  Maryland  and  the  immi- 
nent fall  of  the  federal  capital  was  received,  Palmerston 
wrote  Russell,  asking  if  the  time  had  not  arrived  for 
England  and  France  to  "  address  the  contending  par- 
ties and  recommend  an  arrangement  upon  the  basis  of 
separation."  Russell  replied  :  "  I  agree  with  you  that 
the  time  has  come  for  offering  mediation  to  the  United 
States,  with  a  view  to  the  recognition  of  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Confederates.  I  agree,  further,  that,  in 
case  of  failure,  we  ought  ourselves  to  recognize  the 
Southern  States  as  an  independent  state."  ^  Arrange- 
ments were  made  for  a  meeting  of  the  cabinet,  with  a 
view  to  proposing  to  France  and  other  powers  a  joint 
intervention. 

But  two  important  events  occurred  to  modify  the 
views  of  the  Prime  Minister  and  his  Secretary  for  For- 
eign Affairs.  While  Russell  was  writing  his  letter  just 
cited  the  battle  of  Antietam  was  being  fought,  and 
soon  thereafter  news  came  of  the  retreat  of  Lee's  army 
back  into  Virginia.  Mr.  Adams's  vigilant  eye  had 
detected  that  the  plot  for  intervention  was  rapidly 
ripening,  and  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Seward  for  instructions 

the  English  people  at  that  time  was  that  the  Union  was  permanently 
divided.  Cobden  did  not  believe  the  North  and  the  South  could  "  ever 
lie  in  the  same  bed  again."  Morley's  Cobden,  Am.  ed.  572.  Darwin, 
who  was  friendly  to  the  North,  wrote  Professor  Gray  :  "  How  curious  it 
is  that  you  seem  to  think  that  you  can  conquer  the  South.  I  never  meet 
a  soul,  even  those  who  would  wish  it,  who  think  it  possible."  2  Life  and 
Letters,  174. 

1  2  Walpole's  Life  of  RusseU,  a49,  350. 


382  A  CENTURY  OF  AAIERICAN  DIPLOIHACY. 

as  to  the  course  he  should  pursue  in  case  it  was  at- 
tempted to  be  carried  into  effect.  The  reply  was  dis- 
tinct and  emphatic.  Our  minister  in  London  was 
"  forbidden  to  debate,  to  hear,  or  in  any  way  receive, 
entertain,  or  transmit  any  communication  "  relating  to 
mediation  or  intervention  in  American  affairs  ;  and  in 
case  of  recognition  of  the  insurgents,  he  was  instructed 
to  immediately  break  off  relations.^ 

These  instructions  could  not  be  made  known  to  the 
British  government  until  he  had  some  notice  of  action 
on  its  part ;  but  Mr.  Adams  felt  that  the  situation  was, 
as  he  expressed  it,  "  the  very  crisis  of  our  fate,"  and 
that  it  was  his  duty  in  some  way  to  impress  upon  the 
ministry  the  grave  consequences  which  would  result 
from  its  contemplated  action.  He  accordingly  made 
known  in  confidence  to  Mr.  William  E.  Forster,  a 
prudent  and  influential  member  of  Parhament,  an  ar- 
dent friend  of  the  United  States,  and  on  good  terms 
with  the  ministry,  the  substance  of  Secretary  Seward's 
instructions.  Adams  never  communicated  them  to  the 
British  government,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it 
became  aware  of  their  purport.^  The  proposed  cabinet 
meeting  was  never  held,  and  the  Prime  Minister  decided 
it  best  to  do  nothing  further  to  add  to  the  resentment 
of  the  United  States. 

Meanwhile  the  Confederate  commissioners  had  been 
active  in  their  efforts  at  the  French  court,  and  Louis 

1  Seward  to  Adams,  Aug.  2,  1862,  in  Life  of  Adams,  by  his  son,  285. 
See,  also,  circular  instructions  to  American  ministers  in  Europe,  Dip. 
Cor.  1862,  p.  176. 

a  4  Rhodes's  U.  S.  343. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  383 

Napoleon  bad  lent  a  willing  ear  to  their  schemes.^  On 
the  30th  of  October,  1802,  bis  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  addressed  a  proposition  to  the  Russian  and 
British  governments  that  the  three  powers  unite  in  a 
formal  mediation  in  the  American  war,  asking  for  a 
cessation  of  all  hostilities,  with  a  view  to  some  arrange- 
ment of  the  differences,  although  one  week  afterwards 
he  denied  to  the  American  minister,  Mr.  Dayton,  that 
any  such  step  had  been  taken. ^  The  Russian  govern- 
ment, following  its  uniform  policy,  discouraged  the 
movement  and  declined  to  join  in  it.^  The  subject,  as 
we  have  seen,  had  already  been  fully  considered  by  the 
British  ministry  during  the  previous  two  months  and 
decided  adversely  to  mediation,  and  it  also  declined  to 
unite  with  France  in  the  proposed  joint  action. 

Napoleon  was  not  to  be  diverted,  however,  from  his 
purpose,  and  he  instructed  his  minister  in  Washington 
to  present  the  offer  of  mediation,  in  much  the  same 
terms  as  proposed  to  the  Russian  and  British  govern- 
ments. This  was  done  by  a  note  through  M.  Mercier, 
on  February  3,  1863,  in  the  darkest  period  of  the  war, 
between  the  disasters  of  Fredericksburg  and  Chancel- 
lorsville.  Secretary  Seward's  reply,  sent  within  three 
days,  was  a  dignified  but  firm  declination  of  the  offer. 
At  considerable  length  he  reviewed  the  situation  of 
affairs  between  the  contending  parties,  and  their  rela- 
tion to  and  effect  upon  European  nations,  and  it  con- 
stitutes  one   of   the   most   notable   and   able   of   Mr. 

*  See  extracts  from  Confederate  Archives,  quoted  in  6  Nicolay  and 
Hay's  Lincoln,  76  et  seq. 
2  Dip.  Cor.  1862,  p.  404.  «  lb.  1863,  p.  769. 


384  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Seward's  state  papers.^  The  correspondence  was  com- 
municated to  Congress,  and  a  concurrent  resolution  was 
passed  by  that  body  of  a  very  comprehensive  character, 
as  expressive  of  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  respecting  the  war,  and  the  attitude  of 
foreign  nations  to  it,  and  it  announced  that  interven- 
tion was  not  desired,  and  would  not  be  entertained.^ 
This  closed  the  efforts  at  combined  action  by  the  Euro- 
pean powers,  but  the  troubles  growing  out  of  our  for- 
eign relations  were  by  no  means  at  an  end. 

England  was  the  scene  of  other  events  during  the 
year  1862  which  embittered  the  people  of  the  United 
States  far  more  strongly  against  that  country  than  these 
attempts  at  intervention.  As  they  were  disastrous  and 
lasting  in  their  effects,  the  conduct  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment in  allowing  the  Confederate  cruisers  to  be  built 
in  and  depart  from  its  ports  to  prey  upon  American 
commerce  is  still  cherished  in  the  memories  of  our 
people  as  a  wrong  of  so  flagrant  a  character  as  to  be 
hardly  atoned  for  by  the  heavy  damages  paid  after  the 
war  and  the  many  words  and  acts  of  sympathy  of  the 
British  nation  in  later  years.  From  the  beginning  of 
the  war  the  Confederates  had  made  England  a  most 
important  base  of  military  operations. 

Mr.  Adams  was  kept  busy  calling  the  attention  of 
the  Foreign  Office  to  violations  of  the  neutrality  pro- 
clamation, but  usually  to  no  purpose,  as  the  eyes  of  the 
officials  were  deliberately  closed  to  any  infringement  of 
the  laws.     Although  he  had  informed  the  government 

^  For  correspondence,  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  38,  37th  Cong.  3d  Sess. 
2  Congressional  Globe,  March  3,  1863,  pp.  1497,  1541. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  385 

of  the  construction  and  fitting  out  of  the  Florida  as  a 
rebel  cruiser,  she  was  permitted  to  sail  in  March,  1SG2, 
on  her  errand  of  destruction.  Early  in  the  year  notice 
was  also  given  by  our  minister  of  the  construction  of  a 
vessel  at  Liverpool,  known  as  No.  290,  designed  for  the 
Confederate  service.  The  fact  was  announced  in  Par- 
liament, and  it  became  a  matter  of  public  notoriety. 
And  yet  the  authorities  at  Liverpool  reported  to  the 
ministry  that  there  was  not  suilicient  evidence  of  a 
legal  character  to  justify  their  interference. 

On  June  23,  Mr.  Adams  gave  to  Lord  John  Russell, 
in  writing,  such  notification  of  the  character  of  the 
vessel  and  its  destination  as  should  have  led  to  positive 
action  on  the  part  of  the  British  authorities,  but  no  such 
action  was  taken.  Not  discouraged,  the  diligent  Ameri- 
can consul  at  Liverpool  collected  further  legal  evidence 
required  by  the  neutrality  laws,  and  Mr.  Adams  sub- 
mitted it  to  an  eminent  lawyer.  Sir  Robert  Collier,  a 
queen's  counsel,  who  gave  the  opinion  that  upon  these 
papers  the  authorities  at  Liverpool  were  in  duty  bound 
to  detain  the  vessel,  and  said:  "It  appears  difficult  to 
make  out  a  stronger  case  of  infringement  of  the  foreign 
enlistment  act,  which,  if  not  enforced  on  this  occasion, 
is  little  better  than  a  dead  letter."  ^  Mr.  Adams  laid 
this  legal  opinion  and  accompanying  papers  before 
Russell  on  July  22,  as  they  had  previously  been  sub- 
mitted to  the  authorities  at  Liverpool.  Years  after- 
wards Earl  Russell  wrote :  "  I  ought  to  have  been 
satisfied  with  the  opinion  of  Sir  Robert  Collier,  and  to 
have  given  orders  to  detain  the  Alabama,"  ^  but  in  place 

1  Dip.  Cor.  18G2,  p.  152.       «  Recollections,  etc.,  by  Earl  Russell,  235. 


386  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN   DIPLOMACY. 

o£  discharging  his  plain  duty,  he  referred  the  papers  to 
the  law  officers  of  the  crown. 

Meanwhile,  No.  290,  christened  the  Alabama,  was 
being  as  rapidly  as  possible  prepared  for  sea.  Six  days 
elapsed  before  the  law  officers  gave  their  opinion,  on 
July  29,  that  without  loss  of  time  the  vessel  should  be 
seized.  On  that  very  morning  the  Alabama  left  her 
dock  and  went  down  the  Mersey,  under  the  pretense  of 
a  trial  trip,  with  a  party  of  Confederate  sympathizers 
on  board.  The  party  returned  on  a  tug,  but  the  Ala- 
bama went  to  sea  flying  the  British  flag,  and  after  tak- 
ino-  on  board  in  the  Azores  her  armament,  she  entered 
upon  her  career  of  devastation.^ 

She  was  built  with  British  money,  under  a  Confed- 
erate loan,  in  a  British  port,  armed  with  British  guns, 
manned  by  British  seamen,  frequently  displayed  the 
British  flag,  and  was  given  a  hearty  welcome  in  British 
ports  throughout  the  world.  At  a  meeting  in  Oxford, 
England,  a  few  months  later.  Professor  Goldwin  Smith 
said :  "  No  nation  ever  inflicted  upon  another  a  more 
flagrant  or  more  maddening  wrong.  No  nation  with 
Eno-lish  blood  in  its  veins  had  ever  borne  such  a  wrong 
without  resentment."  ^ 

Within  a  year  it  and  its  sister  cruisers  had  swept 
the  American  shipping  from  the  seas.^  At  the  opening 
of  the  Civil  War,  this  shipping  was  second  in  the 
world's  commerce,  and  was  pressing  the  British  mercan- 
tile marine  with  a  sharp  competition.  It  was  a  source 
of    great    national   wealth,   furnished   employment   to 

»  For  official  correspondence,  Dip.  Cor.  1862,  pp.  128,  149,  162. 

2  London  News,  April  8,  1863.  ^  12  Sumner's  Works,  77. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL   WAR.  387 

many  thousands  of  hardy  seamen,  and  it  was  the  proud 
boast  of  every  Americau  that  the  national  flag  floated 
on  every  sea  and  was  displayed  in  almost  every  port  of 
the  globe.  When  we  reflect  that  this  great  industry  has 
never  recovered  from  that  destructive  blow,  and  that  it 
was  brought  about  by  the  criminal  failure  of  the  British 
authorities  to  observe  the  principles  of  international 
law  and  their  own  domestic  statutes,  it  is  little  wonder 
that  resentment  at  the  wrong  has  not  become  wholly 
extinct. 

While  the  news  of  the  devastating  work  in  all  waters 
of  the  British-built  Confederate  cruisers  was  being  re- 
ceived in  England  and  America,  authentic  intelligence 
was  brought  to  Mr.  Adams  that  the  British  sympa- 
thizers with  the  rebellion,  not  satisfied  with  the  severe 
blow  they  had  already  inflicted  upon  the  Union  cause, 
were  preparing  a  still  more  deadly  measure  of  attack. 
Contracts  had  been  entered  upon  with  the  builders  of 
the  Alabama  for  the  construction  of  two  powerful  iron- 
clad rams,  designed  to  raise  the  blockade  of  the  Southern 
ports  and  put  in  peril  the  Northern  seaboard  cities. 
Bulloch,  the  intelligent  agent  having  the  construction 
of  these  vessels  in  charge,  wrote  the  secretary  of  the 
navy  at  Richmond  that  with  them  he  expected  to 
"  sweep  the  blockading  fleet  from  the  sea-front  of  every 
harbor,"  ascend  the  Potomac,  render  Washington  un- 
tenable, and  lay  the  Northern  cities  under  contribution.^ 
Captain  Page,  who  had  been  detailed  by  the  Confed- 
erate government  to  command  the  vessels,  has  recently 
stated  that  it  was  his  purpose  to  sail  at  once  to  Wil- 

^  1  Bulloch's  Secret  Service  of  the  Confederate  States,  411. 


388  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

inington,  to  raise  tlie  blockade  there  and  at  Charleston, 
thence  proceed  to  the  gulf  ports,  and  cut  off  all  water 
communications  with  New  Orleans.  He  adds  :  "  I  had 
at  the  time  perfect  confidence  in  my  ability  to  accom- 
plish my  purpose,  and  I  now  [1898]  believe,  in  the 
liofht  of  what  I  have  since  learned,  that  if  the  rams  had 
been  permitted  to  leave  England  I  would  have  been 
successful."  ^ 

In  the  light  of  these  declarations,  it  is  seen  that  a 
great  danger  menaced  the  Union  cause,  and  our  inde- 
fatiofable  minister  in  London  mio^ht  well  be  concerned 
for  the  result  of  his  efforts  to  avert  it.  In  order  to 
secure  the  funds  for  the  construction  of  the  rams  a 
Confederate  loan  for  £3,000,000  was  openly  put  upon 
the  London  market,  secured  by  a  pledge  of  cotton,  and 
was  readily  and  largely  oversubscribed  at  better  figures 
than  United  States  government  bonds  could  command. 
A  noble  peer  boasted  in  the  House  of  Lords :  "  Is  the 
issue  doubtful  ?  The  caj)italists  of  London,  Frankfort, 
Paris,  Amsterdam,  are  not  of  that  opinion.  Within 
the  last  few  days  the  Southern  loan  has  reached  the 
highest  place  in  our  market.  £3,000,000  were  required ; 
£9,000,000  were  subscribed  for."  This  loan  was  made 
the  subject  of  a  remonstrance  by  Mr.  Adams  to  Earl 
Russell,  but  to  no  purpose.^ 

A  debate  which  occurred  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
March  27,  1863,  had  an  ominous  aspect  for  the  North. 
Forster  called  attention  to  the  construction  and  depar- 
ture of  the  Alabama,  and  the  solicitor-general  contended 
that  the  government  was  without  blame.     John  Bright 

1  4  Rhodes's  U.  S.  385,  note.  ^  Dip,  Cor.  1863,  p.  239. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  389 

charged  that  a  Confederate  cruiser  had  just  been 
launched  at  Liverpool,  and  that  the  two  ironclad 
rams  were  intended  for  the  same  purpose.  The  Prime 
Minister  closed  the  debate  and  treated  the  American 
grievances  with  indifference,  as  will  be  seen  from  this 
statement  in  reply  to  Forster  and  Bright :  "  Whenever 
any  political  party,  whether  in  or  out  of  office  in  the 
United  States,  finds  itself  in  difficulties,  it  raises  a  cry 
against  England  as  a  means  of  creating;  what  in  Ameri- 
can  language  is  called  political  capital.  .  .  .  The  solici- 
tor-general has  demonstrated,  indisjjutably,  that  the 
Americans  have  no  cause  of  complaint  against  us."  ^ 
Mason,  the  Confederate  commissioner,  wrote  to  Rich- 
mond :  "  It  was  felt  on  all  hands  that  the  debate  was 
a  most  damajjino;  one  to  the  arrogance  of  the  Yankee 
pretensions."  ^  The  feeling  of  the  friends  of  the  North 
in  England  was  that  the  debate  meant  w\ar.^ 

The  summer  of  1863  was  filled  with  anxiety  for  Mr. 
Adams.  The  work  on  the  Confederate  ironclads  went 
on  apace,  and  as  fast  and  as  often  as  he  could  obtain 
evidence  as  to  their  purpose  and  destination,  he  ad- 
dressed the  Foreign  Office  on  the  subject.  The  pub- 
lished correspondence  of  the  Department  of  State  shows 
how  industrious  he  was  in  this  respect."*  So  pressing 
and  embarrassing  were  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Adams,  that 
the  Confederate  agents  found  it  necessary  to  take  mea- 
sures to  disguise  their  purpose,  and  the  services  of  a 
French  firm  -were  enlisted  to  this  end.     A  contract  was 

^  For  report  of  debate,  Dip.  Cor.  18G3,  p.  1G4. 
2  March  30,  18G3,  Confederate  Dip.  Cor.  MS. 
8  4  Rhodes's  U.  S.  369.  *  Dip.  Cor.  1865,  pp.  82-341. 


390         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

entered  into  by  the  latter  with  the  builders,  by  the 
terms  of  which  the  rams  were  to  be  completed  and 
delivered  to  them  in  France.  Bulloch,  the  Confederate 
agent,  had  at  the  same  time  made  a  secret  arrangement 
with  the  firm  to  sell  them  to  him  as  soon  as  they  had 
left  British  waters.^  The  British  government  affected 
to  give  credence  to  the  genuineness  of  the  French  con- 
tract, and  Mr.  Adams  almost  despaired  of  preventing 
their  departure. 

But  favorable  news  for  the  Union  cause  came  across 
the  Atlantic.  The  battle  of  Gettysburg  had  been 
fought,  Vicksburg  had  surrendered,  and  the  friends  of 
America  in  England  took  courage.  Adams  renewed 
his  representations  to  the  Foreign  Office,  and  finally  on 
September  3,  being  advised  by  Consul  Dudley  at  Liver- 
pool that  one  of  the  rams  was  ready  for  sea  and  was 
likely  to  leave  at  any  time,  he  addressed  a  note  to  Earl 
Russell,  inclosing  further  testimony  showing  that  the 
departure  of  the  ironclad  was  imminent,  and  begged 
to  record,  in  the  name  of  his  government,  "this  last 
solemn  protest  against  the  commission  of  such  an  act 
of  hostility  against  a  friendly  nation.^  He  had  hardly 
dispatched  this  note  when  he  received  one  from  Russell 
replying  to  his  previous  representations,  in  which  he 
stated  that  her  Majesty's  government  "  cannot  inter- 
fere in  any  way  with  these  vessels."  ^ 

We  may  be  sure  this  note  gave  our  minister  great 
anxiety.  He  felt  that  the  fate  of  his  country  hung  on 
the  outcome  of  the  next  few  hours.     That  night  he 

1  1  Bulloch's  Secret  Service,  400. 

«  Dip.  Cor.  18G3,  p.  361.  »  lb.  363. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  891 

records  in  his  diary  :  "I  clearly  foresee  that  a  collision 
must  now  come  out  of  it.  .  .  .  The  prosjject  is  dark  for 
poor  America."  The  conclusion  reached  after  a  sleep- 
less niirht  was  that  another  note  must  be  sent  at  once  to 
Russell.  It  begfan  :  "  At  the  moment  when  one  of  the 
ironclads  is  on  the  point  of  departure  from  this  king- 
dom, on  its  hostile  errand  against  the  United  States,  I 
am  honored  with  the  reply  of  your  lordship  to  my  notes," 
enumerating  them.  He  says,  as  to  the  decision  of  the 
British  government,  announced  in  the  reply :  "  I  can 
but  regard  it  as  otherwise  than  as  practically  opening 
to  the  insurgents  free  liberty  in  this  kingdom  to  exe- 
cute a  policy  of  attacking  all  the  seaboard  cities  of  the 
North,  and  raising  the  blockade."  Then  follows  this 
celebrated  sentence :  "  It  would  be  superfluous  in  me 
to  point  out  to  your  lordship  that  this  is  war."  ^ 

But  meanwhile  Mr.  Adams's  note  of  September  3  had 
reached  Russell,  and  he  replied  to  it  on  the  4th  that 
"  the  matter  is  under  the  serious  and  anxious  consider- 
ation of  her  Majesty's  government."  ^  On  the  5th  the 
previous  decision  was  reversed ;  Russell,  after  consulting 
with  the  solicitor-general  over  the  papers  Adams  had 
sent,  issued  orders  to  detain  the  ironclads ;  and  he  re- 
quested Palmerston,  if  he  did  not  approve  his  action,  to 
call  a  cabinet  meeting-  at  once.^  No  cabinet  meeting 
was  called,  the  vessels  were  permanently  detained,  and 
eventually  sold  by  the  builders  to  the  British  govern- 
ment. 

The  crisis  was  passed.     No  more  cruisers  were  built 

1  lb.  367.  2  lb.  364. 

8  2  Walpole's  Russell,  359. 


392  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

in  or  left  English  ports.  Although  the  danger  of 
trouble  from  the  British  government  had  not  been 
entirely  removed,  the  turn  of  the  tide  of  public  senti- 
ment was  strongly  setting  towards  the  side  of  the  Union. 
An  event  had  occurred  in  the  United  States  which  was 
greatly  contributing  to  this  favorable  change. 

The  greatest  act  of  that  great  American,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  was  his  proclamation  of  emancipation.^  In  his 
message  to  Congress  of  December  1,  1862,^  foreshad- 
owing his  proclamation  of  January  1,  1863,  he  made  a 
strong  appeal  for  the  cooperation  of  that  body  in  the 
momentous  act,  sought  to  remove  the  doubts  as  to  its 
wisdom,  and,  with  an  evident  consciousness  of  the  great- 
ness of  the  deed,  he  closed  with  these  words :  "  The 
fiery  trial  through  which  we  pass  will  light  us  down,  in 
honor  or  dishonor,  to  the  latest  generation.  .  .  .  We 
shall  nobly  save,  or  meanly  lose,  the  last,  best  hope  of 
earth.  The  way  is  plain,  peaceful,  generous,  just  —  a 
way  which,  if  followed,  the  world  will  forever  applaud, 
and  God  must  forever  bless." 

When  the  proclamation  reached  England  it  was  re- 
ceived with  sneers  by  the  government  party  and  the 
upper  classes.  The  Times  said :  "  Mr.  Lincoln  will,  on 
the  first  of  next  January,  do  his  best  to  excite  a  servile 
war  in  the  States  he  cannot  occupy  with  his  armies ; " 
and  after  the  final  proclamation  was  issued,  it  repeated 
its  assertion,  saying  President  Lincoln  "  calls  to  his  aid 
the    execrable    expedient    of  a   servile  insurrection."  ^ 

^  For  preliminary  proclamation  of  Sept.  22, 1862,  6  Richardson's  Mes- 
sages, 96  ;  for  final  proclamation  of  Jan.  1,  1863,  lb.  157. 
2  6  Richardson's  Messages,  142. 
8  Times,  Oct.  7,  1863  ;  Jan.  6,  15,  1863. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  393 

The  Conservative  organ,  the  Standard,  pronounced  it 
"  a  sham,"  intended  "  to  deceive  Enghmd  and  Europe. 
.  .  .  the  wretched  makeshift  of  a  pettifogging  law- 
yer." John  Stuart  Mill  wrote  :  "  In  England  the  pro- 
clamation has  only  increased  the  reason  of  those  who, 
after  taunting  you  so  long  with  caring  nothing  for 
abolition,  now  reproach  you  for  your  abolitionism  as 
the  worst  of  your  crimes."  ^  Earl  Russell,  in  a  dis- 
patch to  Lord  Lyons,  the  British  minister  in  Washing- 
ton, discussed  the  proclamation  in  most  disparaging 
terms.  "  It  is  a  measure  of  war  of  a  very  question- 
able kind,"  he  said,  and  intimated  that  its  object  was 
not  "  total  and  impartial  freedom  for  the  slaves,  .  .  . 
but  vengeance  on  the  slave  owner."  Of  this  dispatch, 
Adams's  unpublished  diary  says  :  "  The  most  flagrant 
case  of  all  is  the  construction  put  by  Lord  Russell  on 
the  President's  proclamation  of  emancipation.  Such 
is  English  manliness  !  Such  is  English  honesty  !  "  ^ 
Mason  was  greatly  encouraged  by  these  expressions  of 
the  ruling  classes,  and  wrote  to  Richmond  of  the  pro- 
clamation :  "  It  will  have  an  effect  exactly  opposite  to 
that  which  was  intended,  if  the  object  was  to  conciliate 
the  public  opinion  of  Europe."  ^ 

But  these  friends  of  the  Confederacy  failed  to  real- 
ize the  immense  moral  force  contained  in  Lincoln's 
great  paper,  and  they  had  misjudged  the  character  of 
the  English  people  and  the  effect  which  that  moral 
force  was  destined  to  have  upon  them.  Soon  the  anti- 
slavery  societies  began  to  comprehend  the  significance 

1  2  Motley's  Letters,  95.  ^  4  Khodes's  U.  S.  359. 

3  Confederate  Dip.  Cor.  MS. 


394  A  CENTURY  OF  MIERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

of  the  proclamation,  and  meetings  of  sympathy  were 
called  by  them.  The  working  classes  and  the  trades- 
unions  likewise  felt  that  it  was  an  appeal  to  them. 
Within  a  few  months,  everywhere  throughout  the  king- 
dom meetings  of  congratulation  to  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
sympathy  for  the  Union  cause  were  held,  and  the  whole 
land  was  swept  by  a  wave  of  humanity  and  justice. 

These  demonstrations  had  a  culmination  in  a  great 
meetins:  in  Exeter  Hall,  London,  which  is  described  as 
one  of  the  most  extraordinary  manifestations  ever  made 
in  that  city.  In  transmitting  an  account  of  it  to  the 
Department  of  State,  Mr.  Adams  terms  it  "  a  most  sig- 
nificant indication  of  the  popular  sentiment  of  the  mid- 
dle classes.  Gentlemen  tell  me  there  has  been  nothing 
like  it  here  since  the  time  of  the  anti-corn-law  gather- 
ings." ^  In  forwarding  reports  of  other  meetings  the 
next  month,  our  minister  writes :  "  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  these  manifestations  are  the  genuine  expres- 
sion of  the  feelings  of  the  religious  dissenting  and  of 
the  working  classes  of  Great  Britain.  The  political 
effect  of  them  is  not  unimportant."  ^ 

A  unique  indication  of  this  dissenting  feeling  is 
found  in  Mr.  Adams's  account  of  a  regular  Sunday 
morning  ser\nce  in  Mr.  Spurgeon's  great  tabernacle  in 
London,  at  which  were  present  many  thousand  people. 
In  the  course  of  his  prayer  he  said :  "  Now,  0  God, 
we  turn  our  thoughts  across  the  sea  to  the  dreadful 
conflict  of  which  we  know  not  what  to  say ;  but  now 

^  Dip.  Cor.  1863,  p.  97.     For  correspondence  of  Mr.  Adams  on  the 
proclamation  meetings,  lb.  pp.  52-350. 
3  lb.  100. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  395 

the  voice  of  freedom  shows  where  is  right.  We  pray 
Thee  give  success  to  this  glorious  proclamation  of  lib- 
erty, which  comes  to  us  from  across  the  waters.  We 
had  feared  our  brethren  were  not  in  earnest,  and  would 
not  come  to  this.  Bondajje  and  the  lash  can  claim 
no  sympathy  from  us.  God  bless  and  strengthen  the 
North.  Give  victory  to  their  arms,  and  a  speedy  end 
to  the  fearful  strife.  As  lovers  of  freedom,  let  us 
not  belie  our  calling.  Now  that  we  know  their  cause, 
■we  can  but  exclaim,  God  speed  them."  Mr.  Adams 
reports  that  the  immense  audience,  interposing  in  the 
prayer,  responded  to  this  paragraph  by  a  general 
Amen  } 

These  demonstrations,  indicating  the  underlying 
spirit  of  the  English  people  to  range  themselves  on  the 
side  of  freedom  and  humanity,  doubtless  had  a  marked 
influence  on  the  conduct  of  the  ofovernment.  The 
friends  of  America  in  the  cabinet  cf'^iined  fresh  cour- 
age,  and  the  Duke  of  Argyll  and  JMilner  Gibson  made 
public  speeches,  indicating  their  greater  confidence  in 
the  treatment  of  the  American  question  and  its  rela- 
tions to  slavery.  A  dissolution  of  Parliament  was  ex- 
pected, and  the  Liberal  ministry,  then  in  power,  knew 
that  it  could  not  go  to  the  country  with  any  hope  of 
success  w4th  the  dissenting  churches  and  the  working 
classes  arrayed  against  them.  Neither  were  these  de- 
monstrations without  their  influence  on  the  Conservative 
leaders.  Adams's  diary  records  :  "  The  most  marked 
indication  respecting  American  affairs  was  the  course 
of  Lord  Derby  and  Mr.  Disraeli.     On  their  minds  the 

1  lb.  80. 


396  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

effect  of  the  President's  proclamation  on  public  senti- 
ment had  not  been  lost." 

That  the  effort  to  carry  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
into  the  support  of  a  slaveholders'  rebelHon  would  prove 
abortive  in  the  end  was  early  foreseen  by  a  Southerner. 
When  the  first  Confederate  agent,  W.  L.  Yancey,  was 
about  proceeding  to  Europe,  his  brother,  B.  C.  Yancey, 
who  had  spent  some  years  in  England,  wrote  him  that 
"  unless  the  [Confederate]  government  should  send  a 
commission  authorized  to  offer  commercial  advantages 
so  liberal  that  the  Exeter  Hall  influence  could  not  with- 
stand them,  the  British  government,  however  well  dis- 
posed, would  not  venture  to  run  counter  to  the  anti- 
slavery  feeHng  by  the  recognition  of  the  Confederate 
States ; "  and  he  warned  him  that  Cobden  and  Bright, 
as  the  leaders  of  the  laboring  classes,  would  be  found 
to  bar  the  way  to  recognition.^ 

The  proclamation  of  emancipation,  issued  primarily 
as  a  war  measure,  and  to  affect  the  Union  cause  at 
home,  probably  had  a  still  greater  influence  abroad  in 
achieving  the  triumph  of  the  North.  All  over  Europe 
it  had  an  inspiriting  effect  upon  the  friends  of  free- 
dom. But  in  England  it  was  decisive.  The  battle  of 
Gettysburg  and  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  had  their  weight, 
but  the  silent  working  of  the  great  moral  princi23le  in 
the  decree  of  emancipation  did  more  to  restrain  the 
British  government  in  relation  to  recognition  and  in 
arrestino-  the  ironclads  than  all  other  influences.  Amer- 
ica  owes  its  deliverance  from  the  untold  calamities  of 
disunion  in  great  measure  to  the  anti-slavery  sentiment 

1  Life  and  Times  of  W.  L.  Yancey,  588. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  397 

of  Great  Britain,  as  represented  mainly  in  the  dissent- 
in^  churches  and  the  laljoring  classes,  led  hy  Bright, 
Forster,  and  Cobden,  and  a  small  band  of  literary 
men. 

A  curious  incident  connected  with  the  building  of 
the  Confederate  ironclads  ought  not  to  be  omitted.  In 
the  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons already  noticed,^  the  Prime  Minister  excused  the 
failure  of  the  government  to  prevent  the  sailing  of  the 
Alabama,  on  the  ground  that  if  she  had  been  detained 
without  legal  cause,  the  government  would  have  been 
exposed  to  heavy  damages.  It  had  also  been  suggested 
that  the  ironclads  under  construction  at  Liverpool 
could  not  be  detained  without  the  execution  of  an 
indemnifying  bond  to  the  government.  This  situation 
having  been  brought  to  the  attention  of  Secretary 
Seward  and  Mr.  Chase,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  a 
scheme  was  conceived  to  circumvent  the  plans  of  the 
Confederates.  Two  citizens  of  the  highest  standing, 
Messrs.  John  M.  Forbes,  of  Boston,  and  W.  H.  Aspin- 
wall,  of  New  York,  were  dispatched  to  England,  with 
instructions  to  purchase  outright,  if  possible,  the  iron- 
clads from  the  builders  by  outbidding  the  Confeder- 
ates ;  or  to  provide  a  way  of  furnishing  an  indemnity 
bond,  in  case  it  became  necessary  for  the  detention  of 
the  vessels.  To  effect  this  purpose  they  were  provided 
with  §10,000,000  in  five-twenty  United  States  bonds. 
The  two  gentlemen  went  to  London,  spent  some  time 
in  fruitless  negotiations,  and  returned  to  the  United 
States,  bringing  back  with  them  the  five  trunks  full  of 

1  Dip.  Cor.  1863,  pp.  164-182. 


398  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

government   bonds,  doubtless  feeling   they  had   been 
sent  on  "  a  fool's  errand."  ^ 

In   October,  1861,  Secretary  Seward,  with  the  ap- 
proval of   the    President  and  Cabinet,   dispatched   to 
Europe  Archbishop    Hughes   of   the  Roman   Catholic 
Church,  Bishop  Mcllvaine  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church,  and  Thurlow  Weed,  a  prominent  politician  and 
journalist,  on  a  confidential  and  secret  mission,  for  the 
purpose  of  influencing,  as  far  as  possible,  public  senti- 
ment in  respect  to  the  war.     They  were  not  to  have  or 
assume  any  diplomatic  functions,  were  not  to  deal  dis- 
tinctively with  any  foreign  government,  although  they 
bore  private  letters  from  Secretary  Seward  to  various 
persons  holding  important  posts  in  the  governments  of 
Europe,  and  were  to  receive  no  compensation  beyond 
their  expenses.     The  services  rendered  by  these   citi- 
zens were  of  great  value  to  the  country,  but  no  record 
exists  in  the  Department  of  State  of  their  appointment, 
and  no  reports  from  them  are  to  be  found  in  its  archives.^ 
As  the  war  progressed  quite  a  number  of  other  pri- 
vate agents  were  sent  to  Europe  by  the  different  de- 
partments.    William  M.  Evarts  went  to  London  under 
employment  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  aid  the  lega- 
tion   on    legal    questions    concerning   the   Confederate 
cruisers  and   other  violations   of   neutrality.^      During 
the  Alabama  controversy  in  1862,  Mr.  Adams,  as  we 
have  seen,  availed  himself  of  the  services  of  an  eminent 

1  The  story  of  this  visionary  scheme  is  told  by  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
son  of  the  minister,  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  October,  1899  ;  also  noticed  in  2  Forbes's  Letters  and  Recollec- 
tions. 

^  3  Life  of  Seward,  17-20.  ^  Dip-  Cor.  1863,  p.  212. 


DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  399 

English  lawyer,  Sir  Robert  Collier/  but  he  was  sub- 
jected to  such  severe  criticism  that  he  was  compelled  to 
decline  further  employment ;  and  Adams  records  in  his 
diary :  "  No  lawyer  of  eminence  will  have  the  courage 
to  repeat  Mr.  Collier's  experiment."  Robert  J.  Walker, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Polk,  was  sent  to 
Europe  by  the  Treasury  Department  in  connection  with 
government  finances.  The  mission  of  Messrs.  Forbes 
and  Aspinwall  for  the  Navy  Department  has  just  been 
noticed.  Quite  a  number  of  other  agents  of  the  depart- 
ments were  in  England,  and  on  the  continent  from 
time  to  time,  besides  various  self-constituted  agents. 
Some  of  these  occasioned  our  ministers  in  Europe 
much  anxiety  and  no  little  annoyance.  Mr.  Adams 
■writes :  "  It  cannot  be  denied  that  ever  since  I  have 
been  here,  the  almost  constant  interference  of  govern- 
ment agents  of  all  kinds  has  had  its  effect,  however 
intended,  of  weakening  the  position  of  the  minister.  .  .  . 
I  doubt  whether  any  minister  has  ever  had  so  much  of 
this  kind  of  thing  to  contend  with."  ^ 

Our  relations  with  Great  Britain  during  the  war  can- 
not be  dismissed  without  a  recognition  of  the  invaluable 
services  rendered  by  our  minister,  Mr.  Adams.  He  re- 
mained at  his  post  throughout  the  entire  period  of  the 
war,  and  was  untiring  in  devotion  to  his  duties.  No 
other  minister  of  the  United  States  has  ever  passed 
through  so  long  a  period  of  intense  excitement  and 
critical  responsibility.  He  displayed  diplomatic  skill  of 
the  highest  order,  and  a  patriotic  spirit  unsurjiassed  by 
his  fathers.     Mr.  Lowell,  who  afterwards  occupied  the 

*  Supra,  p.  385.  *  Charles  Francis  Adams,  by  his  son,  356. 


400  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

same  post,  has  well  said  :  "  None  of  our  generals  in  the 
field,  not  Grant  himself,  did  us  better  or  more  trying 
service  than  he  in  his  forlorn  outpost  in  London." 

The  end  of  the  Civil  War,  -which  happily  terminated 
our  anxiety  over  foreign  intervention,  was  also  marked 
by  the  tragic  death  of  President  Lincoln,  which  not 
only  plunged  the  country  into  mourning  in  the  hour  of 
victory  and  rejoicing  over  a  restored  Union,  but  sent  a 
thrill  of  horror  throuo-hout  the  world  and  broug-ht  forth 
a  manifestation  of  sympathy  from  all  nations  and 
peoples  such  as  had  never  before  been  witnessed  in  the 
annals  of  time.  '  These  testimonials  of  sympathy  from 
all  quarters  of  the  globe  were  compiled  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  State,  and  published  by  special  resolution  of 
Congress  in  a  large  quarto  volume  of  over  nine  hundred 
pages,  entitled  "  Tributes  of  the  Nations  to  Abraham 
Lincoln."  ^  It  constitutes  a  unique  work,  and  graphically 
illustrates  how  strongly  this  simple  but  majestic  Ameri- 
can has  impressed  his  personality  on  the  world  —  a  per- 
sonality which  is  destined  to  be  the  central  figure  of  our 
country's  history  in  the  estimation  of  mankind. 

1  This  volume  has  been  republished  as  Part  4  of  the  Diplomatic  Cor- 
respondence of  1865. 


CHAPTER   XI 

AFTER    THE    CIVIL    WAR 

The  most  important  subject  connected  'with  foreign 
relations  which  called  for  the  attention  of  the  govern- 
ment at  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  was  the  situation 
of  affairs  in  Mexico.  The  disturbed  condition  during 
the  Buchanan  administration,  to  which  I  have  already- 
referred/  afforded  a  sufficient  pretext  or  reason  on  the 
part  of  foreign  governments  to  intervene  in  behalf  of 
their  injured  subjects  in  Mexico,  and  the  Civil  War  in 
the  United  States  released  them  from  any  fear  of  active 
interference  from  this  country  with  their  designs.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  October  31,  18G1,  Great  Britain,  France, 
and  Spain  united  in  a  tripartite  agreement^  for  a  joint 
military  expedition,  avowedly  to  enforce  the  claims  of 
and  secure  protection  to  their  subjects,  in  which  they 
expressly  disavowed  any  intention  to  secure  territory  or 
coerce  the  nation  respecting  the  form  of  government ; 
and  they  sent  a  combined  naval  and  military  force  to 
Vera  Cruz. 

The  United  States  was  asked  to  become  a  party  to 
the  agreement  and  expedition,  but  Mr.  Seward  declined, 
and  in  jruarded  lano-uaire  stated  that  the  United  States 
could  not  enter  upon  warlike  measures  to  enforce  claims 

»  Supra,  p.  355.  2  Dip.  Cor.  Mexican  Affairs,  1862,  pp.  134,  135. 


402  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

against  its  neighbor,  nor  could  it  consent  that  any  for- 
eign government  should  acquire  territory  in  Mexico  or 
exercise  any  influence  to  interfere  with  the  free  choice 
of  its  people.  In  a  few  months  the  British  and  Span- 
iards discovered  the  real  designs  of  Napoleon,  and  with- 
drew from  the  country,  leaving  the  French  alone  in 
Mexico  to  pursue  their  plans.  The  Emperor  Napoleon 
gave  assurance  to  our  government,  in  June,  1862,  after 
the  rupture  with  his  allies,  that  "  the  French  troops  do 
not  go  there  to  interfere  with  the  form  of  government, 
nor  to  acquire  an  inch  of  territory,"  and  that  his  only 
object  was  to  secure  a  settlement  of  French  claims ; 
and  he  repeated  this  assurance  constantly  during  the 
following  three  years.^ 

The  French  forces  had  a  comparatively  free  hand 
during  the  Civil  War,  although  our  government  con- 
tinued its  relations  with  Juarez  as  the  lawful  president, 
and  firmly  and  steadily  declined  to  recognize  the  so- 
called  Emperor  Maximihan,  who  had  been  placed  on  a 
throne  erected  and  supported  by  French  bayonets. 
But  when  the  Civil  War  was  happily  terminated,  a  large 
army  of  observation  under  General  Sheridan  was  dis- 
patched to  the  Rio  Grande  frontier,  prepared  for  such 
action  as  circumstances  might  determine.  General 
Grant  favored  the  expulsion  of  the  French  troops  from 
Mexico  without  delay ,^  but  Mr.  Seward  felt  sure  that  a 
temperate  but  firm  insistence  upon  our  position  main- 
tained during  the  war  would  accomplish  the  desired  end, 
and  his  representations  through  our  minister  in  Paris 

1  Dip.  Cor.  1862,  p.  348  ;  lb.  1863,  pp.  96-109. 

2  2  Grant's  Memoirs,  545,  546. 


AFTER   THE   CIVIL   WAR.  403 

led  to  the  assurance  by  Napoleon  that  his  troops  would 
be  withdrawn  ;  and  this  was  gradually  accomplished 
without  a  break  in  our  relations  with  France/  Maxi- 
milian, left  to  himself,  was  soon  overthrown  by  the 
Mexican  republican  troops,  and  he  deservedly  paid  the 
penalty  with  his  life  for  his  attempt  at  the  establishment 
of  a  monarchy  on  this  continent  by  force. 

An  event  which  occurred  in  18G6  —  the  successful 
laying  of  the  Atlantic  telegraphic  cable  —  has  had  a 
greater  influence  on  the  methods  of  di^^lomacy  than 
any  other  physical  fact  of  the  century  ;  and  it  is  grati- 
fying to  note  that  this  achievement  was  mainly  the 
result  of  the  untiring  efforts  of  an  American,  Cyrus  W. 
Field.  Mr.  Seward,  in  his  dispatch  of  congratulation 
to  Mr.  Field,  said  :  "  If  the  Atlantic  cable  had  not 
failed  in  1858,  European  states  would  not  have  been 
led,  in  1861,  into  the  great  error  of  supposing  that 
civil  war  in  America  would  either  perpetuate  African 
slavery  or  divide  this  Republic  ; "  and  he  added  :  "  Your 
grand  achievement  constitutes,  I  trust,  an  effective 
treaty  of  international  neutrality  and  non-interven- 
tion. 

Upon  the  succession  of  Andrew  Johnson  to  the 
presidency,  after  the  assassination  of  Lincoln,  Mr. 
Seward  continued  in  the  Cabinet,  notwithstanding  he 
subjected  himself  to  the  severe  criticism  of  his  party, 
which  soon  broke  with  the  President,  he  feeling  that  in 

1  The  official  correspondence  and  docnments  of  these  events  are  very 
voluminous  ;  see  Dip.  Cor.  Mexican  Affairs,  volumes  for  1862,  1803, 
1864,  1805-6,  1807.  For  evacuation  of  French,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  93,  39th 
Cong.  1st  Sess.  vol.  12. 

2  3  Life  of  Seward,  333. 


404  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

the  delicate  condition  o£  our  foreign  relations  he  should 
continue  in  the  management  of  these  affairs.  His 
most  important  act  during  Johnson's  term  was  the  pur- 
chase of  Alaska  from  Russia,  which  reflects  much 
credit  upon  his  diplomatic  skill  and  his  wise  foresight 
as  a  statesman. 

The  steps  which  led  up  to  the  purchase  may  be 
briefly  stated.  The  first  suggestion  of  the  acquisition 
appears  to  have  been  made  during  Polk's  administra- 
tion. We  have  authority  of  a  member  of  the  Cabinet, 
Mr.  R.  J.  Walker,  for  the  statement  that  Russia  indi- 
cated a  willingness  to  give  us  its  American  possessions 
if  we  would  adhere  to  the  claim  of  54°  40'  on  the 
Pacific,  and  thus  exclude  Great  Britain  from  that  ocean 
on  the  American  continent.^  The  subject  was  revived 
in  1859  when  Senator  Gwin,  of  California,  and  Assist- 
ant Secretary  of  State  Appleton  had  conferences  with 
the  Russian  minister  in  Washington  on  the  subject  of 
cession,  and  $5,000,000  was  unofficially  suggested  as 
the  price ;  but  the  election  of  1860,  and  the  Civil  War, 
suspended  the  negotiations.^  In  1866  the  legislature 
of  Washington  Territory  sent  a  petition  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  asking  for  better  facilities  for  American 
fishinor  vessels  in  Russian- American  waters.^  About 
this  time  a  company  was  organized  in  San  Francisco  to 
secure  the  privileges  in  the  fur  trade  of  the  Russian- 
American  Company,  and  also  of  the  lease  about  to 
expire  by  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  of  the  strip  of 
land  on  the  coast  north  of  54°  40'.     In  their  interest 

1  Dip.  Cor.  1867,  p.  390. 

2  H.  Ex.  Doc.  177,  40th  Cong.  2d  Sess.  p.  132.  »  lb.  4. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  406 

Senator  Cole  o£  California  had  several  conferences  with 
the  Russian  minister  in  Washington,  and  also  com- 
municated ^vitll  Mr.  Clay,  our  minister  in  St.  Peters- 
burg, on  the  subject.^ 

Another  event  of  the  same  year  (1866)  had  an  im- 
portant influence  on  the  cession  of  Alaska.  In  April 
an  attempt  upon  the  life  of  the  emperor  was  made,  and 
it  brouii'ht  forth  from  the  Cono^ress  of  the  United  States 
a  warm  resolution  of  congratulation  on  his  escape.  It 
was  determined  to  have  the  resolution  carried  to  St. 
Petersburg  in  one  of  our  ironclad  men-of-war,  and  Mr. 
Fox,  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  was  detailed 
to  deliver  it  to  the  emperor.^  This  action  was  taken  in 
reciprocation  of  the  visit  of  the  Russian  fleet  to  our 
country  in  the  midst  of  our  Civil  War,  made  as  an 
exhibition  of  the  friendliness  of  that  government  at  a 
time  when  most  of  the  nations  of  Europe  were  sympa- 
thizing with  the  Confederacy,  thus  manifesting  the  pre- 
vailing sentiment  voiced  in  the  poem  of  Dr.  Holmes : 
"  Who  was  our  friend  when  the  world  was  our  foe."  ^ 

1  lb.  1.^.3.  2  Dip.  Cor.  18G6,  p.  413,  414. 

8  Dr.  O.  W.  Holmes's  poem  was  sung  to  the  Russian  national  air,  in 
Music  Hall,  Boston,  by  the  public  school  children,  December,  6,  1871,  on 
the  occasion  of  the  visit  of  the  Grand  Duke  Alexis.  The  verse  from 
which  the  above  extract  is  taken  is  as  follows  :  — 

Bleak  are  our  shores  with  the  blasts  of  December, 
Throbbing  and  warm  are  the  hearts  that  remember 
Who  was  our  friend  when  the  world  was  our  foe  ; 
Fires  of  the  North  in  eternal  communion, 
Blend  your  broad  flashes  with  evening's  bright  star  ; 
God  bless  the  Empire  that  loves  the  Great  Union, 
Strength  to  her  people  !     Long  life  to  the  Czar. 

Holmes's  Poems  (ed.  1880),  256. 


406  A  CENTURY  OF  A^IERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

The  mission  of  Mr.  Fox  created  throughout  Russia 
intense  interest  and  gratitude/ 

A  few  months  afterwards  Baron  Stoeckl,  the  Russian 
minister  in  AYashington,  made  a  visit  to  St.  Peters- 
burg, and  conferred  with  his  government  respecting 
the  cession.  He  returned  to  Washington  in  March, 
1867,  with  authority  to  negotiate  for  the  transfer.  On 
March  30  the  treaty  was  signed  with  Secretary  Seward. 
It  is  related^  that  the  Russian  minister,  late  in  the 
evening  of  March  29,  went  to  the  residence  of  Mr. 
Seward,  where  he  found  the  secretary  playing  whist 
with  some  members  of  his  family,  and  informed  him 
that  he  had  received  a  cablegram  from  his  government 
authorizing  him  to  make  the  treaty,  and  added :  "  To- 
morrow, if  you  like,  I  will  come  to  the  department,  and 
we  can  enter  upon  the  treaty."  "  Why  wait  till  to-mor- 
row, Mr.  Stoeckl?  Let  us  make  the  treaty  to-night," 
said  Mr.  Seward.  "  But  your  department  is  closed. 
You  have  no  clerks,  and  my  secretaries  are  scattered 
about  town."  "Never  mind  that,"  responded  Seward, 
"  if  you  can  muster  your  legation  before  midnight,  you 
will  find  me  awaiting  you  at  the  department,  which  will 
be  open  and  ready  for  business."  And  thus  by  four 
o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  30th,  the  treaty  was 
engrossed,  signed,  sealed,  and  ready  for  transmission 
to  the  Senate. 

The  haste  was  occasioned  by  the  expected  early  ad- 
journment of    that  body.     The   treaty  was  promptly 

^  For  official  reports  of  Mr.  Fox's  mission,  Dip.  Cor.  1866,  pp.  416- 
459. 
2  3  Life  of  Seward,  348. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  407 

ratified  by  the  Senate,  by  a  vote  of  37  to  2,  with  little 
discussion,  except  a  long  and  carefully  prepared  speech 
by  Mr.  Sumner,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  For- 
eign Relations,  in  which  he  gave  a  detailed  report  of 
the  history,  resources,  and  prospective  advantages  to 
the  United  States  of  the  territory.^  It  was  the  first 
acquisition  of  non-contiguous  territory  made  by  our 
government,  but  this  fact  does  not  seem  to  have  created 
opposition  to  the  measure  in  the  Senate. 

The  transfer  of  possession  was  made  October  18, 
1867,  but  the  appropriation  of  the  purchase-money  was 
not  made  until  July,  1868.  The  friendly  disposition 
and  confidence  of  Russia  is  shown  in  the  fact  that  it 
did  not  make  this  payment  a  condition  precedent  to  the 
transfer.  Although  the  treaty  was  acted  upon  by  the 
Senate  with  little  opposition,  the  appropriation  awakened 
a  lengthy  debate  in  the  House,  it  being  contended  that 
the  territory,  because  of  absence  of  resources,  would 
prove  of  no  value  to  the  United  States.  It  was  further 
argued  that  the  treaty  could  have  no  effect  until  acted 
upon  by  the  House,  although  it  had  been  proclaimed  by 
the  President  and  the  territory  transferred  to  the  United 
States.  This  was  the  same  question  that  was  raised  as 
to  the  treaty-making  power  when  the  Jay  treaty  of 
1794  was  before  Congress  for  the  execution  of  its  pro- 
visions.^ 

After  weeks  of  debate  the  House  passed  a  bill  recit- 
ing that  it  was  "  necessary  that  the  consent  of  Congress 
shall  be  given  to  the  said  treaty  before  the  same  shall 
have  full  force  and  effect,"  and  enacted  "  that  the  assent 

1  H.  Ex.  Doc.  177,  cited  p.  124.  «  Supra,  p.  167. 


408  A   CENTURY   OF  AMERICAN   DIPLOMACY. 

of  Congress  is  hereby  given  to  the  stipulations  of  said 
treaty."  This  was  rejected  by  the  Senate,  and  in  con- 
ference committee  a  new  bill  was  agreed  to,  in  which 
the  terms  of  the  treaty  are  recited  in  the  preamble  and 
the  statement  made  that  "  said  stipulations  cannot  be 
carried  into  full  force  and  effect  except  by  legislation 
to  which  the  consent  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  is 
necessary;"  and  the  act  simply  appropriates  the  pur- 
chase-money "  to  fulfill  stipulations  contained  in  Article 
6."  ^  This  action  was  not,  therefore,  an  assertion  that 
the  House  has  the  prerogative  of  affirming  or  rejecting 
a  treaty,  as  implied  in  the  bill  as  originally  passed  by 
that  body.^ 

Senator    Sumner    said    of   the   neo-otiations :    "  Few 

o 

treaties  have  been  conceived,  initiated,  prosecuted,  and 
completed  in  so  simple  a  manner,  without  protocols 
or  dispatches."  The  motive  of  Russia  in  making  the 
cession  has  been  the  subject  of  discussion.  Sumner 
referred  in  his  speech  to  the  motive  assigned  by  Napo- 
leon for  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  "  to  give  England  a 
maritime  rival  destined  to  humble  her  pride,"  and  inti- 
mated that  Russia  was  influenced  by  similar  consider- 
ations.^ Mr.  Clay,  our  minister  in  St.  Petersburg,  in 
referring  to  the  causes  which  had  brought  the  negotia- 
tions to  success,  wrote  Secretary  Seward  that  the  Rus- 
sians preferred  to  have  the  United  States  rather  than 
England  as  their  neighbors,  and  that  they  entertained 
the  hope  that  the  cession  might  ultimately  lead  to  the 

»  15  Stat,  at  Large,  198. 

*  For  debate  in  Congress,  Cong.  Globe,  40th  Cong.  2(1  Sess. 

«  H.  Ex.  Doc.  177,  40th  Cong.  2d  Sess.  p.  130. 


AFTER  THE   CIVIL    WAR.  409 

expulsion  from  the  Pacific  of  the  nation  whose  power  in 
the  East  is  justly  feared/  A  historian  of  the  period 
says  of  the  treaty  :  "  It  created  a  profound  sensation 
throughout  the  country,  and  indeed  throughout  the 
civilized  world.  The  Russian  government  had  never 
before  consented  to  the  alienation  of  any  part  of  its  vast 
domain  ;  and  it  was  felt  that  the  sale,  which  came  soon 
after  the  close  of  a  war  in  which  Russia  had  openly 
manifested  sympathy  with  the  United  States  government 
in  its  struggle  to  preserve  its  integrity,  was  another 
evidence  of  the  friendship  of  the  empire  for  the  re- 
public." ^ 

Mr.  Seward  stated,  soon  after  this  cession  was  per- 
fected, that  his  object  in  acquiring  Alaska  was  to 
prevent  its  purchase  by  England,  thereby  preventing 
the  extension  of  England's  coast  line  on  the  Pacific ; 
also  because  he  believed  it  would  strengthen  American 
influence  in  British  Columbia,  if  it  was  bounded  on  the 
north,  as  well  as  on  the  south,  by  the  United  States. 
He,  on  the  same  occasion,  said  that  political  union  with 
the  United  States  was  the  manifest  destiny  of  Canada ; 
that  it  would  remove  the  causes  most  likely  to  produce 
irritation  between  England  and  the  United  States ; 
and  that  the  longer  Canada  resisted  the  inevitable,  the 
longer  she  would  defer  the  development  of  her  natural 
resources.^ 

The  amount  paid  for  the  territory  was  $7,200,000. 

1  Dip.  Cor.  18G7,  p.  390. 

2  5  Bryant's  Hist.  U.  S.  (Scribner),  398. 

•  Interview  with  Hon.  John  Simpson,  Senator  of   the  Dominion  of 
Canada.     New  York  Sun,  Jan.  29,  1893. 


410  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

The  receipts  of  the  government  from  the  sealing  in- 
dustry of  the  Pribylof  Islands  alone  have  amounted  to 
over  §12,000,000.  The  area  of  the  territory  is  599,446 
square  miles.^ 

Mr.  Seward  also  negotiated  a  treaty  with  Denmark 
for  the  acquisition  of  the  islands  of  St.  Thomas  and 
St.  John  in  the  \Yest  Indies,  but  the  measure  failed 
because  of  the  non-action  of  the  Senate." 

The  situation  of  our  relations  with  Japan  occupied 
the  attention  of  Secretary  Seward  often  during  and 
after  our  Civil  War,  as  also  that  of  his  immediate  pre- 

^  The  growth  in  area  of  the  United  States  on  the  continent  of  North 
America  is  computed  by  the  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office, 
May  2,  1900,  as  follows  :  — 

Sq.  Miles. 

Territory  of  the  Original  Thirteen  States     .         .     909,050 
Louisiana  Purchase,  1803  ....         875,025 

Florida,  under  treaty,  1819 70,107 

Oregon,  under  treaty,  1846       ....         288,689 
Texas,  annexed  in  1845         .         .         .     389,795 
Ceded  by  Mexico,  1848     •         •         .        523,802 
Ceded  by  Mexico,  1853         .         .         .       36,211 

949,808 

Alaska,  under  treaty,  1867         ....         599,446 

Total  continental  territory  .         .  3,692,125 

The  insular  territory  acquired  in  1898  is  computed  by  the  Superin- 
tendent of  the  Coast  Survey,  May  10,  1900,  as  follows  :  — 

Sq.  Miles. 

Hawaiian  Islands 6,740 

Porto  Rico 3,522 

Philippine  Islands 122,231 

Guam 175 

Tutuila,  Samoan  group 5,731 

Total  insular  territory     .         .         .         138,399 
2  3  Life  of   Seward,  369  j    1  Wharton's  Int.   Dig.  416  ;   Schuyler's 
Diplomacy,  23. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  411 

decessors.  As  soon  as  Commodore  Perry's  treaty  had 
been  ratified,  in  1855,  Mr.  Townsend  Harris  was  ap- 
pointed consul-g'enerul  and  afterwards  was  made  minis- 
ter resident.  He  remained  in  Japan  as  the  American 
representative  for  seven  years,  in  which  he  rendered 
vahiahle  services  to  his  own  country,  and  to  Japan  as 
well,  Mr.  Seward  attributing  much  of  the  success  in 
establishing  such  friendly  relations  with  that  country 
to  his  "  wonderful  sagacity  and  patience."  ^  In  1857 
and  1858  he  negotiated  complete  treaties  of  amity  and 
commerce,  in  substitution  of  the  limited  treaty  of  185-1, 
m  which  he  secured  the  opening  of  other  important 
ports  to  commerce,  extratenitorial  jurisdiction  to  our 
consuls,  and  valuable  trade  and  tariff  regulations. 

Japan  early  began  to  feel  the  effect  of  foreign  inter- 
course established  by  the  commercial  treaties,  and  in 
1860  it  sent  abroad  quite  an  imposing  embassy,  which 
in  turn  visited  the  United  States  and  European  coun- 
tries, to  study  their  institutions  and  establish  better 
political  relations.  The  embassy  was  cordially  received 
everywhere,  its  personnel  attracted  attention  because  of 
its  intelligence  and  ability,  and  every  encouragement 
was  given  to  the  liberal  policy  which  seemed  to  have 
taken  possession  of  the  ruling  classes.  But  this  policy 
met  with  fierce  opposition  within  the  empire,  and  often 
the  rage  and  bigotry  of  the  populace  vented  themselves 
on  foreign  residents,  quite  a  number  of  whom  lost  their 
lives  or  suffered  in  the  destruction  of  tlieir  property. 
Among  these  was  the  secretary  of  the  United  States 
legation,  who  was  murdered  in  1861 ;  and  two  years 

1  1  Wharton's  Int.  Di?.  495. 


412  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

later  in  an  anti-foreign  riot  the  legation  premises  at 
Tokio  were  destroyed,  and  the  minister  and  his  house- 
hold had  to  take  refuge  in  the  treaty  port  of  Yoko- 
hama. 

Secretary  Seward  treated  these  matters  and  the  Jap- 
anese government  with  leniency  and  friendliness.  None 
of  our  statesmen  of  his  day  had  such  an  exalted  con- 
ception of  the  importance  of  our  future  relations  to  the 
peoples  of  the  Pacific  islands  and  of  Asia.  In  a  speech 
delivered  in  the  Senate  in  1858  he  made  a  notable 
prophecy.  He  said :  "  The  Pacific  Ocean,  its  shores, 
its  islands,  and  the  vast  regions  beyond,  will  become 
the  chief  theatre  of  events  in  the  world's  great  here- 
after." In  their  intercourse  with  China  and  Hawaii  he 
enjoined  on  our  representatives  the  utmost  forbearance 
and  kindness,  in  order  that  our  citizens  and  their  enter- 
prises might  reap  the  benefit  of  peaceful  relations  and 
friendship  for  America.  In  instructing  our  minister  as 
to  the  course  to  be  pursued  respecting  the  injuries 
inflicted  in  Japan  upon  officials  and  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  he  recalled  the  fact  that  from  its  first 
acquaintance  with  Japan  our  government  had  con- 
ducted its  intercourse  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  frank- 
ness, and  friendship ;  that  it  was  the  first  duty  of  the 
American  representatives  to  deserve  and  win  the  confi- 
dence of  the  Japanese  government  and  people ;  that 
they  should  act  as  if  the  riotous  events  would  have 
been  prevented  by  the  authorities,  if  they  had  possessed 
tlie  power ;  that  nevertheless  they  should  insist  upon 
full  reparation  for  the  outrages ;  and  that  in  their  united 
action  with  other  foreign  powers,  for  mutual  protection 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  413 

and  redress,  they  should  conduct  themselves  with  pru- 
dence, and  not  resort  to  force  except  in  extreme  cases.^ 

The  first  treaties  of  the  United  States  and  of  other 
foreign  powers  were  made,  not  with  the  Mikado  or 
Emperor,  but  with  the  Shogun  or  Tycoon,  who  was  in 
reality  a  military  dependent  of  the  Emperor,  but  who 
for  many  years  in  recent  times  had  exercised  the  chief 
authority  in  the  islands.  Yeddo,  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment of  the  Shogun,  was  regarded  by  the  outside  world 
as  the  capital  of  the  nation,  and  the  treaties  had  been 
made  with  that  official  under  the  mistaken  belief  that 
he  was  the  chief  ruler  of  the  empire.  His  authority 
had  been  waning  for  some  time  previous  to  the  arrival 
of  Commodore  Perry  in  the  Bay  of  Yeddo,  and  the 
opposition  to  him  on  the  part  of  the  adherents  of  the 
Mikado  gradually  grew  so  strong  that  in  1867  the  last 
of  the  Shoguns  withdrew  to  his  own  family  estate,  and 
the  Mikado  became  the  undisputed  ruler  of  the  empire. 
His  supremacy  made  it  necessary  that  he  should  recog- 
nize or  ratify  the  treaties  which  had  been  celebrated  by 
the  Shogun  with  the  United  States  and  other  powers, 
and  thereby  accept  the  latter's  liberal  foreign  policy ; 
and  this  was  accordingly  done  in  1868. 

An  event  which  occurred  during  the  disturbed  period 
of  the  revolt  of  the  Mikado's  adherents  against  the 
Shogun  occasioned  a  conflict  with  the  foreign  powers. 
The  prince  of  the  province  in  which  is  the  narrow 
strait  connecting  the  Japanese  inland  sea  with  the 
ocean,  who  was  an  adherent  of  the  ]\Iikado  and  had  the 
latter  in  his  charge,  seized  the  fortified  port  of  Sliimo- 

1  1  Wharton's  Int.  Dig.  50(M502. 


414  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

noseki  commanding  the  strait,  refused  to  recognize  the 
treaties  made  with  the  Shogun,  and  sought  to  close  the 
strait  to  all  f oreiofn  commerce.  This  led  to  a  combined 
naval  expedition  in  1863  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  Great  Britain,  France,  and  the  Netherlands, 
which  destroyed  the  forts  and  opened  the  passage  of 
the  strait.  As  an  indemnity  for  the  expense  of  this 
expedition,  the  representatives  of  the  four  powers  de- 
manded and  received  from  the  Shogun  the  sum  of 
$3,000,000,  of  which  $785,000  was  paid  to  the  United 
States.^ 

This  money  remained  in  the  treasury  of  the  United 
States  unappropriated  until  1883,  when  Congress,  with 
an  awakened  conscience,  voted  its  return  to  Japan." 
In  response  to  the  notes  of  the  minister  of  the  United 
States,  communicating  the  repayment  of  the  fund  to 
Japan,  its  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  said :  "  His 
Majesty's  government  regards  the  spontaneous  return 
of  the  money  .  .  .  not  only  as  an  additional  proof  of 
the  friendly  disposition  of  your  excellency's  govern- 
ment, but  as  a  strong  manifestation  of  that  spirit  of 
justice  and  equity  which  has  always  animated  the  United 
States  in  their  relations  with  Japan,  and  it  will,  I  am 
convinced,  tend  to  perpetuate  and  strengthen  the  mutual 
confidence  and  the  feeling  of  cordial  good-will  and 
friendship  which  at  present  happily  subsists  between 
the  people  of  our  respective  countries."  ^ 

^  For  reports  and  correspondence,  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  58,  41st  Cong.  2d 
Sess.  ;  H.  Misc.  Doc.  No.  151,  42d  Cong.  2d  Sess.  ;  Dip.  Cor.  1864,  part 
3 ;  For.  Rel.  1874,  pp.  675,  694. 

2  22  Stat,  at  L.  421.  a  For.  Rel.  1883,  p.  606. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  415 

The  Anglo-French  war  with  China  of  1858-GO, 
which  resulted  in  the  occupation  of  Peking  by  the 
allied  forces  and  the  opening  of  a  number  of  additional 
ports  to  foreign  commerce,  was  a  rude  awakening  of 
the  Celestial  Empire  from  its  seclusion  and  conserva- 
tism, and  its  public  men  began  to  see  that  a  new  policy 
of  broader  and  freer  intercourse  with  foreign  nations 
must  be  adopted.  Anson  Burlingame,  who  since  18G1 
had  resided  at  Pekins:  as  minister  from  the  United 
States,  and  by  his  tact  and  friendly  conduct  had  gained 
the  confidence  of  the  Chinese  government,  was  invited 
by  it  in  18G8  to  become  the  head  of  an  imperial  em- 
bassy,^ to  visit  all  the  leading  Christian  nations,  and 
through  treaties  and  personal  intercourse  establish  ami- 
cable and  freer  political  and  commercial  relations  with 
them. 

This  notable  embassy  first  visited  the  United  States, 
where  it  was  received  by  the  Executive,  by  Congress, 
and  by  the  leading  cities  with  distinguished  attention. 
The  government  of  the  United  States  being  in  full 
sympathy  with  the  objects  of  the  embassy,  a  treaty 
(1868)  was  readily  negotiated  with  its  plenipotentiaries 
by  Secretary  Seward,  wherein  the  rights  of  China  were 
protected  respecting  all  grants  of  lands  or  concessions 
to  foreigners  for  internal  improvements,  freedom  of 
conscience  and  religious  worship  were  guaranteed,  un- 
necessary dictation  and  intervention  in  internal  affairs 
were  to  be  discouraged,  change  of  home  and  allegiance 
and  free  emigration  were  stipulated,  and  the  privilege 
of  unrestricted  travel  and  residence  in  China  and  the 

1  Dip.  Cor.  1868,  part  1,  GOl. 


416  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

United  States,  upon  the  basis  of  the  most  favored  nation, 
was  agreed  to.  After  its  mission  had  been  successfully 
accomplished  in  the  United  States,  the  embassy  visited 
Europe,  where  it  was  hospitably  received,  but  where  its 
political  objects  were  not  so  readily  nor  so  fully  at- 
tained. 

Unfortunately  in  the  midst  of  its  labors  in  Europe 
the  embassy  suffered  the  irref)arable  loss  of  its  chief  in 
the  untimely  death  of  Mr.  Burlingame.  This  event 
proved  a  double  misfortune  to  China,  first,  in  weaken- 
ing the  influence  of  the  embassy  in  Europe,  and,  sec- 
ond, in  depriving  its  government  of  the  services  and 
leadership  of  an  able  and  tactful  foreigner  to  direct  its 
efforts  towards  a  more  liberal  and  progressive  policy. 
We  can  only  conjecture  what  might  have  been  the 
future  of  China  if  Mr.  Burlinjyame's  hfe  had  been 
spared  and  he  had  been  permitted  to  lead  in  the  pro- 
gressive and  liberal  movement. 

But  another  disappointment  was  in  store  for  the 
empire.  The  large  influx  of  Chinese  laborers  to  the 
Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States,  which  followed  the 
treaty  of  1868,  created  a  sentiment  in  the  country  hos- 
tile to  this  immigration,  and  a  demand  arose  for  a  modi- 
fication of  the  clauses  of  that  treaty  which  permitted 
the  free  entrance  and  residence  of  Chinese  laborers.  It 
would  transofress  the  limits  which  I  have  fixed  for  this 
work  to  narrate  the  negotiation  of  the  immigration 
convention  of  1880,  the  disregard  of  treaty  stipulations 
by  Congress,  and  the  harsh  measures  adopted  by  our 
government  to  restrict  the  admission  of  the  Chinese 
into  the  United  States. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  417 

The  period  of  Mr.  Seward's  service  is  unique  in  the 
history  of  the  Department  of  State.  No  other  secre- 
tary has  had  to  deal  with  so  many  important  questions, 
and  none  have  held  office  during  such  a  prolonged 
crisis,  taxing  to  the  utmost  the  intellectual  and  physi- 
cal powers  of  the  incumbent.  During  this  period  he 
produced  a  series  of  state  papers  which  take  rank 
with  those  of  the  ablest  writers  on  international  law 
and  polity.  After  he  retired  from  office  he  made  a 
tour  of  the  world,  and  the  reception  accorded  him 
attests  the  high  esteem  in  which  his  ability  and  char- 
acter were  held  in  foreign  lands.  With  the  lapse  of 
time  Mr.  Seward's  services  to  his  country,  in  the  most 
critical  period  of  its  history,  as  Secretary  of  State, 
grow  in  importance  and  public  appreciation.  It  is  an 
interesting  reminiscence  of  that  time  that  in  the  early 
days  of  the  crisis,  when  the  Trent  affair  had  just  been 
successfully  passed,  December,  1861,  a  young  man 
beginning  to  test  the  wings  of  the  muse  which  were  to 
raise  him  so  high  in  the  literary  world,  then  a  private 
secretary  to  the  President,  and  destined  himself  to  fill 
Mr.  Seward's  high  office,  foresaw  his  fame,  and  in  an 
ode  dedicated  to  the  secretary,  wrote  :  — 

"  And  so,  a  generous  people,  at  the  last 
Will  hail  the  power  they  did  not  comprehend  ; 
Thy  fame  will  broaden  through  the  centuries."  * 

The  stormy  period  of  the  Civil  War  and  the  John- 
son era  of  reconstruction  and  party  discord  were  followed 
by  the  more  peaceful  administration  of  President  Grant. 
He  made  a  wise  selection  of  a  secretary  of  state  in  the 
1  3  Life  of  Seward,  35. 


418  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

person  o£  Hamilton  Fish,  a  man  o£  education,  refine- 
ment, and  experience  in  public  affairs,  having  been 
crovernor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  member  of 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  besides  having  spent  much 
time  abroad.  During  his  eight  years'  term  a  great 
variety  of  diplomatic  questions  arose,  only  the  most  im- 
portant of  which  can  be  noticed. 

An  insurrection  broke  out  in  Cuba  the  year  of  Presi- 
dent Grant's  election,  was  in  full  operation  when  Mr. 
Fish  entered  upon  his  duties,  and  continued  during  his 
entire  term.  It  was  to  him  a  constant  source  of  anxiety, 
involving  questions  respecting  the  proper  enforcement 
of  the  neutrality  laws,  the  recognition  of  the  belliger- 
ency and  independence  of  the  insurgents,  interference 
with  American  vessels,  the  protection  of  the  lives  and 
property  of  American  citizens,  and  a  variety  of  other 
matters  growing  out  of  a  state  of  war  in  an  adjacent 
country  with  which  we  had  intimate  and  extensive  com- 
mercial relations.  Strong  influences  were  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  government  to  secure  the  recognition  of 
belligerent  rights  to  the  Cuban  insurrectionists,  and  the 
arbitrary  and  cruel  conduct  of  the  Spanish  officials  more 
than  once  put  the  friendly  relations  of  the  two  nations 
in  great  peril ;  but  through  the  prudent  and  skillful 
conduct  of  affairs  by  Mr.  Fish,  the  government  was 
enabled  to  discharge  its  international  obliof'ations  and 
preserve  the  confidence  of  our  own  people,  notwith- 
standing their  warm  sympathy  with  the  Cuban  cause.* 

^  For  official  papers,  7  Richardson's  Messages,  31,  64,  336  ;  S.  Ex. 
Doc.  7,  and  H.  Ex.  Doc.  140,  41st  Cong.  2d  Sess.  ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  32,  42d 
Cong.  2d  Sess.  ;  H.  Ex.  Doc.  30,  43d  Cong.  1st  Sess.  (the  Virginius)  ; 
S.  Ex.  Doc.  29,  and  H.  Ex.  Doc.  90,  44th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  ;  Wharton's  Int. 
Dig.  sections  60,  377,  and  402. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  419 

Attention  was  for  some  time  directed  to  the  island  of 
San  Domingo,  because  of  a  treaty  of  annexation  ne<^o- 
tiated  with  the  president  of  that  repubHc  by  President 
Grant's  private  secretary,  General  Babcock.  The  pro- 
ject met  with  strong  opposition  in  this  country  and  the 
treaty  occasioned  much  party  dissension  in  Congress,^ 
and  was  finally  rejected  by  the  Senate,  notwithstanding 
President  Grant's  warm  advocacy.^ 

The  Franco-German  \yar  of  1870  led  to  the  pro- 
clamation of  our  neutrality/  and  its  brief  duration 
occasioned  little  inconvenience  to  our  commerce.  The 
confidence  which  both  of  these  great  powers  reposed  in 
the  disinterested  friendship  of  the  United  States  was 
illustrated  in  the  selection  by  Germany  of  the  American 
minister  in  Paris,  Mr.  E.  B.  Washburne,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  France,  to  take  charge  of  the  interests  of  the 
subjects  of  the  former  during  the  war  ;  and  he  acquitted 
himself  with  distinction  in  the  discharge  of  his  delicate 
and  laborious  duties. 

Two  cases  of  considerable  interest,  involving  the 
question  of  extradition  of  criminals,  occurred  during  the 
year  1876.  One  Winslow  was  arrested  in  London  on 
a  requisition  under  the  extradition  treaty  charged  with 
the  crime  of  forgery  committed  in  the  United  States. 
The  British  government  required,  as  a  condition  of  his 
surrender,  that  an  assurance  should  be  given  that  he 
would  not  be  tried  for  any  other  offense  than  the  one  for 

'  2  Blaine's  Twenty  Years  in  Congress,  458,  461. 

2  For  official  papers,  7  Richardson's  Messages,  99  ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  17  and 
24,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  42,  41st  Cong.  3d  Sess.  ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  35,  42d  Cong.  Ist 
Sess.  ;  S.  Ex.  Doc.  9,  42d  Cong.  2d  Sess. 

•  7  Richardson's  Messages,  86. 


420  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

which  he  was  extradited,  on  the  ground  that  a  British 
law  passed  after  the  treaty  required  such  a  condition. 
Mr.  Fish  refused  to  give  such  an  assurance,  for  the  reason 
that  the  condition  was  not  warranted  by  the  treaty.  He 
contended  that  the  terms  of  a  treaty  could  not  be  modi- 
fied by  a  domestic  law,  and  he  gave  notice  that  if  this 
position  was  maintained  the  United  States  would  cease 
to  ask  for  the  surrender  of  any  criminals  under  the 
treaty.  The  British  government  declined  to  yield,  Wins- 
low  was  released  from  arrest,  and  he  was  never  tried.^ 
For  some  months  the  treaty  was  virtually  suspended, 
and  no  criminals  were  extradited.  Finally,  Great  Britain 
yielded  the  point  in  controversy,  and  the  treaty  was  again 
put  in  operation.  But  the  United  States  has  observed 
the  rule  that  a  person  extradited  for  one  offense  shall 
not  be  tried  for  another,  and  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court  has  held  that  such  should  be  practiced  under  the 
treaty.^ 

The  other  extradition  case  referred  to  was  that  of 
"  Boss  "  Tweed,  of  the  Tammany  ring,  which  defrauded 
the  city  of  New  York  out  of  many  millions  of  dollars. 
He  was  convicted  and  sentenced  to  a  long  term  of  im- 
prisonment, but  succeeded  in  escaping,  fled  to  Cuba  and 
thence  to  Sj)ain,  where  he  was  discovered  and  arrested. 
We  had  no  extradition  treaty  with  Spain,  and  could  not 
demand  his  surrender  as  a  right.  Nevertheless  the 
Spanish  government  delivered  him  up,  and  he  was  re- 
turned to  the  state  prison,  where  he  died.^     This  action 

1  1  Moore  on  Extradition,  sect.  150,  p.  196. 

2  United  States  vs.  Rauscher,  119  U.  S.  Rep.  407. 
8  1  Moore  on  Extradition,  sect.  33,  p.  41. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  421 

recalls  an  extradition  case  which  occurred  in  1804,  and 
attracted  much  attention  at  the  time.  Arguelles,  a 
Spanish  colonel,  seized  a  cargo  of  African  negroes,  sold 
them  into  shivery,  appropriated  the  money  to  his  own 
use,  and  fled  to  New  York,  where  he  established  himself 
as  a  newspaper  proprietor.  Tlie  Spanish  government 
asked  for  his  extradition,  although  no  treaty  existed 
warranting  it ;  but  the  crime  was  so  flagrant  and  so 
repulsive  to  the  moral  sentiment  of  the  nation  that 
Mr.  Seward  felt  justified  in  yielding  to  the  request  of 
the  Spanish  government,  and  he  caused  Arguelles  to  be 
delivered  so  expeditiously  that  no  opportunity  was  given 
for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  to  issue.^ 

The  delivery  was  made  in  the  midst  of  the  presi- 
dential campaign,  and  it  occasioned  a  great  outcry  by 
the  opponents  of  the  war  and  of  the  administration,  as 
a  tyrannical  misuse  of  power  and  a  violation  of  the 
right  of  asylum.  And  it  is  to  be  confessed  that,  though 
the  act  in  question  was  a  meritorious  one,  it  affords  a 
dangerous  precedent  for  abuse  of  authority  in  a  country 
which  acknowledges  the  supreme  rule  of  law.  It  is  the 
last  case  of  the  kind  which  has  occurred,  the  practice 
of  the  government  beinof  not  to  ffrant  extradition 
except  to  countries  with  which  we  have  treaties  author- 
izing and  requiring  it. 

The  most  important  subject  which  occupied  Secretary 
Fish  during;  his  longf  term  of  office  was  that  g-rowingf 
out  of  the  lax  and  unfriendly  enforcement  of  neutrality 
by  Great  Britain  during  the  Civil  War.  I  have  noticed 
the  repeated  complaints  and  protests  of  our  minister  in 

1  lb.  sect.  27,  p.  27. 


422  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

London,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  following  the  departure 
from  British  ports  of  one  after  another  of  the  Confed- 
erate cruisers  to  prey  upon  our  commerce,  and  the  little 
satisfaction  he  obtained.  Discouraged  at  the  time  with 
the  small  result  of  his  efforts,  he  wrote  the  department : 
"  The  main  object  must  now  be  to  make  a  record  which 
may  be  of  use  at  some  future  day." 

At  the  close  of  the  war  he  renewed  his  correspondence 
with  the  Foreign  Office,  and  sought  to  bring  the  British 
government  to  a  realizing  sense  of  the  great  injury  done 
the  United  States,  and  to  a  willingness  to  make  due 
reparation.  Lord  Russell  denied  all  responsibility  for 
the  acts  of  the  Alabama  and  other  cruisers,  and  after 
a  tedious  discussion  finally  declared,  with  some  impa- 
tience, "  that  he  wished  to  say,  once  for  all,  that  her 
Majesty's  government  disclaimed  any  responsibility  for 
the  losses,  and  hoped  they  had  made  their  position  per- 
fectly clear."  ^  Certainly  this  was  sufficiently  explicit ; 
but  it  was  utterly  unsatisfactory  to  the  United  States, 
and  its  dissatisfaction  and  determination  to  persist  at 
the  proper  time  in  urging  its  claim  for  reparation  were 
made  known  to  her  Majesty's  government. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  years  a  change  of  ministry  oc- 
curred in  Great  Britain,  and,  in  a  better  frame  of  mind, 
the  new  ministry  manifested  a  disposition  to  reopen  the 
door  so  abruptly  closed  by  Lord  Russell.  Mr.  Reverdy 
Johnson,  who  had  relieved  Mr.  Adams  as  minister  in 
London,  succeeded  in  negotiating  with  Lord  Clarendon, 
in    1869,   just   at   the   close   of    President   Johnson's 

'  For   correspondence,   President's  Message,   April   7,  1869,   Claims 
against  Great  Britain,  vol.  3. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  423 

administration,  a  treaty  for  the  adjustment  of  our  dif- 
ferences with  Great  Britain,  but  it  was  of  such  an 
unsatisfactory  character  that  it  was  rejected  by  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  by  an  almost  unanimous 
vote.^ 

Upon  the  advent  of  President  Grant,  the  new  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Mr.  Fish,  reopened  the  subject  with  the 
Gladstone  ministry,  and  after  some  preliminary  nego- 
tiations, a  special  commission  composed  of  five  able 
and  prominent  statesmen  was  sent  to  Washington  by 
the  British  government  to  confer  with  a  like  commis- 
sion on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  at  the  head  of 
which  was  Secretary  Fish,  and  to  take  up  for  adjust- 
ment what  were  known  as  the  Alabama  claims,  and  all 
other  unsettled  questions  between  the  two  nations. 
Out  of  these  conferences  there  resulted  a  treaty  signed 
on  May  8,  1871,  and  called  the  treaty  of  Washington. 
It  is  one  of  the  most  important  and  the  most  compre- 
hensive of  the  treaties  ever  negotiated  by  our  govern- 
ment. 

The  treaty  embraced  eleven  distinct  subjects,  which, 
very  briefly  enumerated,  are  as  follows :  In  the  first 
article  the  British  commissioners  expressed  "the  re- 
gret felt  by  her  Majesty's  government  for  the  escape 
...  of  the  Alabama  and  other  vessels  .  .  .  and  for 
the  depredations  committed  by  "  them,  and  agreed  to 
the  submission  of  the  claim  of  the  United  States  there- 
for to  a  tribunal  of  arbitration,  which  has  gone  into 

1  For  negotiations  and  copy  of  Johnson-Clarendon  Treaty,  Claims 
against  Great  Britain,  vol.  3,  pp.  692-789  ;  for  Senator  Sumner's  speech 
in  opposition,  13  Sumner's  Works,  23-93. 


424  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

history  as  the  Geneva  arbitration.  Second  :  The  claims, 
other  than  the  foregoing,  of  the  citizens  and  subjects 
of  the  two  governments  arising  during  the  Civil  War, 
were  likewise  submitted  to  an  arbitration  commission.^ 
Third :  The  seacoast  fisheries  of  both  countries  were 
made  free,  and  fish  products  were  admitted  free  of 
duty  by  both  governments  for  a  term  of  ten  years. 
Fourth :  As  the  British  (or  Canadians)  claimed  that  this 
privilege  as  to  the  fisheries  was  much  more  valuable  to 
the  Americans  than  to  the  Canadians,  a  commission  was 
created  to  assess  the  excess  of  value,  if  any  was  shown 
to  exist.^  Fifth :  The  free  navigation  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence, Yukon,  Porcuj)ine,  and  Stikiue  Rivers  was  stipu- 
lated. Sixth :  The  use  of  the  canals  of  the  United 
States  and  Canada  was  provided  for  on  terms  of  equal- 
ity by  citizens  of  the  respective  countries.  Seventh  : 
The  free  navigation  of  Lake  Michigan  was  granted  to 
British  vessels.  Eio-hth  :  Free  transit  of  cfoods  in  bond 
through  the  United  States  and  Canada.  Ninth :  Cer- 
tain coastwise  trade  was  allowed  on  the  St.  Lawrence 
River  and  Great  Lakes.  Tenth  :  Free  use  of  St.  John 
River,  New  Brunswick,  for  Maine  lumber.  Eleventh : 
The  reference  of  the  water  boundary  dispute  through 
the  Strait  of  Fuca  to  the  decision  of  the  Emperor  of 
Germany.^ 

The  settlement  of  the  questions  arising  out  of  the 
Alabama  claims  was  the  most  important  arbitration 
in  which  the  United  States  ever  engaged,  the  most 
august  and  impressive  ever  held  in  the  world,  and  the 

^  For  arbitration  of  war  claims,  1  Moore's  Arbitrations,  chap.  15. 

^  lb.  chap.  16.  ^  Papers  relating  to  Treaty  of  Washington,  vol.  5. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  425 

most  lasting:  in  its  influence  on  other  nations.  The 
treaty  of  1871  created  a  tribunal  composed  of  one 
American,  one  British,  and  three  neutral  members,  the 
latter  to  be  named,  one  each,  by  the  King  of  Italy,  the 
President  of  Switzerland,  and  the  Emperor  of  Brazil ; 
and  the  city  of  Geneva  was  fixed  uj^on  as  the  place 
where  the  tribunal  should  hold  its  sessions.  The  treaty 
prescribed  for  the  tribunal  three  rules  as  to  neutrality, 
which  were  made  applicable  to  the  case,  together  with 
such  principles  of  international  law  as  were  not  incon- 
sistent with  them.  This  was  a  new  departure  in  inter- 
national practice,  and  is  believed  to  have  largely  con- 
tributed to  the  success  of  the  American  case. 

These  rules  were  as  follows  :  "  A  neutral  o-overnment 
is  bound,  first,  to  use  due  diligence  to  prevent  the  fit- 
ting out,  arming,  or  equipping,  within  its  jurisdiction, 
of  any  vessel  which  it  has  reasonable  grounds  to 
believe  is  intended  to  cruise  or  carry  on  war  against  a 
power  with  which  it  is  at  peace ;  and  also  to  use  like 
diligence  to  prevent  the  departure  from  its  jurisdiction 
of  any  vessel  intended  to  cruise  or  carry  on  war  as 
above,  such  vessel  having  been  specially  adapted  in 
whole  or  in  part,  within  such  jurisdiction,  to  warlike 
purposes ;  secondly,  not  to  permit  either  belligerent  to 
make  use  of  its  ports  or  waters  as  the  base  of  naval 
operations  against  the  other,  or  for  the  purpose  of  the 
renewal  or  augmentation  of  military  supphes  or  arms, 
or  the  recruitment  of  men  ;  thirdly,  to  exercise  due 
diligence  in  its  own  ports  and  waters,  and,  as  to  all 
persons  within  its  jurisdiction,  to  prevent  any  violation 
of  the  foregoing  obhgatious  and  duties." 


426  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

In  agreeing  that  in  deciding  the  questions  the  arbi- 
tration might  be  bound  by  these  rules,  the  British 
government  stated  that  it  did  not  assent  to  them  as 
principles  of  international  law  in  force  when  the  claims 
arose.  It  was,  however,  stipulated  that  the  two  gov- 
ernments would  observe  them  in  the  future,  and  would 
invite  other  maritime  powers  to  accede  to  them.  The 
last  clause  of  the  agreement  was  not  carried  out.  Great 
Britain  showing  a  reluctance  to  a  submission  of  the 
rules  to  the  powers,^  influenced  in  part  by  disappoint- 
ment over  the  award  and  by  the  construction  put 
upon  some  clauses  of  the  rules  by  the  tribunal.  The 
general  consensus  of  opinion  of  publicists,  with  some 
dissent  in  England,  is  that  they  are  a  correct  statement 
of  existing  international  law.^ 

After  the  two  governments  had  submitted  their 
"  cases  "  or  statement  of  their  claims  and  defense  to  the 
tribunal,  and  it  became  public  that  the  United  States 
had  included  in  its  demands  what  are  known  as  na- 
tional or  indirect  claims,  it  created  intense  excitement 
and  indignation  in  Great  Britain.  Such  claims,  if 
allowed,  would  reach  sums  so  enormous  as  to  cause  the 
bankruptcy  of  even  the  British  treasury,  and  its  gov- 
ernment threatened  not  to  proceed  with  the  arbitration 
unless  these  claims  were  withdrawn.  This  the  United 
States  declined  to  do,  maintaining  that  it  had  a  right 
to  have  them  passed  upon  by  the  tribunal.     For  a  time 

1  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  26,  45th  Cong.  2d  Sess. 

2  For  British  writers,  13  Ency.  Britannica,  196,  art.  "  International 
Law  ; "  Maine's  Int.  Law,  216  ;  other  publicists,  6  Rev.  de  Droit  Int. 
661,  574,  575,  606  ;  7  lb.  127,  427. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  427 

the  arbitration  seemed  destined  to  prove  a  failure,  but 
the  neutral  arbitrators,  to  save  the  situation,  gave  an 
intimation  that  they  would  rule  out  the  indirect  claims, 
and  upon  this  indication  the  arbitration  proceeded  to  a 
final  conclusion.  The  decision  was  that  as  to  certain 
vessels,  including  the  Alabama,  the  Florida,  and  others, 
the  British  government  had  failed  in  its  duty  as  a 
neutral  power ;  but  that  as  to  certain  other  vessels  it 
had  not  been  negligent.  An  award  in  the  lump  sum 
of  $15,500,000  was  rendered  in  favor  of  the  United 
States,^  which  was  promptly  paid  into  the  United  States 
treasury,  and  in  due  time  distributed  to  the  personal 
sufferers  by  the  depredations  of  the  cruisers. 

There  was  for  a  time  a  feeling  in  England  of  disap- 
pointment and  dissatisfaction  w4th  the  result,  but  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  general  relief  was  experi- 
enced that  a  definite  and  peaceful  settlement  had  been 
reached  of  a  question  which  had  occasioned  deep  resent- 
ment and  threatened  a  longr  estransrement  of  the  two 
kindred  nations.  The  conduct  of  Great  Britain  in 
entering  upon  the  arbitration  was  in  the  highest  degree 
creditable  to  her.  It  was  a  serious  act  for  a  powerful 
and  proud  nation  to  insert  in  a  treaty  an  expression  of 
regret  at  events  occurring  in  its  own  territory,  which 
were  the  basis  of  the  claims  of  the  contendincr  oovern- 
ment,  and  it  was  an  unusual  proceeding  to  agree  to 
rules  which  would  almost  necessarily  result  in  her  own 
condemnation.  The  United  States  having  accepted 
this  expression  of  regret,  having  entered  upon  the  arbi- 

^  For  full  details  of  Geneva  Arbitratiou  Tribunal,  1  Moore's  Int.  Arbi- 
trations, chap.  14  ;  4  lb.  chap.  C8. 


428  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

tration  and  received  the  fruits  of  the  award,  good  faith 
requires  that  both  the  government  and  people  of  this 
country  should  regard  the  events  in  England  during 
the  Civil  War  which  caused  estrangement  as  fully 
atoned  for  and  forever  buried  in  the  past. 

There  is  an  interesting  incident  in  connection  with 
the  preliminary  negotiations  which  led  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  Joint  High  Commission  and  the  treaty 
of  1871.  Sir  John  Rose,  a  member  of  the  Canadian 
ministry,  conducted  the  preliminary  negotiations  in 
conjunction  with  the  British  minister  in  Washington. 
Before  a  substantial  agreement  was  reached.  Secretary 
Fish,  in  a-  personal  call  upon  Charles  Sumner,  chair- 
man of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
informed  him  of  the  progress  of  the  negotiations  and 
of  the  proposed  basis,  and  asked  Senator  Sumner's 
views  on  the  subject.  He  sent  his  answer  two  days 
afterwards  in  the  shape  of  a  written  memorandum.^  In 
it  he  noted  the  idea  of  Sir  John  Rose,  "  that  all  ques- 
tions and  sources  of  irritation  between  England  and 
the  United  States  should  be  removed  absolutely  and 
forever,  that  we  may  be  at  peace  really,  and  good 
neighbors,"  and  said :  "  Nothing  could  be  better  than 
this  initial  idea.  It  should  be  the  starting-point.  The 
greatest  trouble,  if  not  peril  ...  is  the  proximity  of 
the  British  flag  in  Canada.  Therefore,  the  withdrawal 
of  the  British  flag  cannot  be  abandoned  as  a  condition 
or  preliminary  of  such  a  settlement  as  is  now  proposed. 
To  make  the  settlement  complete,  the  withdrawal  should 
be  from  this  hemisphere,  including  provinces  and 
islands." 

^  1  Moore's  Arbitrations,  525. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  429 

Such  a  proposition  as  "  a  condition  or  preliminary  " 
to  a  settlement,  emanating  from  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Forei<rn  Relations  of  the  Senate,  was  to 
Secretary  Fish  most  astounding  and  impossible.  Years 
afterwards  when  both  Sumner  and  Fish  were  dead, 
Mr.  George  F.  Edmunds,  for  a  long  time  a  distinguished 
member  of  the  Senate,  referred  to  this  proposition  as 
"  most  astonishing  and  extravagant,"  the  mere  mention 
of  which  "  would  have  put  an  end  to  all  negotiations 
at  once."  ^  This  incident,  like  that  narrated  of  Mr. 
Seward  at  the  beginning  of  his  service  as  secretary,^ 
illustrates  how  our  greatest  statesmen  may  sometimes 
blunder.  Sumner's  proposition  was  at  the  time  most 
impracticable,  but  it  was  not  without  a  basis  of  reason. 
He  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  Committee  on  Foreijrn 
Relations  since  the  inauguration  of  Lincoln,  and  was 
probably  the  best  informed  of  our  public  men  as  to 
foreisrn  affairs.  He  was  in  intimate  and  confidential 
correspondence  with  the  most  intelligent  of  the  friends 
of  America  in  England,  —  men  like  Bright,  Cobden, 
and  the  Duke  of  Argyll,  —  and  knew  thoroughly  the 
spirit  of  the  then  ruling  classes  toward  this  country. 
He  had  witnessed  with  indijjnation  the  conduct  of  the 
Canadian  authorities  and  their  friendly  offices  to  the 
Confederate  emissaries.  He,  in  common  with  many 
of  the  most  far-sighted  of  our  public  men,  as  we  have 
seen,'  —  Franklin,  John  Adams,  Seward,  and  others,  — 
believed  that  the  greatest  menace  to  our  peace  with 
Great  Britain  was  in  the  maintenance  of  a  colonial 
dependency  on  our  northern  border. 
1  lb.  526.  »  Supra,  p.  360.  _     '  Supra,  pp.  74,  409. 


I 


430  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Sumner,  however,  would  probably  not  have  made 
such  a  proposition  in  response  to  the  request  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  State  if  his  relations  with  the  administration 
had  been  more  friendly.  He  had  led  the  opposition  to 
the  Johnson-Clarendon  treaty,  and  was  the  conspicuous 
advocate  of  the  national  or  indirect  claims.  He  had 
recently  opposed  and  defeated  the  San  Domingo  treaty, 
and  had  awakened  the  enmity  of  President  Grant. 
Added  to  this,  his  warm  personal  friend,  Mr.  Motley, 
had  been  summarily  removed  from  his  post  as  minister 
to  England,  and  this  led  him  to  break  his  long-standing 
friendship  with  Secretary  Fish.  It  remained  for  him 
to  experience  still  another  cause  of  difference  with  the 
administration.  When  the  next  Congress  reassembled, 
the  party  managers  determined  to  displace  him  as 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  and 
the  resolution  was  carried  into  effect.  This  action 
greatly  embittered  Mr.  Sumner  and  his  friends,  led 
him  to  break  with  his  party,  and  saddened  the  near- 
approaching  end  of  his  life,  which  had  been  a  highly 
honorable  and  distinguished  career  in  the  anti-slavery 
cause  and  in  championship  of  the  Union  throughout 
the  Civil  War. 

The  action  of  the  party  leaders  has  been  severely 
criticised,  but  unjustly  so.  He  had  refused  to  speak  to 
the  Secretary  of  State,  and  a  spirit  of  bitter  enmity 
existed  between  him  and  the  President.  On  whichso- 
ever side  the  merits  of  the  controversy  lay,  it  was  not 
proper  that  he  should  continue  at  the  head  of  the  com- 
mittee which  was  required  to  hold  confidential  relations 
with   the  Executive   Department  of   the  government. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  431 

How  deeply  the  matter  was  lamented  in  the  Senate  may 
be  judged  from  an  extract  of  a  letter  written  to  Mr. 
Sumner  by  Senator  Oliver  P.  Morton  of  Indiana,  a 
strong  supporter  of  President  Grant,  and  at  the  time 
the  most  influential  member  of  the  Senate.  Replying 
to  a  friendly  letter  from  Sumner,  he  says :  "  It  refers 
to  a  controversy  which  wiU  ever  be  my  most  disagree- 
able experience  in  the  Senate,  for  it  was  a  controversy 
among  friends.  I  am,  as  I  have  been  for  years,  your 
friend  and  admirer,  and  an  earnest  well-wisher  for  your 
continued  health  and  happiness.  In  the  course  I  took 
I  believed  I  was  doing  right,  and  what  was  best  for  the 
country  and  party ;  and  I  give  you  credit  for  equal 
purity  of  purpose."  ^ 

Mr.  John  Lothrop  Motley,  the  eminent  historian  and 
a  most  worthy  and  patriotic  citizen,  has  the  unique  dis- 
tinction in  our  diplomatic  history  of  having  been  twice 
forced  out  of  his  post  as  minister  by  the  Secretary  of 
State.  He  was  appointed  by  President  Lincoln  minister 
to  Austria,  in  1861,  and  continued  in  the  useful  dis- 
charo;e  of  his  duties  until  the  accession  of  President 
Johnson.  After  the  latter  put  himself  in  antagonism 
to  the  party  which  elected  him,  an  anonymous  writer 
traveling  in  Europe  sent  a  letter  to  Secretary  Seward, 
reporting  that  Minister  Lothrop  was  abusing  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  policy,  and  speaking  in  disparaging  terms 
of  the  Secretary  of  State.  The  President  directed  that 
an  explanation  be  demanded  from  Mr.  Motley,  who, 
indignant  that  credence  should  be  oriven  to  scurrilous 
reports  impugning  his  conduct  as  minister,  tendered  his 

^  For  defense  of  Sumner,  4  Pierce's  Sumner,  chap.  56. 


432         A  CENTURY  OF  A^IERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

resignation  and  returned  home.^  He  was  sent  by 
President  Grant  as  minister  to  London,  in  1869,  and 
initiated  the  renewal  of  negotiations  after  the  rejection 
of  the  Johnson-Clarendon  treaty.  He  failed  at  a  most 
delicate  point  in  the  negotiations  in  conforming  to  the 
exact  tenor  of  Secretary  Fish's  instructions.  It  is  said 
that  President  Grant  desired  that  he  should  be  recalled 
at  that  time,  but  the  minister's  omission  was  passed  over 
by  Secretary  Fish  in  a  mild  manner.  After  the  nego- 
tiations were  transferred  to  Washington,  at  the. instance 
of  the  President,  his  resignation  was  requested.  This 
he  dechned  to  give,  because  he  felt  that  under  the  cir- 
cumstances it  would  be  an  impeachment  of  his  conduct, 
which  he  claimed  merited  no  blame.  He  was  thereupon 
recalled.  This  step  coincided  in  time  with  Sumner's 
speech  in  opposition  to  the  San  Domingo  annexation 
treaty,  and  it  was  charged  that  his  dismissal  from  his 
post  was  intended  as  a  punishment  to  Sumner.  A  long 
and  bitter  correspondence  ensued  between  the  displaced 
minister  and  the  Secretary  of  State.^ 

The  personal  troubles  of  Mr.  Fish  were  not  to  end 
with  the  recall  of  Mr.  Motley  and  the  quarrel  with 
Sumner.  Following  within  a  few  months  upon  the 
latter  came  a  very  disagreeable  experience  with  the 
Russian  minister,  Mr.  Catacazy.  The  first  offense  of 
the  minister  was  in  resisting  a  personal  claim  of  an 
American  citizen  against  Russia  by  methods  at  variance 

^  For  correspondence,  S.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  40th  Cong.  1st  Sess.  ;  for  de- 
fense of  Motley,  Holmes's  Memoir  of  Motley,  chap.  18. 

3  S.  Ex.  Doc.  11,41st  Cong.  3d  Sess.  ;  1  Moore's  Extraditions,  517-519. 
For  defense,  Holmes's  Memoir  of  Motley,  chap.  21. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  433 

witli  diplomatic  practice.  About  the  same  time  the 
negotiations  were  in  progress  through  the  British  and 
American  Joint  Hi<i:h  Commission  for  the  settlement  of 
the  Alabama  claims.  He  made  free  use  of  the  news- 
papers in  an  attempt  to  prejudice  and  defeat  the  nego- 
tiations, and  resorted  to  interviews  and  importunities 
with  members  of  Congress,  greatly  embarrassing  to  them. 
He  gave  no  heed  to  the  warnings  of  the  Secretary  of 
State,  and  finally  became  personally  abusive  of  the 
President  and  members  of  his  Cabinet.  When  con- 
fronted with  his  acts  he  was  guilty  of  prevarication  and 
deliberate  falsehood. 

Mr.  Fish  directed  our  minister  in  St.  Petersburg:  to 
inform  the  Russian  government  that  Mr.  Catacazy's 
official  and  personal  conduct  had  for  some  time  been 
such  as  to  impair  his  usefulness  and  to  render  inter- 
course with  him,  for  either  business  or  social  purposes, 
highly  disagreeable  ;  and  that  government  was  asked  to 
recall  him.  Such  a  request  is  usually  acted  upon  with 
promptness,  but  the  present  case  was  complicated  by 
the  fact  that  a  visit  to  the  United  States  of  the  Grand 
Duke  Alexis  had  been  arranged,  and  he  was  then  ready 
to  sail  with  the  naval  squadron  which  was  to  conduct 
him.  There  was  no  time  in  which  to  recall  the  minister 
and  replace  him  with  another  representative  before  the 
arrival  of  the  Grand  Duke,  and  if  the  recall  should  be 
insisted  upon,  it  was  said  the  Grand  Duke's  visit  would 
have  to  be  abandoned.  It  was  therefore  arransfed  that 
Catacazy  should  remain  till  the  visit  was  concluded, 
when  he  would  be  withdrawn,  but  he  was  notified  by 
the  Secretary  of  State  that  in  accompanying  the  Grand 


434         A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Duke  in  his  visits  to  the  President,  the  latter  would 
hold  no  conversation  with  him  (the  minister).  After  the 
Grand  Duke  had  left  Washington,  Mr.  Catacazy  wrote 
Mr.  Fish  that  the  Emperor  had  granted  him  a  leave 
of  absence,  and  that  as  soon  as  the  Grand  Duke  had 
concluded  his  journey ings  in  the  United  States,  he,  the 
minister,  would  take  advantage  of  his  leave.  Mr.  Fish 
replied  that  such  was  not  the  agreement  as  to  the  man- 
ner in  which  his  mission  was  to  be  terminated,  and  that, 
in  view  of  "  the  continued  and  recurring  acts  of  inter- 
ference and  impropriety  on  his  part,"  his  passports 
would  be  transmitted  to  him  at  an  early  day.  The 
Grand  Duke,  however,  soon  thereafter  took  his  de- 
parture, and  Catacazy  was  allowed  to  leave  the  country 
without  the  intimated  expulsion.^ 

The  reader  will  recall  the  repeated  instances  I  have 
narrated  of  public  scandal  occasioned  by  the  misconduct 
of  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  foreign  govern- 
ments accredited  to  this  country.^  This  misconduct 
has  embraced  flagrant  violations  of  international  law 
and  practice,  intermeddling  with  domestic  politics,  and 
official  and  social  improprieties  of  various  kinds.  If 
the  case  of  Lord  Sackville  West,  for  intermeddling  in 
the  presidential  campaign  of  1888  is  included,^  there  is 
a  list  of  foreign  diplomats  dismissed  by  our  government 
or  recalled  in  disgrace,  embracing  three  British  minis- 
ters, one  French,  one  Spanish,  and  one  Russian  minis- 
ter.    Much  is  said  in  disparagement  of  the  American 

1  For  official  correspondence,  S.  Ex.  Doc.  5,  42d  Cong.  2d  Sess. 

2  Supra,  pp.  156,  217,  220,  347. 

3  H.  Ex.  Doc.  150,  50tli  Cong.  2d  Sess. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  435 

diplomatic  representatives  abroad,  and  it  is  not  to  be 
disguised  that  under  our  system  of  appointments  some 
unfit  and  uncultured  persons  have  been  found  in  the 
service,  who  have  reflected  little  credit  on  the  country  ; 
but  in  the  past  century  of  history  under  review  no  such 
record  of  dishonor  can  be  compiled  against  American 
representatives  as  that  made  at  the  seat  of  government 
of  the  United  States  by  the  representatives  of  the  most 
polished  nations  of  the  old  world. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  attitude 
assumed  by  Mr.  Webster  in  1842  and  by  succeeding 
secretaries  of  state,  respecting  the  control  of  the  Ha- 
waiian Islands  by  any  European  power.  The  jDosition 
assumed  was  in  effect  a  virtual  protectorate  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States.  While  Mr.  Marcy  was  secretary, 
an  effort  was  made  to  bring  about  the  annexation  of 
the  islands  to  the  United  States,  but  the  movement 
was  frustrated  by  the  death  of  the  king  of  the  islands. 
Secretary  Fish,  in  discussing  annexation,  said  it  was 
clear  that  we  could  not  consent  to  the  transfer  of  the 
islands  to  any  powerful  maritime  or  commercial  nation. 
"  Such  transfer,"  he  said,  "  would  threaten  a  military 
surveillance  in  the  Pacific,  similar  to  that  which  Ber- 
muda has  afforded  in  the  Atlantic.  The  latter  has  been 
submitted  to  from  necessity,  inasmuch  as  it  was  con- 
genital with  our  government,  but  we  desire  no  additional 
similar  outposts  in  the  hands  of  those  who  may  at  some 
future  time  use  them  to  our  disadvantage."  ^ 

Soon  after  the  Civil  War  a  commercial  reciprocity 
treaty  with  Hawaii  was  advocated,  one  of  the  strongest 

1  1  Wharton's  Int.  Dig.  423. 


436  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

motives  for  its  celebration  being:  a  desire  to  bind  these 
islands  more  strongly  to  our  country.  In  1875  such 
a  treaty  was  negotiated  by  Secretary  Fish,  and  it  was 
renewed  and  continued  in  existence  until  the  final  con- 
sumation  of  annexation  in  1898. 

Another  step  in  the  extension  of  American  influence 
into  the  Pacific  Ocean  was  taken  in  1872,  when  Com- 
mander Meade  of  the  United  States  navy  negotiated 
with  the  chief  of  Tutuila,  one  of  the  Samoan  group,  a 
commercial  agreement,  with  provision  for  th-e  use  of  the 
port  of  Pago-Pago  as  a  naval  station.  This  agreement 
took  the  shape  of  a  formal  treaty  in  1878,  and  that 
brought  about  the  tripartite  government  by  the  United 
States,  Great  Britain,  and  Germany  of  the  whole  of  the 
Samoan  group.  From  the  latter  we  were  happily  released 
in  1899,  and  continue  only  in  possession  of  Tutuila, 
with  its  commodious  harbor  and  naval  station  at  Pago- 
Pago. 

Mr.  Fish,  while  not  a  man  of  exceptional  talent,  was 
one  of  the  most  useful  secretaries  who  ever  administered 
the  affairs  of  the  Department  of  State.  He  possessed 
a  well-trained  mind,  was  methodical,  painstaking,  and 
industrious,  actuated  by  a  high  sense  of  honor  and  a 
conscientious  devotion  to  the  duties  of  his  office,  con- 
servative but  thoroughly  American  in  his  decision  of 
questions,  and  prompt  in  the  dispatch  of  business.  He 
was  possessed  of  an  independent  fortune,  was  a  refined 
and  courtly  gentleman,  and  dispensed  the  hospitalities 
of  his  position  with  such  good  taste  as  to  earn  the 
encomiums  of  both  the  diplomatic  corps  and  his  own 
countrymen. 


AFTER  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  437 

This  review  of  our  diplomatic  history  has  now 
reached  the  memory  of  the  younger  generation  of  to- 
day, and  may  properly  be  brought  to  a  close,  as  the 
events  following  this  period  cease  to  be  history,  and 
are,  in  a  certain  sense,  a  part  of  the  current  affairs  of 
the  day.  The  century,  since  1776,  has  been  active  in 
moulding  the  code  of  international  law,  and  this  review 
has  shown  what  an  important  part  of  that  work  has 
been  wrouglit  by  the  nation  which  had  its  birth  in  that 
year.  The  chief  actors  in  the  work  done  by  the  United 
States  of  America  have  been  the  secretaries  of  state 
and  its  diplomatic  representatives  abroad.  It  has  been 
seen  that  our  foreign  relations  have  been  usually  in  the 
hands  of  the  ablest  men  whom  our  country  has  pro- 
duced. But  they  have  had  worthy  coadjutors  in  giv- 
ing shape  and  permanence  to  this  international  code. 
The  exposition  of  the  law  of  nations,  as  set  forth  in 
the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  has  had  a  great  influence  in  moulding  that  law, 
and  its  opinions  are  recognized  as  of  the  highest 
authority  by  foreign  publicists.  Among  authors  in 
this  department  of  law  none  carry  greater  weight 
throughout  the  world  than  Story,  Kent,  Wheaton,  Hal- 
leck,  Woolsey,  Wharton,  and  other  American  writers. 
When  we  recall  the  services  of  these  diplomatic,  judicial, 
and  scholastic  representatives  of  the  United  States,  it 
is  no  vain  boast  to  say  that  no  body  of  men  in  any 
country  have  exercised  a  more  salutary  influence  on 
the  affairs  of  the  globe,  or  done  as  much  to  improve 
and  enlarge  the  principles  of  international  law. 


CHAPTER  Xn 

THE    MONROE    DOCTRINE 

The  Monroe  Doctrine,  popularly  so-called,  is  univer- 
sally recognized  by  Americans  as  a  wise  policy  for  our 
government ;  but  when  an  attempt  is  made  either  to 
accurately  define  it  or  put  it  in  practice,  it  usually 
gives  rise  to  discussion  and  to  wide  divergence  of  views 
on  the  part  of  political  writers  and  public  men.  I  can 
hardly  flatter  myself  that  what  I  shall  write  on  the 
subject  will  have  any  effect  in  bringing  about  a  con- 
sensus of  opinion,  but  as  it  is  embraced  in  the  topics 
which  we  are  considering,  I  shall  attempt  to  pass  in 
review  the  origin  of  the  doctrine  and  the  history  of  its 
application  or  practice,  in  the  hope  that  I  may  throw 
some  light  on  this  much  debated  and  important  ques- 
tion. 

Three  declarations  are  cited  in  the  history  of  our 
country,  which  are  devoid  of  the  character  or  authority 
of  public  law,  either  national  or  international,  and  yet 
which  have  exercised  the  most  potent  influence  on  our 
destiny  as  a  nation,  and  have  mightily  controlled  the 
conduct  of  many  other  nations  of  the  earth.  I  refer 
to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  portion  of 
Washington's  FareweU  Address  respecting  our  foreign 
relations,  and  the  Monroe  Doctrine.     All  of  these  may 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  439 

fairly  be  said  to  have  an  intimate  relation  to  each 
other,  and  successively  to  have  been  the  outgrowth  the 
one  of  the  other. 

After  the  Colonies  had  published  to  the  world  the 
declaration  of  their  independence,  maintained  it  by 
force  of  arms,  and  permanently  established  it  by  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution,  the  character  of  our 
political  system  and  principles  and  our  geographic 
position  pointed  unmistakably  to  the  policy  of  non-in- 
tervention in  the  affairs  of  Europe,  so  wisely  set  forth 
by  Washington  in  his  Farewell  Address.  I  give  only 
a  brief  extract  therefrom :  "  Europe  has  a  set  of  pri- 
mary interests,  which  to  us  have  none,  or  a  very  remote 
relation.  Hence  she  must  be  engaged  in  frequent  con- 
troversies, the  causes  of  which  are  essentially  foreign 
to  our  concerns.  .  .  .  Our  detached  and  distant  situa- 
tion invites  and  enables  us  to  pursue  a  different  course. 
If  we  remain  one  people,  under  an  efficient  govern- 
ment, the  period  is  not  far  off  when  we  may  defy 
material  injury  from  external  annoyance ;  when  we 
may  take  such  an  attitude  as  will  cause  the  neutrality 
we  may  at  any  time  resolve  upon,  to  be  scrupulously 
respected ;  when  belligerent  nations,  under  the  impos- 
sibility of  making  acquisitions  upon  us,  will  not  lightly 
hazard  giving  us  provocation."  ^ 

We  have  here  not  only  the  announcement  of  a  policy 
of  non-intervention  in  European  affairs,  but  a  plain 
intimation  that  the  time  was  not  far  distant  when  we 
would  be  able  to  warn  European  nations  against  inter- 
vention in  American  affairs.     And  as  each  succeedins: 

^  1  Richardson's  Messages,  222. 


440          A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

year  increased  our  prosperity  and  developed  our  strength 
as  a  nation,  the  sentiment  grew  and  crystallized  into  the 
conviction  with  our  public  men  that  the  American 
hemisphere  must  be  reserved  for  its  own  inhabitants. 
When  the  Spanish  colonies  began  to  revolt  against 
foreign  domination,  our  hearty  sympathy  with  their 
cause  did  not  arise  alone  from  their  proclamation  of 
republican  principles,  but  from  our  earnest  desire  to 
see  all  European  control  and  influence  driven  from 
America.  Even  before  this  revolt  came,  when  the 
dissensions  in  the  Peninsula  indicated  the  coming 
dissolution  of  the  widespread  Spanish  empire,  and  the 
dangler  of  some  of  its  colonies  fallino;  into  the  hands  of 
other  European  powers,  Mr.  Jefferson,  our  most  astute 
politician  and  one  of  our  wisest  statesmen,  wrote  in 
1808,  while  president,  to  the  governor  of  the  Territory 
of  Orleans,  as  follows :  "  We  shall  be  satisfied  to  see 
Cuba  and  Mexico  remain  in  their  present  dependence ; 
but  very  unwilling  to  see  them  in  that  of  either  France 
or  England,  politically  or  commercially.  We  consider 
their  interests  and  ours  as  the  same,  and  the  object  of 
both  must  be  to  exclude  all  European  influence  from 
this  hemisphere."  ^ 

In  1820,  when  the  independence  of  a  number  of  the 
Spanish  -  American  colonies  had  been  substantially 
gained,  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  in  private  life,  wrote  of  a 
Portuguese  minister  in  Washington  about  going  to 
Brazil :  "  From  conversations  with  him,  I  hope  he  sees, 
and  will  promote  in  his  new  situation,  the  advantages 
of  a  cordial  fraternization   among   all   the  American 

»  9  Writings  of  Jefferson,  213. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  441 

nations,  and  the  importance  of  their  coalescing  in  an 
American  system  of  policy  totally  independent  of  and 
unconnected  with  that  of  Europe."^ 

In  these  expressions  of  opinion,  Jefferson  was  only  a 
little  in  advance  of  the  then  crystallizin<^  public  senti- 
ment, and  with  his  superior  foresight  he  was  earlier 
able  to  formulate  a  comprehensive  policy.  The  succes- 
sive presidents  after  Washington  had  adhered  closely 
in  practice  to  his  announced  principle  of  non-interven- 
tion in  European  affairs ;  and  out  of  that  practice, 
coupled  with  the  growth  of  the  nation  and  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  other  American  colonies,  was  naturally 
germinated  the  doctrine  which,  when  circumstances 
made  its  promulgation  necessary,  was  embodied  in  the 
annual  message  of  President  Monroe  of  December  2, 
1823.  Mr.  Jefferson  pronounced  it  the  most  momen- 
tous event  since  the  independence. 

The  circumstances  which  brought  about  its  announce- 
ment grew  out  of  the  French  Revolution  and  the  wars 
and  mihtary  rule  of  Napoleon.  The  fear  of  the  recur- 
rence of  such  convulsions  led  to  the  organization  of  the 
so-called  Holy  Alliance,^  effected  by  the  emperors  of 
Russia  and  Austria  and  the  king  of  Prussia  in  1815. 
The  ostensible  object  of  the  alliance  was  the  subordina- 
tion of  politics  to  the  Christian  religion,  but  its  purpose 
was  known  to  be  hostile  to  the  rights  of  the  people  and 
to  the  freedom  of  nations.    France  was  soon  afterwards 

»  7  Jefferson's  Works  (1854),  1G8. 

*  Mr.  Clay  said  it  was  so  named  because  its  avowed  purpose  was  "  to 
maintain  as  a  Christian  doctrine  the  sovereign  rights  of  legitimacy,  that 
softer  word  for  despotism." 


442  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

admitted  to  the  alliance.  Various  congresses  or  con- 
ferences were  held  up  to  1822,  in  some  of  which  Great 
Britain  participated,  but  that  government  was  at  no 
time  a  party  to  the  alHance. 

One  of  its  earliest  acts  was  to  restore  Ferdinand  VII. 
to  his  throne.  In  execution  of  the  determination  of 
the  Holy  Alliance  a  large  French  army  entered  Spain, 
and  replaced  the  king  upon  his  throne,  contrary  to  the 
wishes  of  the  great  mass  of  the  Spanish  people.  It 
was  understood  that  the  next  step  of  the  alliance  would 
be  to  aid  Jf  erdinand  in  reestablishing  his  authority  over 
the  Spanish  colonies  in  America,  which  had  revolted 
and  set  up  independent  governments.  With  their 
successful  revolt  the  old  colonial  system  of  exclusive 
trade  with  the  mother  county  had  been  broken  down, 
and  England  was  thereby  reaping  great  benefit  to  its 
commerce.  It  was  therefore  greatly  to  her  interest  to 
maintain  the  present  status  of  affairs. 

In  order  to  deter  the  Holy  Alliance  from  carrying 
out  their  scheme  in  America,  the  British  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  Mr.  George  Canning,  approached  the 
American  minister  in  London,  Mr.  Rush,  with  the 
proposal  that  the  two  governments  should  unite  in 
a  declaration,  in  which  were  the  followino"  clauses  : 
"  Fourth.  We  aim  not  at  the  possession  of  any  portion 
of  these  [the  colonies  of  Spain]  ourselves.  Fifth.  We 
could  not  see  any  portion  of  them  transferred  to  any 
other  power  with  indifference." 

Mr.  Rush  agreed  to  unite  in  the  declaration  on 
condition  that  Great  Britain  would  recognize  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  colonies.     This,  however,  Mr.  Canning 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  448 

declined  to  do,  fearing  such  an  act  would  bring  his 
government  into  conflict  with  the  alliance,  and  the 
proposal  for  joint  action  was  not  further  pressed.  But 
Mr.  Rush  communicated  the  facts  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  by  him  they  were  laid 
before  President  Monroe,  and  the  question  became  the 
subject  of  cabinet  conference. 

Mr.  Rush's  correspondence  was  also  submitted  by 
the  President  to  Jefferson  and  Madison,  and  their 
views  solicited.  Mr.  Jefferson  expressed  in  hearty  terms 
his  approval  of  the  proposed  declaration  in  a  letter  of 
some  length,  from  which  I  make  the  following  extracts  : 
"  Our  first  and  fundamental  maxim  should  be  never  to 
entangle  ourselves  in  the  broils  of  Europe.  Our  second 
never  to  suffer  Europe  to  intermeddle  with  cis- Atlantic 
affairs."  He  advised  the  President  to  declare,  respect- 
ing the  Spanish  colonies,  "  That  we  will  oppose  with 
all  our  means  the  forcible  interposition  of  any  power, 
as  auxiliary,  stipendiary,  or  under  any  other  form  or 
pretext,  and  more  especially  their  transfer  to  any  power 
by  conquest,  cession,  or  acquisition  in  any  other  way."  ^ 
Mr.  Madison's  advice  was  also  in  favor  of  the  declara- 
tion, but  expressed  in  more  reserved  language.^ 

An  independent  declaration  by  the  United  States 
was  determined  upon,  and  it  was  accordingly  inserted 
in  the  annual  message  to  Congress  of  December  2, 
1823.  It  was  doubtless  drafted  by  Mr.  Adams,^  but 
there  is  reason  to  believe  it  was  somewhat  modified  by 
his  more  temperate  and  conservative  chief.*    It  consists 

1  10  "\Vritin,£?3  of  Jefferson,  277.  »  3  Writings  of  Afadison,  339. 

a  12  Memoirs  of  J.  Q.  Adams,  218.         ••  4  Calhornx's  Works,  4C1. 


444  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

of  two  parts  widely  separated  in  the  message,  and 
referring  to  matters  having  no  direct  connection  with 
each  other.  The  first  is  as  follows :  "  The  occasion 
has  been  judged  proper  for  asserting,  as  a  principle 
in  which  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United  States 
are  involved,  that  the  American  continents,  by  the  free 
and  independent  condition  which  they  have  assumed 
and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as 
subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any  European 
power.'*  ^ 

The  foregoing  declaration  followed  a  statement  of 
the  negotiations  then  pending  with  Russia,  growing 
out  of  the  imperial  ukase  of  1821,  setting  up  claims 
to  sovereignty  in  America  which  were  being  contested 
by  the  United  States.  These  claims,  as  we  have  seen,^ 
were  adjusted  by  treaty  in  1824. 

The  second  part  of  the  declaration  is  preceded  in 
the  message  by  a  reference  to  the  disturbed  condition 
of  Spain  and  the  forcible  intervention  therein  of  the 
allied  powers ;  it  then  says  :  "  We  owe  it,  therefore,  to 
candor  and  to  the  amicable  relations  existing"  between 
the  United  States  and  those  powers  [the  allied  powers 
of  Europe],  to  declare  that  we  should  consider  any 
attempt  on  their  part  to  extend  their  system  to  any 
portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace 
and  safety.  With  the  existing  colonies  or  dependencies 
of  any  European  power,  we  have  not  interfered  and 
shall  not  interfere.  But  with  the  governments  who 
have  declared  their  independence  and  maintained  it, 
and  whose  independence  we  have,  on  great  considera- 

*  2  Richardson's  Messages,  209.  *  Supra,  p.  265, 


THE  MONROE   DOCTRINE.  445 

tioii  and  on  just  principles,  acknowled<^e{l,  we  could 
not  view  any  interposition  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing 
them,  or  controlling  in  any  other  manner  their  destiny, 
by  any  European  power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the 
manifestation  of  an  unfriendly  disposition  towards  the 
United  States.  .  .  .  Our  policy  in  regard  to  Europe, 
which  was  adopted  at  an  early  stage  of  the  wars  which 
have  so  long  agitated  that  quarter  of  the  globe,  never- 
theless remains  the  same,  which  is,  not  to  interfere  in 
the  internal  concerns  of  any  of  its  powers ;  to  consider 
the  government  de  facto  as  the  legitimate  government 
for  us ;  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with  it,  and  to 
preserve  those  relations  by  a  frank,  firm,  and  manly 
policy,  meeting,  in  all  instances,  the  just  claims  of 
every  power,  submitting  to  injuries  from  none.  But 
in  regard  to  these  continents,  circumstances  are  emi- 
nently and  conspicuously  different.  It  is  impossible  that 
the  allied  powers  should  extend  their  political  system 
to  any  portion  of  either  continent  without  endangering 
our  peace  and  happiness ;  nor  can  any  one  believe  that 
our  southern  brethren,  if  left  to  themselves,  would 
adopt  it  of  their  own  accord.  It  is  equally  impossible, 
therefore,  that  we  should  behold  such  interposition,  in 
any  form,  with  indifference."^ 

While  the  events  which  brouofht  about  the  two 
declarations  of  this  messagfe  had  no  direct  connection 
with  each  other,  they  do  have  an  intimate  relation  in 
that  they  both  look  to  the  exclusion  of  European  influ- 
ence from  this  hemisphere.  The  first  declares  against 
future  European  colonization ;  the  second,  against  the 
'  2  Richardson's  Messages,  218,  219. 


446  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

extension  of  the  political  system  of  the  Holy  Alliance 
to  this  hemisphere,  and  against  the  intervention  of  any 
European  power  in  the  affairs  of  the  Spanish-American 
states,  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  in  any 
other  manner  controlHng  their  destiny.  The  first  decla- 
ration has  long  ago  accomplished  its  purpose  with  the 
occujDation  of  all  the  territory  of  the  two  continents  by 
sovereign  and  civilized  states  or  their  dependencies, 
and  it  has  ceased  to  have  any  further  application. 

But  the  second  declaration  embodies  a  living  princi- 
ple to  be  applied  whenever  circumstances  make  it  neces- 
sary. The  cause  which  gave  rise  to  its  promulgation 
in  1823,  the  Holy  Alliance,  has  long  since  ceased  to 
exist ;  but  the  principle  which  is  the  basis  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  is  as  vital  to-day  as  at  any  time  in 
the  past.  That  principle  is  the  right  and  duty  of  self- 
defense.  It  was  upon  the  ground  that  we  regarded  it 
"  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety,"  that  President 
Monroe  warned  the  Holy  Alliance  against  interference 
with  the  independence  of  the  Spanish-American  repub- 
lics which  we  had  recognized.  It  was  because  of  "  our 
peace  and  safety  "  we  could  not  view  without  concern 
"  any  interposition  [by  European  nations]  for  the  pur- 
pose of  oppressing  them  [these  republics]  or  controlling 
in  any  other  manner  their  destiny."  While  we  had 
been  the  first  among  the  nations  to  recognize  the  inde- 
pendence of  these  struggling  republics,  President  Mon- 
roe was  not  controlled  in  making  his  declaration  by  a 
determination  to  reserve  this  hemisphere  for  republican 
government,  much  as  our  people  rejoiced  in  its  success, 
for  he  himself  recognized   the  empire  of  Iturbide  in 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  447 

Mexico  and  that  of  Brazil.  It  was  because  of  the 
conviction  that  "  our  peace  and  safety  "  required  that 
European  influence  and  dominion  should  not  be  further 
extended  on  these  continents.  "  It  is  impossible,"  said 
President  Monroe  in  further  expression  of  his  declara- 
tion, "that  the  allied  powers  should  extend  their  politi- 
cal system  to  any  portion  of  either  continent  without 
endangering  our  peace  and  happiness."  And  in  his 
annual  message  the  next  year  (1824)'  he  repeats  :  "It 
is  impossible  for  the  European  governments  to  inter- 
fere in  their  concerns  [the  other  American  states]  .  .  . 
"without  affecting  us."  While  the  declaration  is  very 
broad  in  its  application,  it  is  very  precise  and  restricted 
as  to  its  cause.  It  is  America  for  the  Americans,  be- 
cause otherwise  "  the  peace  and  safety  "  of  the  United 
States  would  be  endangered. 

President  Monroe  might  have  communicated  this 
declaration  to  the  allied  powers  in  the  usual  diplomatic 
form,  through  the  Department  of  State,  to  our  ministers 
at  the  various  European  capitals,  but  he  wisely  adopted 
the  form  of  its  promulgation  in  his  annual  message  to 
Congress.  It  thus  became  a  notice,  not  to  the  Holy 
Alliance  only,  but  to  the  whole  world,  of  the  pohcy 
of  the  United  States. 

Few,  if  any,  official  utterances  of  the  century  have 
had  such  general  and  lasting  influence.  When  the 
message  was  published  in  London  it  received  universal 
commendation.  Said  one  of  the  journals  :  "  We  shall 
hear  no  more  of  a  congress  to  settle  the  fate  of  the 
South  American  States  ;  "  another  :  "  It  is  worthy  the 

1  lb.  260. 


'448  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

occasion  and  of  the  people  destined  to  occupy  so  large 
a  space  in  the  future  history  of  the  world."  Mr.  Can- 
ning's biographer,  in  recording  the  effect  of  its  publi- 
cation in  Europe,  says  that,  coupled  with  the  refusal  of 
England  to  take  part  in  the  proposed  congress  to  dis- 
cuss Spanish- American  affairs,  it  effectually  put  an  end 
to  the  project.  Mr.  Brougham,  the  EngHsh  statesman, 
said  :  "  The  question  with  regard  to  South  America  is 
now  disposed  of,  or  nearly  so,  for  an  event  has  recently 
happened  than  which  no  event  has  dispensed  greater 
joy,  exultation,  and  gratitude  over  all  the  freemen  of 
Europe ;  that  event,  which  is  decisive  on  the  subject  in 
respect  of  South  America,  is  the  message  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  to  Cono^ress."  It  is  further 
reported  that  "  the  South  American  deputies  in  Lon- 
don were  wild  with  joy,  and  South  American  securities 
of  every  sort  rose  in  value." 

The  manner  in  which  it  was  received  in  the  United 
States  was  described  by  Mr.  Webster,  in  a  speech  deliv- 
ered in  the  Senate  three  years  later,  as  follows :  "  It 
met,  sir,  with  the  entire  concurrence  and  hearty  appro- 
bation of  the  country.  One  general  glow  of  exultation, 
one  universal  feeling  of  gratified  love  of  liberty,  one 
conscious  and  proud  perception  of  the  consideration 
which  our  country  possessed,  and  of  the  respect  and 
honor  which  belonged  to  it,  pervaded  all  bosoms."  ^ 

An  undue  share  of  credit  has  been  assigned  to  Mr. 

Canning  for  the  promulgation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 

and  to  him  has  even  been  ascribed  the  origin  or  first 

suggestion  of  the  idea.     But  it  has  been  seen  that  fif- 

1  3  Webster's  Works,  178. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  449 

teen  years  before,  President  Jefferson  had  set  forth  the 
policy  in  much  broader  terms  than  those  contained  in 
Canning's  proposal  to  Rush.  The  published  diplomatic 
correspondence  shows  that  Secretary  Adams  was  fully 
informed  as  to  the  designs  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  and 
that  six  months  before  that  proposal  was  broached  he 
had  given  instructions  to  our  minister  in  Spain  to  make 
known  at  the  proper  time  that  our  government  would 
oppose  any  forcible  intervention  in  American  affairs  or 
the  transfer  of  any  of  the  Spanish  possessions  to  other 
European  powers.  Canning's  proposal  went  no  further 
than  a  protest  against  the  transfer  of  any  of  the  colo- 
nies to  other  powers,  which  was  much  narrower  than 
Monroe's  message ;  and  the  correspondence  makes  it 
plain  that  Great  Britain  was  wholly  influenced  by  a 
desire  to  retain  and  enlarge  its  trade  and  by  its  jealousy 
of  France. 

We  have  seen  that  Mr.  Rush  offered  to  join  with 
England  in  the  desired  protest,  if  she  would  recognize 
the  independence  of  the  revolted  Spanish  colonies,  but 
this  Mr.  Canning  declined  to  do,  and  the  joint  declara- 
tion was  abandoned.  Mr.  Rush,  in  a  dispatch  to  Secre- 
tary Adams,  says  :  ''  It  appears  that  having  ends  of  her 
own  in  view,  she  (England)  has  been  anxious  to  facili- 
tate their  accomplishment  by  invoking  my  offices  as  the 
minister  of  the  United  States ;  but  as  to  the  independ- 
ence of  the  new  states  of  America,  for  their  own  bene- 
fit, this  seems  quite  another  question  in  her  diplomacy. 
It  is  France  that  must  not  be  aggrandized,  not  South 
America  that  must  be  made  free.  ...  I  have  forborne 
to  give  it  gratuitous  succor.  .  .  .  This  nation  in  its 


450  A  CEXTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

collective  corporate  capacity  has  no  more  sympathy  with 
popular  rights  and  freedom  now  than  it  had  on  the 
plains  of  Lexington." 

Secretary  Adams,  in  recording  in  his  faithful  diary 
the  conferences  on  the  Canning  proposal  of  joint  action, 
states  that  it  was  decided  to  decline  the  overture  of 
Great  Britain,  and,  with  his  intense  Americanism,  adds  : 
"  It  would  be  more  candid,  as  well  as  more  dignified, 
to  avow  our  principles  explicitly  to  Russia  and  France, 
than  to  come  in  as  a  cock-boat  in  the  wake  of  the 
British  man-of-war."  It  must  be  admitted  that  Mr. 
Canning's  proposal  did  bring  the  subject  directly  to  the 
attention  of  our  government  and  had  a  decided  influ- 
ence on  the  action  taken  at  that  time,  but  he  did  not 
originate  the  idea.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  our  independence  and  of  the  policy 
announced  in  Washington's  address  ;  it  had  been  dis- 
tinctly and  broadly  formulated  by  a  president  fifteen 
years  before ;  and  had  been  communicated  six  months 
before  to  our  minister  in  Spain  for  his  action.  In  view 
of  these  facts,  of  the  recognition  by  the  United  States 
of  the  independence  of  the  Spanish-American  states,  of 
his  refusal  to  make  the  same  recognition  when  proposed 
by  Mr.  Rush,  and  of  his  known  hostility  to  republican 
institutions,  Mr.  Canning  was  hardly  justified  in  the 
boast  which  he  uttered  in  Parliament  a  few  years  later : 
*'  I  called  the  New  World  into  existence,  to  redress  the 
balance  of  the  Old."  ^ 

Though  the  Holy  Alliance  abandoned  its  imperfectly 
formed  purpose  of   interference  in  the  affairs  of  the 
»  16  Hansard's  Debates,  397. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  451 

western  hemisphere,  it  was  not  long  before  the  United 
States  had  occasion  to  apply  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in 
practice.  In  1825  there  seemed  danger  that  Spain 
might  be  induced  to  transfer  Cuba  to  either  France 
or  England.  Mr.  Clay,  as  Secretary  of  State,  directed 
our  ministers  to  make  known  to  those  governments 
that  we  could  not  consent  that  that  island  should  pass 
from  Spain  to  any  other  European  power.^ 

The  next  occasion  when  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was 
brought  into  public  discussion  was  on  the  assembling  of 
what  is  known  as  the  Panama  Congress.  This  move- 
ment grew  out  of  the  project  of  the  South  American 
liberator,  Bolivar,  to  unite  the  American  nations  and 
organize  an  allied  army  and  navy  in  order  to  resist  the 
threatened  encroachments  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  and  to 
secure  the  freedom  and  independence  of  the  remaining 
Spanish  -  American  colonies.  Mr.  Clay,  Secretary  of 
State  under  President  Adams,  was  approached  in  1825, 
by  the  ministers  of  Mexico  and  Colombia  in  Washing- 
ton to  know  if  the  United  States  would  be  represented 
at  the  proposed  congress,  if  invited.  Mr.  Clay  asked 
for  a  specific  statement  of  the  measures  to  be  considered 
at  the  congress,  and  this  was  furnished  in  separate 
notes  of  the  two  ministers  stating  the  subjects  for 
consideration,  and  extending  a  formal  invitation  to  the 
United  States  to  send  representatives.  The  minister  of 
Central  America  likewise  sent  a  similar  note." 

From  these  notes  it  appeared  that  an  armed  alliance 
for  the  purposes  indicated  was  contemplated,  but  it  was 

1  1  Wharton's  Int.  Dig.  3G7,  368. 

«  5  Foreign  Relations  (folio  ed.),  83C,  839. 


452  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

stated  that  the  United  States  need  not  participate  in 
the  consideration  of  that  measure.  The  United  States, 
however,  would  be  asked  to  unite  in  a  declaration 
against  European  interference  in  American  affairs ; 
also  to  consider  measures  for  the  suppression  of  the 
slave  trade,  and  to  recognize  and  determine  the  status 
of  the  negro  republic  of  Hayti.  Mr.  Clay,  in  reply, 
accepted  the  invitation,  but  with  a  careful  reservation 
as  to  the  part  which  the  United  States  representatives 
should  take  in  the  congress.^  This  was  followed  by  a 
special  message  from  President  Adams  to  the  Senate, 
March  21,  1826,  nominating  two  plenipotentiaries  to 
the  congress  and  discussing  the  occasion  for  and  objects 
to  be  attained  by  the  assembly,  and  transmitting  the 
correspondence  on  the  subject.^ 

The  message  awakened  a  most  animated  and  pro- 
tracted debate.  The  Committee  on  Foreig-n  Relations 
reported  against  the  confirmation  of  the  plenipoten- 
tiaries, with  an  exhaustive  review  of  the  questions 
involved ;  ^  but  the  Senate  finally  confirmed  the  nom- 
inations. The  President  then  sent  a  message  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  asking  for  an  appropriation 
to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  mission,  but  not  content 
with  making  the  request,  he  entered  upon  an  extended 
statement,"*  which  evoked  a  renewed  discussion  in  that 
body.  The  appropriation  was  voted  by  a  narrow 
majority,^  and  the  plenipotentiaries  were  sent  on  their 
mission  ;  but  owing  to  the  delay  in  their  appointment, 
the  congress  had  adjourned  before  they  reached  Pan- 
ama, and  never  again  reassembled. 

1  5  For.  Rel.  837.  ^  ib.  834.  •  lb.  857. 

*  lb.  882.  ^  4  Stat  at  Large,  158. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE  453 

The  debates  in  Congress  were  of  a  most  acrimonious 
character,^  and  were  conducted  upon  domestic  party 
lines,^  the  opponents  of  the  administration  ahuost  unan- 
imously voting  against  the  mission.  The  two  strong 
points  of  opposition  were,  first,  the  objection  to  an 
aUiance,  especially  an  armed  one,  with  any  other  nations  ; 
and,  second,  the  recognition  of  the  negro  republic  of 
Hayti,  which  opened  up  the  slavery  question.  A  feature 
of  the  debate  was  that  Messrs.  Polk  and  Buchanan, 
who  afterwards  as  presidents  were  ardent  advocates  of 
the  Monroe  Doctrine,  opposed  the  mission.  Daniel 
Webster  made  one  of  his  most  notable  speeches  in  favor 
of  the  mission  and  in  eulogy  of  President  Monroe's 
declaration.^ 

During  the  debate,  a  resolution  was  introduced  in  the 
House  by  James  Buchanan,  and  passed  by  that  body, 
as  follows :  "  In  the  opinion  of  the  House  .  .  .  the 
United  States  .  .  .  ought  not  to  form  any  alliance 
.  .  .  with  all  or  any  of  the  South  American  republics ; 
nor  ought  they  to  become  parties  with  them  ...  to 
any  joint  declaration  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
interference  of  any  of  the  European  powers  with  their 
independence  or  form  of  government,  or  to  any  com- 
pact for  the  purpose  of  preventing  colonization  upon 
the  continents  of  America,  but  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  should  be  left  free  to  act,  in  any  crisis, 

^  It  was  in  this  debate  that  John  Randolph  made  liis  assault  ou  Mr. 
Clay  which  resulted  in  the  duel  between  them  ;  see  supra,  p.  269. 

2  1  Curtis's  Buchanan,  G3,  64. 

«  3  Webster's  Works,  203.  For  official  papers,  5  For.  Rel.  834-920. 
For  debates,  8  Benton's  Abridg.  of  Debates  for  Senate,  417—472,  637- 
675  ;  9  lb.  for  House,  48-50,  62-76,  90-218. 


454  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

in  such  manner  as  their  feelings  of  friendship  towards 
these  repubUcs  or  as  their  own  honor  and  poHcy  may 
at  the  time  dictate." 

It  has  been  contended  that  this  action  was  a  dis- 
avowal of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  but  it  was  far  from  it. 
The  occasion  called  for  a  more  precise  statement  of  the 
course  to  be  pursued  by  the  United  States,  and  this 
statement,  as  contained  in  the  House  resolution,  was  the 
logical  result  of  the  principle  of  self-defense  which 
underlies  the  declaration  in  President  Monroe's  message. 
The  declaration  was  made  because  of  a  threatened  move- 
ment "dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety," — to  the 
peace  and  safety  of  the  United  States,  not  of  others. 
It  would,  therefore,  be  unwise  for  us  to  enter  into  any 
alliance  or  compact  which  would  intrust  to  other  powers 
the  decision,  in  whole  or  in  part,  of  the  question  what 
was  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety.  We  must 
reserve  to  ourselves  exclusively  the  decision  of  that 
momentous  question,  and  it  would  be  the  part  of  wisdom 
to  withhold  the  decision  of  that  question  till  the  crisis 
should  arise.  Hence  the  House  resolution  of  1826,  so 
far  from  being  a  disavowal  of  the  doctrine,  is  an  affir- 
mation of  its  true  spirit  and  intent.  Happily  the  United 
States,  since  the  declaration  of  President  Monroe,  has 
increased  sevenfold  in  power  and  influence,  and  does 
not  need  to  seek  an  alliance  with  its  neisfhbors  to  en- 
force  the  doctrine  of  non-interference  against  European 
domination.  But  at  the  same  time  it  encourages  and 
welcomes  the  adoption  of  the  doctrine  by  our  sister 
republics. 

The  next  occasion  when  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  455 

sought  to  be  applied  was  in  1848,  when  President  Polk 
in  a  special  message  brought  to  the  attention  of  Con- 
gress the  fact  that  the  white  population  of  Yucatan  (a 
state  of  Mexico)  had  called  upon  the  United  States 
for  help  against  the  Indians,  who  were  waging  against 
them  a  war  of  extermination  ;  offering,  if  aid  should 
be  granted,  to  transfer  the  "  dominion  and  sovereignty  " 
to  the  United  States,  and  stating  that  similar  appeals 
had  been  made  to  England  and  Spain/  President  Polk 
disavowed  any  policy  of  acquisition,  but  stated  that 
there  was  danger,  unless  the  United  States  intervened, 
of  the  peninsula  falling  into  the  hands  of  a  European 
power,  which  he  regarded  as  dangerous  to  our  peace 
and  security. 

Following  the  messagje  a  bill  was  introduced  in  the 
Senate  authorizing  the  temporary  military  occupation  of 
Yucatan,  and  this  resulted  in  a  debate,  the  most  notable 
feature  of  which  was  a  speech  from  Mr.  Calhoun,  w^ho 
was  then  the  only  surviving  member  of  the  Cabinet  of 
President  Monroe,  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams  having  died  only 
a  few  months  before.^  In  this  speech,  Mr.  Calhoun 
sought  to  weaken  the  force  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and 
he  stated  that  President  Monroe  did  not  contemplate 
the  use  of  force  when  he  made  his  declaration.  His 
views  and  memory  are  in  contradiction  to  those  of  Mr. 
J.  Q.  Adams,  also  a  member  of  Monroe's  Cabinet.  In 
a  conversation  with  Mr.  Bancroft,  a  member  of  Mr. 
Polk's  Cabinet  in  1845,  he  supported  the  latter's  atti- 
tude as  to  the  Oregon  boundary,  and  in  indorsing  the 

1  4  Richardson's  ^lessages,  581. 

2  4  Calhoun's  Works,  461. 


456  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  said  "  he  believed  it  indispensably 
necessary  to  make  large  expenditures  for  preparation 
by  sea  and  land,  to  maintain  it,  if  necessary,  by  force  of 
arms."  ^  Mr.  Calhoun  was,  however,  correct  in  assert- 
ing that  the  situation  in  Yucatan  afforded  no  proper 
occasion  to  invoke  the  doctrine.  We  were  then  just 
closing  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  helpless  condition 
of  the  white  population  of  Yucatan  mainly  grew  out 
of  the  disorder  attending  that  contest.  There  was  no 
indication  that  any  European  power  was  contemplatino- 
the  occupation  of  the  peninsula.  With  the  peace  came 
a  restoration  of  order  and  safety,  and  the  subject  was 
dropped  in  the  Senate. 

Soon  after  came  the  negotiation  of  the  Clayton-Bul- 
wer  treaty  of  1850.  It  had  two  objects  in  view :  first, 
the  promotion  of  the  construction  of  an  inter-oceanic 
canal  across  the  isthmus  of  Central  America;  and, 
second,  the  restriction  of  British  territorial  dominion  in 
the  same  quarter.  With  the  acquisition  of  California, 
the  interest  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  was 
greatly  increased  in  the  construction  of  the  canal,  and 
it  was  felt  that  the  capital  for  its  construction  must 
come  from  England.  On  the  other  hand,  the  British 
influence  on  the  isthmus  was  very  active  at  that  time. 
The  Belize  settlement  was  growing  into  a  colony  and 
a  British  protectorate  was  sought  to  be  extended  over 
the  Mosquito  coast,  covering  the  eastern  outlet  of  the 
Nicaragua  canal  route. 

Mr.  Clayton,  then  Secretary  of  State,  entered  into 
negotiations  with  the  British  minister,   the  result   of 

1  12  Memoirs  of  J.  Q.  Adams,  218. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  457 

which  was  the  treaty  by  which  the  two  governments 
stipulated  for  a  joint  guarantee  of  the  canal  to  be  con- 
structed; and  agreed  not  to  occupy,  fortify,  colonize,  or 
assume  or  exercise  any  dominion  over  any  part  of  Cen- 
tral America.  The  treaty  was  ratified  without  much 
discussion,  in  the  belief  that  it  would  insure  at  once 
the  construction  of  the  canal  and  would  exclude  British 
colonization  and  protectorates  from  Central  America ; 
but  it  was  no  sooner  published  than  it  began  to  be  a 
source  of  dispute  as  to  its  scope  and  meaning.  Secre- 
tary Blaine,  in  1881,  described  it  as  "  misunderstandingly 
entered  into,  imperfectly  comprehended,  contradictorily 
interpreted,  and  mutually  vexatious."  President  Buch- 
anan said  in  1857,  that  if  in  the  United  States  the 
treaty  had  been  considered  susceptible  of  the  construc- 
tion put  upon  it  by  Great  Britain,  it  never  would  have 
been  negotiated,  nor  would  it  have  received  the  appro- 
bation of  the  Senate.  Mr.  Cass,  who  was  a  member  of 
the  Senate  at  the  time  it  was  ratified,  has  made  a  similar 
declaration. 

The  American  expectation  as  to  the  early  construction 
of  the  canal,  with  the  aid  of  British  capital,  was  dis' 
appointed  ;  and  for  the  next  ten  years  our  secretaries  of 
state  were  occupied  in  bringing  the  British  government 
to  an  observance  of  its  engagements  respecting  the 
colonization  and  protectorates.  The  treaty  marks  the 
most  serious  mistake  in  our  diplomatic  history,  and  is 
the  single  instance,  since  its  announcement  in  1823,  of 
a  tacit  disavowal  or  disregard  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
by  the  admission  of  Great  Britain  to  an  equal  partici- 
pation in  the  protection  and  control  of  a  great  Ameri- 


458  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

can  enterprise.^  The  wisdom  of  that  doctrine  is  mos'; 
signally  illustrated  in  the  effects  of  this  single  disavowal, 
the  heated  discussion  engendered,  and  the  embarrass- 
ments which  the  treaty  has  brought  to  this  government, 
and  from  which  it  still  suffers.^ 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  notice  which  Secre- 
tary Clay  caused  to  be  given  to  France  and  Great 
Britain  that  we  could  not  consent  to  the  transfer  of 
Cuba  to  any  other  European  power.  This  position  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  announced  by  President  Jefferson  as 
early  as  1808,  and  it  has  been  repeated  by  almost  every 
administration  from  that  day  to  this.  The  basis  of  this 
position  is  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  it  has  had  the 
unanimous  support  of  all  our  public  men,  although 
there  have  been  times  in  our  history  when  the  attitude 
of  our  government  towards  Cuba  has  not  been  free 
from  criticism.  Similar  declarations  have  been  made 
respecting  San  Domingo,  when  apparently  threatened 
by  European  aggression  or  transfer.  President  Grant, 
in  his  annual  message  of  1870,  in  discussing  the  Span- 
ish misrule  in  Cuba,  and  the  relation  of  the  other 
American  nations  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  used  this 

^  "  This  treaty  [Clayton-Bulwer]  is  the  only  instance  in  which  the  United 
States  has  consented  to  join  with  any  European  power  in  the  manage- 
ment of  political  interests  in  the  western  hemisphere;  and  the  treaty  is 
remarkable,  not  only  because  it  is  a  departure  from  the  settled  policy  of 
the  United  States  not  to  sanction  any  European  interference  in  the  aflPairs 
of  America,  but  because,  deviating  in  this  way  from  our  settled  system, 
it  undertakes,  in  concert  with  a  foreign  power,  to  determine  a  question 
the  most  important  to  the  United  States  that  can  arise  outside  of  our  own 
territory."     Dr.  Francis  Wharton,  1  Wharton's  Int.  Dig.  168. 

'  For  history  of  the  discussion  and  citation  of  authorities,  1  Wharton's 
Int.  Dig.  sect.  150  f. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  459 

language  :  "  The  time  is  not  probably  far  distant  when, 
in  the  natural  course  of  events,  the  European  political 
connection  with  this  continent  will  cease."  '  In  a  re- 
port accompanying  this  message,  Secretary  Fish  said 
the  policy  announced  by  Monroe  "  looks  hopefully  to 
the  time,  when,  by  the  voluntary  departure  of  Euro- 
pean governments  from  this  continent  and  the  adjacent 
islands,  America  shall  be  wholly  American."  ^ 

I  have  already  referred  to  the  condition  of  anarchy 
existing  in  Mexico  during  the  administration  of  Presi- 
dent Buchanan  and  his  action  respecting  it.^  It  was 
apparent  that  the  disorganized  condition  of  affairs 
would  lead  to  foreiirn  intervention  for  redress  of  <rriev- 
ances,  and  in  anticipation  of  this  Secretary  Cass  in- 
structed Mr.  McLane,  minister  to  Mexico,  that  "  while 
we  do  not  deny  the  right  of  any  other  power  to  carry 
on  hostile  operations  against  Mexico,  for  the  redress  of 
its  grievances,  we  firmly  object  to  its  holding  possession 
of  any  part  of  that  country,  or  endeavoring  by  force 
to  control  its  political  destiny.  This  opposition  to  for- 
eign interference  is  known  to  France,  England,  and 
Spain,  as  well  as  the  determination  of  the  United 
States  to  resist  any  such  attempt  by  all  means  in  their 
power."*  And  President  Buchanan  in  his  annual  mes- 
sage of  December,  1860,  recalling  his  previous  recom- 
mendation for  authority  to  intervene  to  restore  order  in 
Mexico,  said  that  in  that  way  we  would  be  "  relieved 
from  the  obligation  of  resisting  even  by  force,  should 
this  become  necessary,  any  attempt  by  the  European 

'  7  Richardson's  Messages,  99.  -  1  Wharton's  Int.  Dig^.  293. 

»  Supra,  p.  355.  *  1  Wharton's  Int.  Dig.  300- 


460  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

governments  to  deprive  our  neighboring  republic  of 
portions  of  her  territory,  a  duty  from  which  we  could 
not  shrink  without  abandoning  the  traditional  and 
established  policy  of  the  American  people."  ^ 

I  have  narrated  the  events  which  transpired  during 
our  Civil  War  and  at  its  conclusion  respecting  the  tri- 
partite intervention  of  England,  Spain,  and  France  ; 
the  withdrawal  of  England  and  Spain  ;  the  continued 
occupation  of  Mexico  by  French  troops ;  the  attempt 
to  overthrow  republican  institutions ;  and  the  final 
■withdrawal  of  the  French,  upon  notice  from  our  gov- 
ernment to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  that  our.  friendly 
relations  "  would  be  brought  into  imminent  jeopardy 
unless  France  could  deem  it  consistent  with  her  interest 
and  honor  to  desist  from  the  prosecution  of  armed 
intervention  in  Mexico."  This  is  properly  held  to  be 
an  instance  of  the  operation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 
It  is  true  that  Secretary  Seward  did  not  evoke  the  doc- 
trine in  name,  but  its  principles  were  clearly  and  expli- 
citly set  forth  by  him  in  his  correspondence  when  the 
tripartite  intervention  occurred,  reiterated  at  various 
times  during  the  Civil  War,  and  at  its  close  steps  were 
taken  to  compel  its  observance  by  military  force.  The 
army  of  the  United  States  would  undoubtedly  have 
been  used  to  expel  the  French  troops,  and  restore  the 
republican  government  to  power,  if  peaceful  means  had 
not  made  such  a  step  unnecessary. 

In  1866,  Spain  was  engaged  in  hostilities  with  the 
republics  of  Ecuador,  Peru,  and  Chile.  Respecting 
this  conflict,  Secretary  Seward  wrote  our  minister  in 

^  5  Richardson's  Messages,  646. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  461 

Chile :  "  The  jrovernment  of  the  United  States  will 
maintain  and  insist,  with  all  the  decision  and  energy 
which  are  compatible  with  our  existing  neutrality,  that 
the  rei)ublican  system  which  is  accepted  by  any  one  of 
those  states  shall  not  be  wantonly  assailed,  and  that  it 
shall  not  be  subverted  as  an  end  of  a  lawful  war  by 
European  powers ; "  ^  but,  he  added,  the  United  States 
will  not  "  consider  itself  bound  to  take  part  in  wars 
in  which  a  South  American  republic  may  enter  with  a 
European  sovereign,  when  the  object  of  the  latter  is 
not  the  establishment,  in  place  of  a  subverted  republic, 
of  a  monarchy  under  a  European  prince." 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  has  had  an  enlarsfement  in 
recent  years,  growing  out  of  the  interest  of  our  country 
in  and  the  relation  of  our  government  to  an  interoceanic 
canal  across  the  isthmus.  In  1880,  the  De  Lesseps 
project  for  a  canal  across  the  isthmus  at  Panama  took 
definite  shape.  This  was  an  enterprise  at  the  head  of 
which  was  a  celebrated  French  engineer,  the  company 
for  its  direction  was  a  French  corporation,  the  funds 
for  its  construction  were  almost  exclusively  raised  in 
France,  and  it  was  supposed  that  in  some  form  it  w^ould 
have  the  favor,  if  not  protection,  of  the  French  gov- 
ernment. 

These  facts  created  a  widespread  interest  in  the 
United  States,  and  President  Hayes  felt  it  necessary  to 
make  a  public  announcement  of  the  policy  of  this  gov- 
ernment towards  the  new  enterprise,  which  he  did  in  a 
special  message  to  the  Senate  on  March  8,  1880,-  from 

1  Dip.  Cor.  18GG,  part  2,  p.  413. 

*  For  message  aud  documents,  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  112,  46th  Cong.  2d 

Sess. 


462         A  CENTUEY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

which  I  make  the  following  extracts :  "  The  policy  of 
this  country  is  a  canal  under  American  control.  The 
United  States  cannot  consent  to  the  surrender  of  this 
control  to  any  European  power,  or  to  any  combination 
of  European  powers.  .  .  .  The  capital  invested  by 
corporations  or  citizens  of  other  countries  in  such  an 
enterprise  must,  in  a  great  degree,  look  for  protection 
to  one  or  more  of  the  great  powers  of  the  world. 
No  European  power  can  intervene  for  such  protection 
without  adopting  measures  on  this  continent  which  the 
United  States  would  deem  wholly  inadmissible.  .  .  . 
It  [the  canal]  will  be  the  great  ocean  thoroughfare 
between  our  Atlantic  and  our  Pacific  shores,  and  vir- 
tually a  part  of  the  coast  line  of  the  United  States. 
Our  merely  commercial  interest  in  it  is  greater  than 
that  of  all  other  countries,  while  its  relation  to  our 
power  and  prosperity  as  a  nation,  to  our  means  of 
defense,  our  unity,  peace,  and  safety  are  matters  of 
paramount  concern  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
No  other  great  power  would,  under  similar  circum- 
stances, fail  to  assert  a  rightful  control  over  a  work  so 
closely  and  vitally  affecting  its  interest  and  welfare." 

This  message  was  accompanied  by  a  historical  review 
of  the  official  correspondence  on  the  subject  of  an 
isthmus  canal,  by  Mr.  Evarts,  Secretary  of  State,  at 
the  conclusion  of  which  he  says :  "  The  paramount 
interest  of  the  United  States  in  these  projects  of  inter- 
oceanic  communication  across  the  American  isthmus  has 
seemed  quite  as  indisputable  to  the  European  powers 
as  to  the  states  of  this  continent.  .  .  .  The  question 
involved  presents  itself  distinctly  to  this  government 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  403 

as  a  territorial  one,  in  the  administration  of  which,  as 
such,  it  must  exercise  a  potential  control."  ' 

This  public  announcement  was  followed  up  by  an 
inquiry  of  the  French  minister  in  Washington,  on  the 
part  of  Secretary  Evarts,  as  to  the  relation  which  the 
French  government  proposed  to  assume  toward  the  De 
Lesseps  enterprise.  The  answer  was  that  "  the  French 
cabinet  had  from  the  outset  expressed  its  firm  purpose 
to  allow  the  character  of  the  enterprise  inaugurated 
by  M.  De  Lesseps  to  remain  an  essentially  private  one. 
.  .  .  The  French  government  is  in  no  way  concerned 
in  the  enterprise,  and  in  no  way  proposes  to  interfere 
therein,  or  to  give  it  any  support,  either  direct  or  indi- 
rect." 2 

President  Garfield,  in  his  inaugural  address  in  1881, 
reaffirmed  the  position  of  President  Hayes  to  the  effect 
that  it  is  "  the  right  and  duty  of  the  United  States  to 
assert  and  maintain  such  supervision  and  authority  over 
any  interoceanic  canal  across  the  isthmus  ...  as  will 
protect  our  national  interests."^  Soon  after  the  new 
administration  was  installed,  the  report  was  published 
that  Colombia  had  approached  the  European  powers 
with  a  view  to  securing  their  joint  guarantee  of  the 
proposed  De  Lesseps  canal  at  Panama.  Thereupon  the 
Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Blaine,  sent  a  circular  instruc- 
tion to  the  American  ministers  in  Europe,  June  24, 
1881,*  in  which  he  referred  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
of  1846  with  Colombia,^  by  which  the  United  States 

1  lb.  18,  »  Dip.  Cor.  1880,  p.  385. 

'  8  Richardson's  Messages,  11.  *  Dip.  Cor.  1881,  p.  537. 

«  Supra,  p.  324. 


464  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

had  guaranteed  the  perfect  neutrality  of  the  isthmus 
transit,  and  he  instructed  our  ministers  to  give  notice 
"  that  any  movement  in  the  sense  of  supplementing 
the  guarantee  contained  therein  would  necessarily  be 
regarded  by  this  government  as  an  uncalled  for  intru- 
sion into  a  field  where  the  local  and  general  interests 
of  the  United  States  of  America  should  be  considered 
before  those  of  any  other  power  save  those  of  Colombia 
alone." 

But  the  secretary  did  not  confine  his  instructions  to 
the  terms  of  the  Colombian  treaty,  but  made  it  apply 
to  the  general  subject  of  the  isthmus  transit.  He  said 
that  "the  President  deemed  it  due  to  frankness  to  be 
still  more  explicit,"  and  he  proceeded  to  say  :  "  It  is, 
as  regards  the  political  control  of  such  a  canal,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  its  merely  administrative  or  commercial 
regulation,  that  the  President  feels  called  upon  to 
speak  with  directness  and  with  emphasis.  During  any 
war  to  which  the  United  States  of  America  or  Colombia 
might  be  a  party,  the  passage  of  armed  vessels  of  a 
hostile  nation  through  the  canal  at  Panama  would  be  no 
more  admissible  than  would  the  passage  of  the  armed 
forces  of  a  hostile  nation  over  the  railway  lines  joining 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  shores  of  the  United  States  or 
of  Colombia.  And  the  United  States  will  insist  upon 
her  right  to  take  all  needful  precautions  against  the 
possibility  of  the  isthmus  transit  being  in  any  event 
used  offensively  against  her  interests  upon  the  land  or 
upon  the  sea."  He  reiterates  the  statement  of  Presi- 
dent Hayes  that  the  isthmus  canal  will  form  a  part  of 
our  coast  line,  "  and  be  as  truly  a  channel  of  communi- 


THE  MONROE   DOCTRINE.  465 

cation  between  the  Eastern  and  far  Western  States  as 
our  own  transcontinental  railways."  The  agreement 
between  European  states  for  a  joint  guarantee  of  the 
proposed  canal,  he  repeats,  "  would  be  regarded  as  an 
indication  of  an  unfriendly  feeling,"  and  "  viewed  by 
this  government  with  the  gravest  concern  ; "  and  he 
closes  with  the  statement  that  his  circular  is  not  the 
development  of  a  new  policy,  but  is,  in  effect,  merely 
the  pronounced  adherence  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

This  circular  was  followed  a  few  months  later  by  a 
proposition  from  Secretary  Blaine  to  the  British  gov- 
ernment, for  an  amendment  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty,  so  as  to  make  it  conform  to  the  principles  set 
forth  in  the  circular.^  The  British  government,  in 
reply,  declined  to  agree  to  the  amendments  to  the  treaty 
proposed  by  Mr.  Blaine,  and  set  forth  the  reasons  for 
its  action  at  considerable  length.  The  correspondence 
was  continued  by  Secretary  Frelinghuysen,"  successor 
to  Mr.  Blaine,  who  held  that  the  treaty  was  voidable, 
at  the  option  of  the  United  States,  because  of  its  viola- 
tion by  Great  Britain,  and  he  concluded  with  the  state- 
ment that  the  President's  views  remained  unshaken, 
that  the  only  protectorate  required  of  the  canal  was 
that  of  the  United  States  and  the  country  through 
which  the  canal  should  run,  and  that  a  protectorate  by 
European  nations  would  be  in  conflict  with  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  which  is  cherished  by  the  American  people, 
and  has  been  approved  by  the  government  of  Great 
Britain. 

1  Dip.  Cor.  1881,  p.  554. 

2  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  194,  47th  Cong.  Ist  Sess.  and  S.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  26, 
48th  Cong.  1st  Sess. 


466  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

A  treaty  was  negotiated  in  1884  with  the  govern- 
ment of  Nicaragua  for  the  construction  of  the  canal  by 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  with  an  engage- 
ment to  guarantee  the  integrity  of  the  territory  of  Nic- 
aragua.^ This  treaty  was  pending  in  the  Senate  at  the 
accession  of  President  Cleveland,  and  was  withdrawn 
by  him  without  action,  his  views  upon  the  subject  not 
agreeing  with  those  of  his  predecessor.^ 

In  1893-94  an  incident  occurred  which  has  a  cer- 
tain relation  to  the  question  under  consideration,  A 
revolt  broke  out  against  the  newly  established  repub- 
lican government  of  Brazil,  and  a  large  part  of  the 
Brazilian  navy,  with  the  admiral  at  its  head,  pronounced 
in  favor  of  the  restoration  of  the  empire.  A  strong 
detachment  of  the  United  States  navy  was  dispatched 
to  Rio  Janeiro,  the  chief  scene  of  the  conflict,  with 
instructions  to  preserve  a  strict  neutrality  between  the 
contending  parties.  The  American  admiral  found  the 
commanders  of  the  European  squadrons  in  the  harbor 
in  sympathy  with  the  imperialists,  and  unwilling  to  do 
anything  that  would  discourage  them.  When  an  at- 
tempt was  made  by  the  revolutionists  to  embarrass  for- 
eign commerce  and  establish  a  blockade,  the  only  foreign 
naval  commander  to  be  found  to  oppose  these  measures 
was  the  American  admiral,  who,  upon  a  notice  from  the 
revolutionists  of  disapproval  of  his  conduct,  gave 
orders  to  clear  for  action  and  forced  the  imperialist 
admiral  to  desist  from  his  purpose.     This  determined 

1  For  copy  of  treaty,  Senate  Report,  No.  1265,  55th  Cong.  2d  Sess. 
p.  20. 

3  8  Richardson's  Messages,  377. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  467 

action  had  a  material  influence  in  bringing  about  tlie 
failure  of  the  attempt  to  reestablish  monarchical  gov- 
ernment in  South  America.^ 

We  come  now  to  the  last  and  most  recent  assertion 
in  our  history  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  the  interposition 
of  President  Cleveland  in  the  controversy  between 
Great  Britain  and  Venezuela,  growing  out  of  the  bound- 
ary question  of  British  Guiana.  This  controversy  has 
been  in  existence  for  more  than  half  a  century,  and 
involved  the  large  extent  of  territory  between  the  Es- 
sequibo  and  Orinoco  rivers.  During  this  period  the 
British  government  had  from  time  to  time  enlarged  its 
claims,  and  was  steadily  encroaching  upon  territory 
claimed  by  Venezuela  and  over  which  that  government 
had  exercised  jurisdiction.  Not  being  able  to  bring  the 
British  government  to  any  agreement  as  to  a  divisory 
line,  Venezuela  proposed  arbitration  of  the  question, 
and  invoked  the  o-ood  of&ces  of  the  United  States  to 
that  end.  For  fifteen  years  our  government  sought  in 
a  disinterested  way  to  induce  Great  Britain  to  accept 
the  invitation  of  Venezuela,  but  with  no  definite  result ; 
and  finally  the  latter,  angered  by  the  continued  en- 
croachments of  the  British,  broke  off  diplomatic  rela- 
tions. At  that  time  the  British  had  occupied  a  point 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  from  whence  it  w^'is  pos- 
sible to  dominate  the  vast  interior  of  South  America 
drained  by  that  river.  Our  ministers  in  London,  under 
successive  administrations,  pressed  the  subject  of  arbi- 
tration upon  Great  Britain,  but  the  latter  adhered  to 
an  arbitrary  line  drawn  by  its  own  officials,  and  refused 

*  For  official  reports,  Dip.  Cor.  1893,  pp.  45-148. 


468  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY 

to  submit  any  portion  of  this  territory  within  that  line 
to  arbitration. 

In  this  state  of  the  controversy  President  Cleveland, 
in  his  annual  message  of  December,  1894,  directed  the 
attention  of  Congress  to  the  unsatisfactory  condition 
of  the  negotiations  on  the  subject,  and,  expressing  the 
belief  "  that  its  early  settlement  ...  is  in  the  line  of 
our  established  policy  to  remove  from  this  hemisphere 
all  causes  of  difference  with  powers  beyond  the  sea," 
announced  his  intention  to  renew  his  effw;ts  to  secure  a 
reference  of  the  dispute  to  arbitration.^  A  few  weeks 
thercjafter  a  joint  resolution  was  passed  by  Congress 
declaring  "  that  the  President's  suggestion  .  .  .  that 
Great  Britain  and  Venezuela  refer  their  dispute  as  to 
boundaries  to  friendly  arbitration  be  earnestly  recom- 
mended to  the  favorable  consideration  of  both  parties 
in  interest."  ^ 

Strengthened  by  the  action  of  Congress,  President 
Cleveland  determined  to  make  a  new  and  more  decided 
effort  to  bring  the  controversy  to  a  settlement,  and  Sec- 
retary Olney  prepared  a  lengthy  and  exhaustive  paper, 
in  the  form  of  an  instruction  to  Ambassador  Bayard  in 
London,  reviewing  the  history  of  the  boundary  dispute 
and  the  hitherto  fruitless  efforts  of  the  United  States, 
and  stating  the  basis  of  the  present  intervention  of  the 
United  States,  which  was,  he  claimed,  an  application 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  He  said  that,  in  view  of  the 
continued  refusal  of  Great  Britain  to  arbitrate  except 
upon  condition  of  a  renunciation  of  a  large  part  of  the 
Venezuelan  claim  and  of  the  concession  to  herself  of  a 

1  9  Richardson's  Messages,  526.  «  28  Stat,  at  Large,  971. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  469 

large  share  of  the  territory  in  controversy,  the  United 
States  was  compelled  to  decide  how  far  it  was  bound  to 
see  that  the  integrity  of  Venezuelan  territory  was  not 
impaired  by  its  powerful  antagonist.  lie  asserted  that 
a  nation  may  avail  itself  of  the  right  to  interfere  in 
the  disputes  of  other  nations  whenever  what  is  done  or 
proposed  by  any  of  the  parties  is  a  menace  to  its  own 
integrity,  tranquillity,  or  welfare.  The  essence  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  is  that  our  own  security  and  welfare 
demand  that  the  political  control  of  an  American 
state  shall  not  be  forcibly  assumed  by  a  European 
power.  Though  the  Venezuela  dispute  related  to  a 
boundary  line,  it  imports  political  control  to  be  lost  or 
gained  over  a  great  extent  of  country,  and  involves  the 
command  of  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  a  matter  of 
immense  consequence  to  the  nations  of  South  America. 
Great  Britain  was  not  an  American  state  because  of  its 
possession  of  American  colonies,  and  its  encroachment 
on  Venezuelan  territory,  if  it  should  prove  to  be  such, 
would  be  a  plain  infringement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  ; 
and  it  was  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  have  the 
rights  of  Venezuela  respected.  He  said  the  attitude  of 
Great  Britain  towards  Venezuela  was  substantiallv  as 
follows  :  "  You  can  get  none  of  the  debatable  ground 
by  force,  because  you  are  not  strong  enough  ;  you  can 
get  none  of  it  by  treaty,  because  I  will  not  agree  to  it  j 
and  you  can  take  your  chance  of  getting  a  portion  by 
arbitration  only  if  you  first  agree  to  abandon  to  me 
such  other  portion  as  I  may  designate."  Such  a  position, 
Mr.  Olney  held,  if  adhered  to,  would  be  regarded  as 
amounting  to  an  invasion  and  conquest  of  Venezuelan 


470  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

territory.  In  these  circumstances  the  duty  of  the 
President  appeared  to  him  unmistakable  and  imperative, 
and  Mr.  Bayard  was  instructed  to  urge  upon  Lord  SaUs- 
bury  a  definite  decision  whether  Great  Britain  would 
agree  to  submit  the  Venezuela  question  in  its  entirety 
to  arbitration. 

This  paper  was  criticised  by  the  English  press  and 
magazine  writers  as  verbose,  in  a  style  not  commonly 
employed  in  state  papers,  violent  in  language,  in  con- 
temptuous disregard  of  other  great  nations,  containing 
glaring  misrepresentations  of  fact,  full  of  extravagan- 
cies, perversities,  and  audacity/  This,  however,  is  the 
criticism  which  has  been  visited  upon  every  Secretary 
of  State  from  the  days  of  John  Quincy  Adams  down 
to  the  present  time,  whenever  the  arrogance  and  the 
selfish  conduct  of  Great  Britain  have  been  exposed. 
The  fact  is  that  the  paper  is  not  open  to  the  charge  of 
undiplomatic  language,  and,  although  subject  to  some 
qualification,  it  constitutes  the  most  complete  and  sat- 
isfactory statement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  thus  far 
made. 

It  received  at  the  hands  of  Lord  Salisbury  a  very 
careful  and  respectful  consideration,  in  two  dispatches 
to  the  British  ambassador  in  Washington,  one  being 
confined  to  a  discussion  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and 
the  other  to  the  Venezuela  boundary  dispute.  He 
maintained  that  President  Monroe  never  thought  of 
claiming  the  novel  prerogative  for  the  United  States 
set  up  by  Mr.  Olney,  and  that,  although  entitled  to 
great  respect,  the  Monroe  Doctrine  had  not  been  ad- 

1  The  Nineteenth  Century,  Dec.  1896.    London. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  471 

mitted  into  international  law  so  as  to  be  binding  upon 
otlier  nations ;  that  the  present  controversy  was  one 
with  which  the  United  States  had  no  apparent  concern  ; 
that  it  was  not  a  question  of  the  imposition  upon  the 
people  of  South  America  of  any  system  of  government 
devised  in  Europe,  but  simply  the  determination  of  the 
frontier  of  a  British  possession ;  that  while  the  United 
States  has  a  right,  like  any  other  nation,  to  interpose 
in  any  controversy  by  which  its  own  interests  are  af- 
fected, its  rights  are  in  no  way  strengthened  or  extended 
by  the  fact  that  the  controversy  affects  some  territory 
which  is  called  American  ;  that  it  is  the  same  right  as, 
and  no  greater  right  than,  in  case  of  Japan  or  China ; 
that  while  he  admitted  that  any  disturbance  of  the 
existing  territorial  distribution  in  the  American  hemi- 
sphere by  a  European  state  was  highly  inexpedient,  he 
coiild  not  admit  that  such  a  condition  was  covered  by 
the  Monroe  Doctrine ;  and  he  closed  by  substantially 
reasserting  the  previous  position  of  Great  Britain,  that 
while  a  portion  of  the  disputed  territory  could  be  sub- 
mitted to  arbitration,  there  was  a  portion  which  could 
not  be  so  submitted. 

Lord  Salisbury's  dispatches  bore  date  of  November 
26,  1895,  and  on  December  17,  very  soon  after  their 
receipt  in  Washington,  President  Cleveland  sent  to 
Congress  his  celebrated  message,  which  created  intense 
excitement  in  both  America  and  Europe.  With  the 
message  he  submitted  the  correspondence  between  Sec- 
retary Olney  and  Lord  Salisbury,'  and,  referring  to  his 
lordship's  declaration   that  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was 

»  S.  Ex.  Doc.  31,  54th  Cong.  1st  Sess. 


472  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

inapplicable  "  to  the  state  of  things  in  which  we  live 
at  the  present  day,"  he  stated  that  he  regarded  the 
doctrine  as  "  important  to  our  peace  and  safety  as  a 
nation,  and  essential  to  our  free  institutions,  .  .  .  "was 
intended  to  apply  to  every  stage  of  our  national  life, 
and  cannot  become  obsolete  while  our  republic  en- 
dures ; "  that  Great  Britain  having  finally  refused  to 
submit  the  dispute  to  arbitration,  nothing  remained  but 
to  accept  the  situation  and  deal  with  it  accordingly ; 
that  a  commission  should  be  appointed  to  investigate 
and  determine  what  was  the  true  divisional  line  be- 
tween Venezuela  and  British  Guiana ;  that  when  the 
report  of  that  commission  was  made  and  accepted,  it 
would  be  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  resist,  by 
every  means  in  its  power,  the  appropriation  of  any 
lands  which  we  have  determined  rightfully  belong  to 
Venezuela ;  and  that  in  making  these  declarations  he 
was  "  fully  alive  to  the  responsibilities  incurred." 

Congress  acted  with  great  promptness  and  unanimity 
upon  the  President's  recommendation  by  authorizing 
the  commission  and  appropriating  $100,000  to  meet 
the  expenses  of  the  investigation ;  ^  and  the  President 
appointed  a  commission  from  among  our  most  learned 
men.  If  we  are  to  judge  from  the  tone  of  the  English 
press  during  the  occurrence  of  these  events,  the  con- 
clusion would  be  that  war  between  the  two  English- 
speaking  nations  was  inevitable ;  but  it  is  evident  that 
such  a  thought  was  not  entertained  by  the  British  gov- 
ernment. The  diplomatic  negotiations  were  continued, 
and  it  was  finally  agreed  that  the  whole  territory  in  dis- 

1  29  Stat,  at  Large,  1. 


THE  MONROE   DOCTRINE.  473 

pute  should  ])e  submitted  to  arbitrcation  ;  and,  through 
the  friendly  intervention  of  the  United  States,  a  treaty 
to  that  effect  was  agreed  upon  between  Venezuela  and 
Great  Britain.  The  arbitration  was  concluded  in  1899, 
and  resulted  in  fixinjr  a  territorial  line  which  was  a 
compromise  between  the  claims  of  the  contending  na- 
tions, which  has  been  peacefully  accepted  by  them. 

President  Cleveland's  conduct  received  the  enthusi- 
astic indorsement  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States.  There  were,  however,  a  number  of 
newspapers,  political  writers,  and  public  men  of  promi- 
nence who  disputed  his  position,  as  not  warranted  by 
the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  I  do  not  agree 
with  the  latter.  I  regard  the  President's  action  as  a 
consistent,  judicious,  and  necessary  application  of  the 
true  intent  and  spirit  of  that  doctrine. 

It  is  gratifying  to  note  that  the  effect  upon  European 
nations  has  been  most  salutary.  Not  since  the  triumph 
of  our  government  in  the  Civil  War  had  anything,  up 
to  that  time,  occurred  which  gave  our  country  greater 
prestige  abroad.  The  London  Times,  in  commenting 
on  the  arbitration  treaty  with  Venezuela,  said :  "  From 
the  point  of  view  of  the  United  States  the  arrange- 
ment is  a  concession  by  Great  Britain  of  the  most  far- 
reaching  kind.  It  admits  a  principle  that  in  respect  of 
South  American  republics  the  United  States  may  not 
only  intervene  in  disputes,  but  may  entirely  supersede 
the  original  disputant  and  assume  exclusive  control  of 
the  negotiations.  Great  Britain  cannot,  of  course,  bind 
any  other  nation  by  her  action,  but  she  has  set  up  a  pre- 
cedent which  may  in  the  future  be  quoted  with  great 


474  A   CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

effect  against  herself,  and  she  has  greatly  strengthened 
the  hands  of  the  United  States  government  in  any  dis- 
pute that  may  arise  in  the  future  between  a  South 
American  republic  and  a  European  power  in  which  the 
United  States  may  desire  to  intervene."^ 

A  writer  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  magazine  (Lon- 
don, Dec.  1896),  in  collating  European  sentiment  on 
the  subject,  gives  the  following  result ;  "  The  best  in- 
formed French  and  German  journalists,  .  .  .  though 
they  acknowledge  the  equity  and  prudence  of  the  com- 
promise [to  arbitrate]  which  has  been  reached,  think 
it  necessary  to  point  out  that  it  involves  possibilities 
of  considerable  gravity,  not  merely  to  England  and 
the  United  States,  but  also  to  the  civilized  world  in 
general ; "  and  he  cites,  as  indicating  the  prevailing 
sentiment,  the  Cologne  Gazette,  which  "  insists  that  a 
precedent  has  been  established  by  the  joint  action  of 
the  two  Anglo-Saxon  powers,  the  effects  of  which  are 
likely  to  be  felt  long  after  the  British  Guiana  boundary 
question  has  been  forgotten."  ^ 

1  London  Times,  Nov.  14,  1896. 

^  The  same  writer  discusses  at  some  length  the  consequences  involved 
in  the  interposition  by  the  United  States  in  a  controversy  between  a 
South  American  and  European  nation.  He  refers  to  the  vast  extent  of 
the  yet  unoccupied  territory  of  Brazil,  and  says  :  "  Let  us  suppose  — 
not  an  extravagant  supposition  —  that  some  time  in  the  early  part  of  the 
next  century  a  couple  of  millions  of  Germans  find  themselves  living  in 
Southern  Brazil,  and  that  they  also  find  the  government  of  a  gang  of 
half-caste  attorneys  and  political  adventurers  at  Rio  Janeiro  no  longer 
tolerable.  The  Uitlanders  revolt  and  are  beaten  ;  they  appeal  to  their 
own  government  for  protection  and  annexation.  What  will  the  United 
States  do  ?  ...  It  is  conceivable  that  even  the  prestige  of  the  United 
States  might  not  be  sufficient  to  induce  a  powerful  European  monarchy 
to  abandon  a  large  population  of  its  own  subjects  without  a  struggle. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  475 

The  United  States  delegates  to  the  International 
Peace  Conference,  which  met  at  The  Hague,  in  1899, 
in  signitig  the  convention  for  the  peaceful  settlement 
of  international  conflicts,  made  in  the  conference  the 
following  declaration  which  was  entered  in  the  proto- 
cols :  "  Nothing  contained  in  this  convention  shall  be 
so  construed  as  to  require  the  United  States  of  America 
to  depart  from  its  traditional  policy  of  not  intruding 
upon,  interfering  with,  or  entangling  itself  in,  the 
political  questions  or  policy  or  internal  administration 
of  any  foreign  state ;  nor  shall  anything  contained  in 
the  said  convention  be  construed  to  imply  a  relinquish- 
ment by  the  United  States  of  America  of  its  traditional 
attitude  towards  purely  American  questions."  This 
declaration  did  not  commit  any  other  nation  to  the 
policy  set  forth,  but  it  was  a  solemn  notice  to  the  world 
of  the  continued  adherence  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Monroe  Doctrine. 

From  the  foregoing  historical  review  I  think  it  may 
be  fairly  deduced  that  the  principle  or  policy  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  known  as  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  declares  affirmatively  :  — 

First.  That  no  European  power,  or  combination  of 
powers,  can  intervene  in  the  affairs  of  this  hemisphere 
for  the  purpose,  or  with  the  effect,  of  forcibly  changing 

.  .  .  But  this  would  be  '  antagonizing  the  interests  and  inviting  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  United  States,'  and  according  to  the  Olney  doctrine  would 
have  to  be  opposed  by  the  forces  of  the  Union.  ...  If  the  scramble  for 
South  America  once  begins,  neither  the  latent  resources  nor  the  moral 
influence  of  the  United  States  will  avail  to  protect  its  clients  without  the 
display  of  effective  material  strength."  Nineteenth  Century,  London, 
Dec.  1896. 


476  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

tlie  form  of  government  of  the  nations,  or  controlling 
the  free  will  of  their  people. 

Second.  That  no  such  power  or  powers  carl  perma- 
nently acquire  or  hold  any  new  territory  or  dominion  on 
this  hemisjDhere. 

Third.  That  the  colonies  or  territories  now  held  by 
them  cannot  be  enlarged  by  encroachment  on  neigh- 
boring territory,  nor  be  transferred  to  any  other  Euro- 
pean power ;  and  while  the  United  States  does  not 
propose  to  interfere  with  existing  colonies,  "  it  looks 
hopefully  to  the  time  when  .  .  .  America  shall  be 
wholly  American." 

Fourth.  That  any  interoceanic  canal  across  the  isth- 
mus of  Central  America  must  be  free  from  the  control 
of  European  powers. 

While  each  of  the  foregoing  declarations  has  been 
officially  recognized  as  a  proper  application  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  the  government  of  the  United  States 
reserves  to  decide,  as  each  case  arises,  the  time  and 
manner  of  its  interposition,  and  the  extent  and  charac- 
ter of  the  same,  whether  moral  or  material,  or  both. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine,  as  negatively  declared,  may 
be  stated  as  follows  :  — 

First.  That  the  United  States  does  not  contemplate 
a  permanent  alliance  with  any  other  American  power 
to  enforce  the  doctrine,  as  it  determines  its  action  solely 
by  its  view  of  its  own  peace  and  safety ;  but  it  wel- 
comes the  concurrence  and  cooperation  of  the  other  in 
its  enforcement,  in  the  way  that  to  the  latter  may  seem 
best. 

Second.    That  the  United  States  does  not  insist  upon 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  477 

the  exclusive  sway  of  republican  government,  but  while 
favoring  that  system,  it  recognizes  the  right  of  the 
people  of  every  country  on  this  hemisphere  to  deter- 
mine for  themselves  their  form  of  government. 

Third.  That  the  United  States  does  not  deny  the 
right  of  European  governments  to  enforce  their  just 
demands  against  American  nations,  within  the  limits 
above  indicated. 

Fourth.  That  the  United  States  does  not  contemplate 
a  protectorate  over  any  other  American  nation,  seek  to 
control  the  latter's  conduct  in  relation  to  other  nations, 
nor  become  responsible  for  its  acts. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Monroe  Doctrine  has  no 
binding  authority,  first,  because  it  has  not  been  ad- 
mitted into  the  code  of  international  law ;  and,  sec- 
ond, because  it  has  never  been  adopted  or  declared  by 
Congress.  In  reply,  it  may  be  said  that  the  principle 
which  underlies  the  Monroe  Doctrine  —  the  right  of 
self-defense,  the  preservation  of  the  peace  and  safety 
of  the  nation  —  is  recognized  as  an  elementary  part  of 
international  law.  The  doctrine  did  not  require  con- 
gressional action  to  control  the  conduct  of  the  Executive, 
any  more  than  the  policy  announced  in  Washington's 
address  of  non-interference  in  European  affairs.  But 
since  the  action  of  Congress  on  President  Cleveland's 
Venezuelan  message,  it  can  no  longer  be  contended 
that  Congress  has  not  formally  given  its  approval  to 
the  doctrine,  and  that  too,  as  the  opponents  of  its  latest 
application  admit,  in  its  most  extreme  form.  It  stands 
to-day  as  a  cardinal  policy  of  our  government.  In 
the  prophetic  language  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  "  it  sets  our 


478  A  CENTURY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY. 

comjDass  and  points  the  course  which  we  are  to  steer 
through  the  ocean  of  time  opening  on  us."  We  may- 
well  close  its  consideration  with  the  words  of  Daniel 
Wehster  in  the  United  States  Senate :  "  I  look  on  the 
message  of  December,  1823,  as  forming  a  bright  page 
in  our  history.  I  will  neither  help  to  erase  it  or  tear  it 
out ;  nor  shall  it  be  by  any  act  of  mine  blurred  or 
blotted." 


APPENDIX. 


SECRETARIES   OF   STATE   1781-1900. 


SECRETARIES.^ 


Under  the  Confeder- 
ation and  George 
Wasliington. 

George  Washing- 
ton. 


George 
ton. 


Washing- 


Robert  R.  Livingston,  of  New  York    .     .     . 
Entered  upon   duties   October   20,  1781. 
Retired  .June,  1783. 

John  Jay,  of  New  York 

Entered  upon  duties  December  21,  1784. 
Retired  March  21,  1790. 
Thomas  Jeft'erson,  of  Virginia     .... 
Entered  upon  duties  March  22, 1790.    Re- 
tired December  31,  1793. 
Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia       .... 
Entered   upon    duties   January    2,    1794. 
Retired  August  19,  1795. 
Timothy  Pickering,  of  Pennsylvania    .     .     . 
Entered  upon  duties  August  20, 1795.    Re- 
tired May  12,  1800. 

John  Marshall,  of  Virginia 

Entered  upon  duties  May  13,  1800.     Re- 
tired March  4,  1801. 

James  Madison,  of  Virginia 

Entered  upon  duties  May  2,  1801.     Re- 
tired March  3,  1809. 

Robert  Smith,  of  Maryland 

Entered  upon  duties  March  6,  1809.     Re- 
tired April  1,  1811. 

1  The  duties  of  the  Department  of  State  have  at  various  times  been  dis- 
charged by  ad  interim  appointments,  the  incumbents  being  the  chief  clerk, 
assistant  secretary,  or  some  Cabinet  minister. 


PRESIDENTS. 


Under  the  Confed- 
eration. 


George  Washington 
and  John  Adams. 

John  Adams. 


Thomas  Jefferson. 


James  Madison. 


480 


APPEXDIX. 


SECRETARIES. 

PRESIDENTS. 

James  iSIonroe,  of  Virginia 

James  Madison. 

Entered  upon  duties  April  2,  1811. 

Re- 

tired  March  3,  1817. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts 

. 

James  Monroe. 

Entered  upon  duties  September  22, 

1817. 

Retired  March  4,  1825. 

Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky 

John    Quincy    Ad- 
ams. 

Entered  upon  duties  March  7,  1825. 

Re- 

tired  March  3,  1829. 

Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York   . 

Andrew  Jackson. 

Entered  upon  duties  March  28,  1829. 

Re- 

tired  May  23,  1831. 

Edward  Livingston,  of  Louisiana    .     . 

. 

Andrew  Jackson. 

Entered  upon  duties  May  24,  1831. 

Re- 

tired  May  29,  1833. 

Louis  McLane,  of  Delaware 

Andrew  Jackson. 

Entered  upon  duties  May  29,  1833. 

Re- 

tired  June  30,  1834. 

John  For5>i:h,  of  Georgia       .... 

Atinrpw          .Tf^olrQOTi 

Entered  upon  duties  July  1,  1834. 

Re- 

and  Martin  Van 

tired  March  3,  1841. 

Buren. 

Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts  .     . 

. 

William   H.  Harri- 

Entered upon  duties,  March  5,  1841. 

Re- 

son     and      John 

tired  May  8,  1843. 

Tyler. 

John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina     . 

John  Tyler. 

Entered  upon  duties  April  1,  1844. 

Re- 

tired  March  10,  1845. 

James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania  . 

. 

James  K.  Polk. 

Entered  upon  duties  March  11, 1845. 

Re- 

tired  March  7, 1849. 

John  M.  Clayton,  of  Delaware   . 

Zachary  Tavlor  and 

Entered  upon  duties  March  7,  1849. 

Re- 

Millard  Fillmore. 

tired  July  22,  1850. 

Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts  .     . 

, 

Millard  Fillmore. 

Entered  upon  duties  July  22,  1850. 

Died 

October  24,  1852. 

APPENDIX. 


481 


SECRETARIES. 


Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts 

Entered   u])on    duties   November  6,  1852. 
Retired  March  3,  1853. 
William  L.  Marcy,  of  New  York    .     .     .     . 
Entered  upon  duties  March  7,  1853.      Re- 
tired March  fi,  1857. 

Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan 

Entered  upon  duties  March  6,  1857.     Re- 
tired December  12,  18G0. 
Jeremiah  S.  Black,  of  Pennsylvania    .     .     . 
Entered  upon  duties  December  17,  1860. 
Retired  March  5,  1861. 
William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York       .     .     . 
Entered  ujjon  duties,  March  6,  1861.    Re- 
tired March  3,  1869. 

Elihu  B.  Washburn,  of  Illinois 

Entered  upon  duties  March  5,  1869.     Re- 
tired March  17,  1869. 

Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York 

Entered  upon  duties  March  17,  1869 
tired  March  12,  1877. 
William  M.  Evarts,  of  New  York  .     . 
Entered  upon  duties  March  12, 1877 
tired  ]\Iarch  7,  1881. 
James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine    .... 
Entered  upon  duties  March  7,  1881. 
tired  December  19,  1881. 
Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen,  of  New  Jersey  . 
Entered  upon  duties  December  19,  1881. 
Retired  March  6,  1885. 
Thomas  F.  Bayard,  of  Delaware     .... 
Entered  upon  duties  March  7,  1885.     Re- 
tired March  6,  1889. 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine 

Entered  upon  duties  March  7,  1889.     Re- 
tired June  4,  1892. 


PRESIDENTS. 


Re- 


Re- 


Re- 


Millard  Fillmore. 
Franklin  Pierce. 
James  Buchanan. 
James  Buchanan. 

Abraham  Lincoln 
and  Andrew  Jolm- 
son. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant. 


Rutherford       B. 
Hayes. 


James  A.  Garfield 
and  Chester  A. 
Arthur. 

Chester  A.  Arthur. 


G  rover  Cleveland. 


Benjamin  Harrison. 


482 


APPENDIX. 


SECRETARIES. 


John  W.  Foster,  of  Indiana 

Entered  upon  duties  June  29,  1892.     Re- 
tired February  23,  1893. 

"Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Illinois 

Entered  upon  duties  March  6, 1893.    Died 
May  28,  1895. 
Richard  Olney,  of  Massachusetts     .... 
Entered  upon  duties  June  10,  1895.     Re- 
tired March  5,  1897. 

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio 

Entered  upon  duties  March  6,  1897.     Re- 
tired April  26,  1898. 

WiUiam  R.  Day,  of  Ohio 

Entered  upon  duties  April  28,  1898.     Re- 
tired September  16,  1898. 
John  Hay,  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
Entered  upon  duties  September  30,  1898. 


PRESIDENTS. 


Benjamin  Harrison. 
Grover  Cleveland. 
Grover  Cleveland. 
WiUiam  McKinley. 
Wilham  McKinley. 
William  McKinley. 


INDEX. 


Aberdeen,  Lord,  British  Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  on  abolition  of  sla- 
very in  Texas,  8(Jl). 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  minister  to 
Great  Britain,  appointment  of,  360; 
on  British  proclamation  of  neutral- 
ity, Sti'i;  his  action  on  intervention, 
381  ;  his  action  as  to  Confederate 
cruisers  built  in  Eii<^land,  o84,  oSU ; 
on  the  effect  of  the  emancipation 
proclamation  in  Eng;land,  ;5'.I2  ;  on 
private  agents,  399 ;  his  invaluable 
services  in  London,  399  ;  his  efforts 
for  the  adjustment  of  claims  ajjainst 
Great  Britain  for  lax  observance  of 
neutrality,  422. 

Adams,  John,  commissioner  to  France, 
7 ;  views  of  foreij^-n  policy,  9,  19, 
20;  acquirincf  French,  10;  his  draft 
treaty  with  France,  19  ;  on  Frank- 
lin's trouble  with  his  colleag^ues,  37  ; 
negotiation  of  treaty  with  Holland, 
4ii,  47  ;  affronts  Vergennes,  minister 
of  France,  44 ;  his  view  of  diplo- 
matic conduct,  46  ;  diary  on  nego- 
tiations in  Holland  read  in  Congress, 
48  ;  on  Franklin's  duties  in  France, 
52  ;  criticism  of  French  minister  on 
his  appointment  to  negotiate  with 
Great  Britain,  and  result,  •")4  ;  arrives 
in  Paris  and  supports  Jay  against 
Franklin,  63 ;  letter  to  Morris  on 
treaty,  70 ;  on  Canada,  7o  :  on  in- 
structions of  Congress,  80 ;  jealousy 
of  Franklin,  84 ;  criticism  of  Jay, 
84 ;  Jefferson  on,  84 ;  minister  to 
England,  94  ;  attacked  by  Paine, 
14.");  as  President,  17(>-184  ;  action 
in  negotiations  with  France,  178; 
causes  dissension  in  Federalist  party, 
179  ;  on  his  son's  ambition  for  the 
presidency,  2r)0. 

Adams,   John    Quincy,   on    executive 


powers  under  the  Constitution,  117  .' 
attacked  by  Jefferson  as  author  of 
"  Publicola,"  14."j ;  on  crisis  of  Jay 
treaty,  1794,  K31  ;  commissioner  to 
negotiate  peace  with  Great  Britain, 
243  ;  Secretary  of  State  under  Mon- 
roe, and  sketch  of,  2.J0  ;  defense  of 
Jackson's  invasion  of  Florida,  260  ; 
on  the  treaty  of  1819  for  the  cession 
of  Florida,  262  ;  negotiates  treaty  of 
1824  with  Russia,  2t).'j ;  contest  and 
election  to  presidency,  268  ;  Henry 
Clay  as  Secretary  of  State  and  the 
"  corrupt  bargain  "  charge,  268  ;  on 
Webster's  proposed  mission  to  Great 
Britain,  296  ;  on  territorial  expan- 
sion, 309  ;  his  tragic  death,  319  ;  his 
draft  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  443  ; 
his  view  of  Canning's  proposal  as  to 
the  doctrine,  4.")0  ;  his  last  expres- 
sion as  to  the  doctrine,  45."). 

Adams,  Samuel,  on  committee  on  diplo- 
matic ceremonial.  32. 

Agents.     See  Private  agents. 

Alabama,  the.  Confederate  cruiser, 
built  in  England,  38")  ;  debate  in 
Parliament  on  escape  of,  388  ;  denial 
of  Great  Britain  for  responsibility 
on  account  of,  422  ;  settlement  of 
claims  for,  and  other  cruisers,  423, 
427. 

Alaska,  cession  of,  steps  leading  to, 
404  ;  negotiations  for,  406  ;  transfer 
of.  407  ;  debate  in  Congress  on  the 
bill  to  execute  the  treaty,  407  ;  mo- 
tive of  Russia  for  the  cession  of, 
408  ;  object  of  Secretarv  Seward  in, 
409. 

Albert,  prince  consort,  his  advice  to 
the  queen  on  the  Trent  affair,  369. 

Alliance,  treaty  of.  with  France,  30. 

Ambrister,  Briti.sh  subject,  executed  in 
Florida  by  General  Jackson,  2j9. 


484 


INDEX. 


Ames,  Fisher,  on  inauguration  of  Wash- 
ington, loT;  great  speech  on  power 
of  the  House  over  a  treaty,  IGU  ;  on 
Madison,  186. 

Araiida,  Count  de,  Spanish  minister  in 
Paris,  on  independence  of  the  col- 
onies, 42  ;  on  the  future  of  the 
United  States,  Tl. 

Arbitration  of  the  northeastern  bound- 
ary, by  the  king  of  the  Netherlands, 
282 ;  of  the  Alabama  and  other 
questions  by  the  Geneva  tribunal, 
424  ;  of  the  British  -  Venezuela 
boundary,  473. 

Arbutlinot.  British  subject,  executed 
in  Florida  by  order  of  General  Jack- 
son, 250. 

Argyll.  Duke  of,  friendly  to  the  Union 
during  the  Ci^^l  War,  374 ;  on  the 
emancipation  proclamation,  395. 

Arms,  sale  of.  to  belligerents,  15. 

Articles  of  Confederation.  See  Con- 
federation. 

Ashburton,  Lord,  British  special  pleni- 
potentiary on  northeast  boundary, 
282 ;  Palmerston's  attack  on,  be- 
cause of  his  American  wife,  283 ; 
his  relation  to  "  The  Battle  of  the 
Maps."  285. 

Astor,  John  Jacob,  establishes  a  trad- 
ing post  on  the  Columbia  River, 
304  ;  Jefferson's  letter  to.  310. 

Atlantic  cable,  laid  in  186(3,  its  effect 
on  diplomacy,  403. 

Bayard.  James  A.,  commissioner  to  ne- 
gotiate peace  with  Great  Britain  in 
1814,  243. 

Beaumarchais,  Caron  de.  his  character 
and  services  to  the  Colonies.  11 ;  let- 
ter to  the  king,  14 ;  fictitious  firm 
of,  14  ;  claims  settled  by  Congress, 
16  ;  carries  news  of  Burgoyne's  sur- 
render to  the  court.  30. 

Belmont,  August,  his  interview  with 
Lord  Palmerston.  373. 

Benton,  Thomas  H..  on  the  Clay-Ran- 
dolph duel.  269  ;  on  "  Fifty-four 
forty,  or  fight,"  308 ;  on  territorial 
expansion.  310 ;  opposition  to  the 
Mexican  War,  316. 

Berlin  Decree.     See  Blockade. 

Bernadotte,  General,  of  France,  to 
take  possession  of  Louisiana.  191. 

Black,  Jeremiah  S..  Secretary  of  State 
under  Buchanan,  his  circular  to 
diplomatic  representatives  on  recog- 
nition, 359. 


Blackstone,  influence  of  his  Commen- 
taries in  formation  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  105, 

Black  Warrior,  the  case  of  the, 
seized  by  Spanish  authorities  in 
Havana,  343. 

Blaine,  James  G.,  Secretary  of  State, 
on  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  457  ; 
his  circular  on  the  exclusive  control 
by  the  United  States  of  an  isthmus 
canal,  463  ;  his  proposition  to  Great 
Britain  for  amendment  of  the  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer treaty,  46.5. 

Blockade,  the  principles  of,  involved 
in  the  war  of  1812  with  Great 
Britain,  236 ;  Berlin  Decrees  and 
Orders  in  Council,  238  ;  of  Southern 
ports  during  the  Civil  War,  365, 
376. 

Boudinot,  Elias,  President  of  Congress, 
on  treaty  of  1782-83,  70. 

Boundaries,  with  Great  Britain,  in 
treaty  of  1782-83,  55,  63,  64,  79, 
82  ;  treaty  of  1842  and  northeast, 
282;  treaty  of  18(34  and  Oregon, 
£02-309;  treaty  of  1871  and  San 
Juan  de  Fuca,  424. 

Boundary.  See  Boundaries  with  Great 
Britain  ;  Oregon  ;   Texas. 

Briberv.  British,  during  the  Revoln- 
tion,'27. 

Bright,  John,  on  Seward,  3(>4  ;  friendly 
to  the  Union  during  the  Civil  War, 
375 ;  speech  to  the  trades-unions, 
377  ;  his  part  in  the  parliamentary 
debate  on  escape  of  the  Alabama, 
388. 

Brougham,  Lord,  on  the  promulgation 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  448. 

Bryce,  James,  on  war  powers  of  the 
President,  117. 

Buchanan.  James,  Secretary  of  State 
under  Polk,  303  ;  negotiation  of  the 
Oregon  boundary  settlement,  303 ; 
treaty  of  peace  with  Mexico  drafted 
by,  318  ;  his  other  services  as  secre- 
tary, 323  ;  his  embarrassment  as 
minister  in  London  on  diplomatic 
dress  circular,  340 ;  joins  in  Ostend 
Manifesto,  345 ;  elected  President, 
.349 ;  efforts  for  purchase  of  Cuba, 
349  ;  proposed  intervention  in  Mex- 
ico, 355  ;  evasive  message  of  1860 
by,  358  ;  his  resolution  on  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  and  Panama  Congress, 
453. 

Burgoyne's  surrender,  effect  of,  in 
Europe,  30,  52. 


INDEX. 


485 


Burlingame,  Anson,  United  States  min- 
ister in  China,  made  special  Chinese 
ambassador  to  America  and  Europe, 
41o  ;   his  untimely  death,  41(>. 

Burr,  Aaron,  his  coiisjjiracy,  intripnea 
with  foreign  diplomats  respecting  it, 
2-S.i. 

Cabinet,  no  provision  in  the  Constitu- 
tion for,  \'Z0 ;  how  it  grevr  into 
recog'nized  existence,  125. 

Cable.     iSVe  Atlantic  ('able. 

Calhoun,  John  (".,  advociite  of  the  war 
of  1812,  240 ;  Secretary  of  State 
under  Tyler,  297  ;  his  part  in  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  2!'7  ;  prjstpones 
Oregon  boundary  negotiations,  8<>2  ; 
opposition  to  the  Mexican  War,  310  ; 
his  view  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
4.-;5. 

Canada.  Franklin's  proposition, in  1782, 
to  include  in  I'nited  States.  hO,  74  ; 
AVasliington  on  French  occupation 
of,  75 ;  Adams  on,  7.") ;  secret  mis- 
Bion  to  New  England  sent  from.  241 ; 
insurrection  of  18;!7-'"]N  in,  28(> ;  re- 
ciprocity with,  treaty  of  1854,  ?>.il ; 
Seward  on  the  destiny  of,  4O0  ;  Sum- 
ner on  withdrawal  of  British  flag 
from,  428. 

Canning,  George,  British  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  proposition  to  Mr. 
Rush  respecting  the  Spanish-Amer- 
ican colonies,  442  ;  the  share  of  credit 
due  him  for  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
448. 

Caroline,  the  case  of  the,  280,  287. 

Cass,  Lewis,  attacks  Webster  on  right 
of  search  and  impressment,  288  ; 
opposition  to  Oregon  treaty.  o08 ; 
Secretary  of  State  under  Buchanan. 
840  ;  action  in  securing  final  aban- 
donment of  British  claim  of  right  of 
search,  .'152  ;  secures  the  abolition  of 
Danish  Sound  dues,  353 ;  resigna- 
tion as  secretary,  350. 

Catacazy,  Constantine.  Russian  minis- 
ter, his  bad  conduct,  and  suspension 
of  intercourse  with.  432. 

Cliase,  Salmon  P.,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  on  the  Trent  affair,  371  ; 
his  relation  to  a  secret  mission  to 
purchase  Confederate  ironclads, 307. 

Chatliam,  Lord,  opposition  to  inde- 
pendence, 53. 

Chesapeake.  United  States  frigate, 
case  of,  237. 

China,  establishment  of  diplomatic  re- 


lations with,  280  ;  policy  of  our  re- 
lations with,  201  ;  as  to  the  opium 
trade,  201  ;  joint  action  with  other 
powers  as  to,  201  ;  return  of  portion 
of  claims  indemnity.  202  ;  imperial 
emba.ssy  visita  America  and  Europe, 
415;  Ciiinese  laborers  in  the  United 
States,  4 HI. 

Civil  War,  the,  chap.  x.  British  sym- 
pathy for  Confederacy  during,  .357  ; 
conviction  in  Europe  that  the  Union 
was  destroyed  by,  358,  3S0  ;  friends 
of  the  Union  in  England,  375  ;  Rus- 
sian friend.ship  during,  405. 

Claims.     Ste  Spoliation  Claims,  French. 

Clay,  Henry,  advocate  of  the  war  of 
l.'^i2,  24(J ;  appointed  peace  com- 
mis.sioner,  243  ;  Secretary  of  State 
under  J.  Q.  Adams  and  "  coiTupt 
bargain"  charge,  268;  his  habits, 
2()0;  busy  term  as  secretary.  270; 
declined  Harrison's  offer  of  Secre- 
taryship of  State,  281 ;  opposition 
to  Mexican  War,  310. 

Clayton,  John  M.,  Secretary  of  State 
under  Taylor,  325  ;  negotiation  of 
Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  320,  450. 

Cleveland,  President  Grover,  with- 
draws the  Nicaragua  Canal  treaty 
from  the  Senate,  400 ;  his  special 
message  on  the  application  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  to  the  Venezuela 
boundary  controversy,  471. 

Cobden,  Richard,  on  Seward,  3G3 ; 
friendly  to  the  L^uion  during  the 
Civil  War,  375. 

Cole,  Senator,  his  relation  to  the  ces- 
sion of  Alaska,  405. 

Collier.  Sir  Robert,  his  legal  opinion 
a-s  to  Confederate  cruisers,  385,  399. 

Columbia,  ship.  Captain  Gray  com- 
manding, first  American  vessel  cir- 
cunmavigatiug  the  globe.  150;  first 
entered  Columbia  River.  3i^. 

Committee  of  Fortjign  Affairs,  ap- 
pointment of,  in  1774-75,  4  ;  letter 
commending  John  Paul  Jones  to 
American  commissioners  in  Paris, 
51. 

Confederacy.  See  Southern  Confed- 
eracy. 

Confederation,  Articles  of.  defects  of, 
as  to  foreign  relations,  00,  103  ;  Jay 
on,  100. 

Congress  of  the  United  States,  power 
to  nullify  a  treaty,  1 15  ;  power  to 
annex  territory  by  joint  resolution, 
110;    necessity  of  coiiperation  with 


486 


INDEX. 


the  President  In  foreign  affairs,  120 ; 
power  of  the  House  as  to  execution 
of  a  treaty,  1<)T,  -407. 

Constitution  of  the  United  States,  divi- 
sion of  powers  as  to  international 
affairs,  104 ;  possible  conflict  of 
those  powers,  114  ;  J.  Q.  Adams  on 
powers  of  executive  under,  117 ; 
makes  no  provision  for  a  cabinet, 
120  ;  provision  as  to  departments, 
121 ;  adoption  of,  effect  on  finances 
and  foreign  commerce,  150 ;  power 
under,  to  annex  foreign  territory, 
198,200. 

Cooley,  Judge,  on  omission  in  Consti- 
tution of  provision  for  a  cabinet, 
121. 

Cornwallis,  surrender  of,  effect  on  ne- 
gotiations, 56. 

Correspondence,  diplomatic,  difficulty 
of  maintaining,  during  the  Revolu- 
tion, 20. 

Cotton,  strange  provision  in  treaty  of 
1794  as  to  exportation  of,  166 ;  in- 
vention of  the  cotton  gin  and  its 
effects,  166 ;  how  it  affected  Brit- 
ish sentiment  during  the  Civil  War, 
375. 

Craig.  Sir  James,  governor  of  Canada, 
sends  a  secret  agent  to  New  Eugland, 
241. 

Crampton,  John  F.  T.,  British  minis- 
ter, his  dismissal  for  violation  of 
neutrality  laws,  o47. 

Creole  the  case  of  the,  facts  stated, 
and  its  settlement,  287. 

Crimean  War,  the,  efforts  of  the  Brit- 
ish minister  and  consuls  to  secure 
enlistments  for,  347. 

Cruisers,  Confederate,  built  in  Eng- 
land, 'SSi  ;  Mr.  Adams's  action  rela- 
tive to,  385 ;  their  damage  to  Amer- 
ican commerce,  386 ;  the  ironclad 
rams,  387 ;  detention  of  ironclads, 
390 ;  secret  mis.sion  respecting,  397. 

Cuba,  filibustering  expeditions  into, 
326 ;  proposition  of  England  and 
France  for  joint  guarantee  to  Spain, 
327 ;  seizure  of  the  Black  War- 
rior in  Havana,  343  ;  effort  of  Pre- 
sident Pierce  to  purchase,  and 
Ostend  Manifesto,  345  ;  Buchanan's 
renewed  efforts,  349 ;  insurrection 
in,  418  ;  application  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  to,  451,  4.58. 

Dallas,  George  M.,  minister  to  Eng- 
land under  Buchanan,  his  interAriew 


with  Russell,   Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  360,  365,  372. 

Damages,  for  mob  violence.  See  New 
Orleans  mob. 

Dana,  Francis,  minister  to  Russia,  7  ; 
not  received,  50. 

Danish  sound  dues,  the,  history  of, 
and  part  the  United  States  took  in 
their  abolition,  353. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  his  first  appearance 
in  Congress,  317. 

Dayton,  Senator,  on  acquisition  of  ter- 
ritory from  Mexico,  323. 

Deane,  Silas,  agent  in  France,  10; 
promises  of  supplies,  13 ;  proposes 
presents  to  queen,  l8 ;  joint  com- 
missioner to  France,  20;  Adams's 
diary  on,  37  ;  recalled,  39  ;  later  ca- 
reer and  disgrace,  40. 

Decatur,  Commodore,  his  expedition 
to  the  Barbary  States,  207. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  effect  on 
foreign  relations  of  the  Colonies,  8  ; 
its  influence  on  the  destiny  of  na- 
tions, 438. 

Declaration  of  Paris,  the  four  rules  of 
the,  Marcy's  proposed  amendment 
of,  93,  347  ;  action  of  the  United 
States  on,  during  the  Civil  War,  367. 

Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  estab- 
lished 1781,  5  ;  officials  and  expenses 
of,  6  ;  state  of  in  1784,  97. 

Department  of  State,  act  of  Congress 
first  created  Department  of  For- 
eign Affairs,  123  ;  subsequent  act 
changed  name  to  Department  of 
State,  and  fixed  duties  of,  124  ;  duties 
attached  not  diplomatic,  128  ;  growth 
and  cost  of,  130  ;  division  of  business 
of,  132  ;  publications  of,  134 ;  its 
needs,  1.34. 

Diplomacy,  definition  of,  1 ;  etymology 
of,  2 ;  practice  of  appointing  special 
envoys,  160 ;  Washinsrton  on  Mon- 
roe's violation  of  practice,  176  ;  effect 
of  Atlantic  cable  on,  403  ;  influence 
of  American  diplomacy  on  interna- 
tional law,  437.  See  Diplomatic  ser- 
vice. 
Diplomatic  service,  of  Revolutionary 
period,  4,  101 ;  Adams's  view  of,  46  ; 
influence  of  parsimony  of  Congress 
on,  140. 
Disarmament  on  the  Great  Lakes,  ar- 
rangement for,  252. 
Dress,  diplomatic,  circular  of  Secre- 
tary Marcy  on,  339  ;  law  of  Con- 
gress on,  341. 


INDEX. 


487 


Duborp,  Dr.,  friend  of  Franklin,  11. 

Dudley,  Thoinaa  H.,  consul  at  Liver- 
pool, ids  action  a.s  to  the  Confederate 
cruisers,  ,;i85,  •i'M. 

Edmunds,  Senator  George  F.,  on  Sum- 
ner's proposition  for  withdrawal  of 
British  Hajj  from  Canada,  42'J. 

Elgin,  Lord,  g'overnor-gcneral  of  Can- 
ada, negotiates  with  Secretary  Marcy 
treatj'  of  reciprocity,  •mjI. 

Ellsworth,  Oliver,  chief  justice,  ap- 
pointed joint  commissioner  to  France, 
17S. 

Emancipation  proclamation,  by  Presi- 
dent Linc(;ln,  its  elfect  on  the  Union 
cause  in  Eug'laud,  3U2,  and  in  Eu- 
rope, 3116. 

Episcopal,  or  English  Church,  relations 
of,  after  independence,  '.'1. 

Evarts,  AV^illiam  M.,  sent  to  London  as 
legal  adviser  by  Secretary  Seward, 
398  ;  his  views,  as  Secretary  of  State, 
on  an  isthmus  canal,  4(!2. 

Everett,  Edward,  minister  to  Great 
Britain,  declines  mission  to  China, 
29(5 ;  on  Cuba,  327. 

Expansion,  territorial,  unfavorable 
view  of,  taken  by  Jefferson,  J.  Q. 
Adams,  Gallatin,  Benton,  Webster, 
and  other  statesmen,  309-313  :  popu- 
larity of,  323;  Senator  Dayton  on 
aequisition  from  Mexico,  323. 

Expedition  of  Lewis  and  Clarke,  a 
b.isis  of  claim  to  Oreii-on,  .304. 

Extradition,  of  criminals,  provision  in 
treaty  of  1794  with  Great  Britain, 
10.'); "in  treaty  of  1842  with  Great 
Britain,  283  ;  case  of  Winslow,  419  ; 
case  of  Tweed,  429 ;  of  Arguelles, 
421 ;  not  made  without  a  treaty, 
421. 

Extraterritoriality,  the  practice  of.  .as 
applied  to  non-Christian  nations,  290. 

Farewell  Address  of  Washingion,  its 
relation  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  438. 

Fauchet.  M.,  French  minister  to  the 
United  States,  reports  on  interviews 
with  Secretary  Randolph.  1ti2. 

Federalist,  the,  quotations  from,  100, 
110,  118. 

Filihiistering',  aqrainst  Cuba,  320  ;  by 
Walker  ag.iinst  Mexico  and  Xicar.a- 
giia,  3.41  ;  plans  of  General  Quitman 
for,  342  ;  during  Buchanan's  term, 
3.50. 

Fisheries,  northeast,    in    treaty    with 


Great  Britain,  1782-3,  .5.',  64, 79, 82  ; 
sketch  of,  since  the  treaty  uf  1783, 
254. 

Fish,  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  State  un- 
der President  Gr.mt,  417;  skillful 
management  of  affairs  during  ("uban 
insurrection,  418  ;  bis  negotiation  of 
the  settlement  of  tbo  Alaijama 
cLiims,  -H^'d  ;  bis  difference  witli  .Sum- 
ner, 430 ;  his  controversy  with  Mot- 
ley, 431;  suspends  intercourse  with 
Catacazy,  Russian  minister,  432  ;  ne- 
gotiates reciprocity  with  Ilawaii, 
435  ;  value  of  his  services  aa  secre- 
tary, 4.'JU ;  his  view  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  459. 

Fitzherbert,  Alleyne,  British  negotia- 
tor of  peace  with  France  and  Spain, 
1783,  04. 

Florida,  acquisition  of,  steps  towards, 
257  ;  negotiations  for,  260 ;  the 
treaty  of  1819  for  cession,  201;  de- 
lay in  ratification,  203. 

Florida,  the,  a  Confederate  cruiser 
built  in  England,  3S5  ;  judgment  of 
arbitration  tribunal  as  to,  427. 

Forbes,  .John  M.,  sent  on  secret  mission 
to  England  respecting  Confederate 
iron  elads,  397. 

Foreign  Affairs,  see  Committee  of ;  De- 
])artnient  of  ;  Secretary  of. 

Forster,  Sir  WilH.am  E..  friendly  to  the 
li^nion  during  the  Civil  War,  375; 
relations  with  Mr.  Adams.  382. 

Forsvth,  John,  Secretary  of  State,  278, 
279. 

Fox.  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
his  mission  of  sympathy  to  Russia, 
40."'>. 

Fox.  Charles  .James.  British  Secretary 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  1782,  .58. 

Frnnklin,  Benjamin,  on  Committee  of 
Foreign  Affairs.  1775,  4,  19  ;  style  of 
living-  in  Paris,  7  ;  views  on  foreign 
policy,  9,  49  ;  knowledge  of  French 
language,  11  ;  commissioner  to 
France,  20,  25  ;  .arrival  in  Paris.  22  ; 
his  earlv  services,  2'>  ■  'before  British 
Privy  Council,  24  ;  Adams's  descrip- 
tion of.  25  ;  dress  at  reception  of  the 
commissioners  by  king  of  France, 
31,  50;  trouble  with  Lee  and  other 
American  represent.atives,  3.5,  50; 
letter  to  President  of  Congress 
on  these  troubles,  37;  appointed 
sole  minister  to  France,  .39  ;  letter  to 
Cong'ress  on  Adams's  correspondence 
with    Vergennes,    44 ;    his     varied 


488 


INDEX. 


duties  in  France,  51  ;  joint  commis- 
sioner to  negotiate  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, r)4  ;  variance  of  views  with  Jay 
and  Adams,  (JO,  63  ;  explains  to  Ver- 
geunes  departure  from  instructions 
of  Congress,  67,  77 ;  proposition  to 
inchide  Canada  in  United  States 
59,  74  ;  Adams's  jealousy  of,  ^4 
on  Adams,  85 ;  Jefferson  on,  86 
friendly  relations  with  both  French 
and  English,  86;  his  treaty  with 
Prussia,  92 ;  return  of,  to  United 
States,  94  ;  first  place  in  diplomacy, 
101 ;  on  the  French  Constitution, 
110  ;  favored  a  cabinet,  121. 

Frederick  the  Great,  indifference  of, 
to  the  cause  of  the  Colonies,  92. 

Free  ships  and  free  goods,  an  issue  of 
the  war  of  1S12,  236. 

Frelinghuysen,  F.  T.,  Secretary  of 
State,  held  that  the  Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty  was  voidable,  465. 

Freneau,  clerk  in  Department  of  State, 
his  abuse  of  President  Washington, 
147,  157. 

Friends  of  the  Confederacy,  in  Eng- 
land, during  the  Civil  War,  358,  374, 
378. 

Fiiends of  the  Union,  in  England,  dur- 
ing the  Civil  War,  374,  375  ;  the 
working  classes  and  their  demon- 
strations, 377 ;  the  anti-slavery  de- 
monstrations, 393 ;  efficiency  of  the 
work  of,  396. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  on  power  of  the  H'^.use 
of  Representatives  as  to  execu+'.n  of 
a  treaty,  168  ;  opinion  asked  by  Jef- 
ferson on  the  constitutionality  of  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana,  198;  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  opposed 
by  Smith,  Secretary  of  State,  234  ; 
commissioner  to  negotiate  peace, 
1814,  243;  negotiates  with  Rush, 
treaty  of  1818  with  Great  Britain, 
255  ;  on  territorial  expansion,  310. 

Garfield,  President  J.  A.,  on  the  isth- 
mus canal,  463. 

Genet,  Edniond  C,  minister  of  the 
French  Reptiblic,  arrival  in  America, 
153  ;  dismissed  by  Washington,  156  ; 
remained  in  America,  157  ;  had  an 
American  wife,  284. 

Geneva  tribunal,  for  the  arbitration 
of  the  Alabama  claims,  424. 

Gerard,  C.  A.,  minister  of  France, 
negotiates  treaty  with  American 
commissioners,    30 ;  appointed   first 


French  minister  to  the  United  States, 
32  ;  reception  by  Congress,  32. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  appointed  joint  com- 
missioner to  France,  176  ;  remains 
in  Paris  after  his  colleagues  had  left, 
177. 

Gibraltar,  raising  of  siege  of,  effect  on 
negotiations  in  1782,  56  ;  restoration 
as  a  condition  of  peace,  66. 

Gladstone,  William  E.,  his  conduct  dur- 
ing the  Civil  War,  374  ;  con.sents  to 
reopen    the    Alabama    claims,   423. 

Grant,  General  U.  S.,  condemnation  of 
the     Mexican    War,    321  ;     elected 
President,   417  ;  his  interest  in  the 
annexation   of   San    Domingo,  419 
his   differences  with   Sumner,  430 
his  removal  of  Minister  Motley,  432 
his  view  of   the    Monroe  Doctrine, 
458. 

Gray,  Captain,  commanding  ship  Co- 
lumbia, 1.50  ;  discoverer  'of  the  Co- 
lumbia River,  304. 

Great  Lakes,  disarmament  on,  arrange- 
ment as  to,  252. 

Great  Seal  of  the  United  States,  kept 
ill  the  Department  of  State,  descrip- 
tion and  use  of,  129. 

Grenville,  Thomas,  sent  to  Paris  by 
British  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affair.s 
to  watch  negotiations  in  1782,  58. 

Grimaldi,  Marquis  de,  Spanish  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  13. 

Grotius,  disregard  of  his  principles  in 
eighteenth  century,  1. 

Gwin,  Senator,  proposes  the  purchase 
of  Alaska,  404. 

Hamburg,  city  of,  letter  to  Continental 
Congress  on  commercial  intercourse, 
88. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  comment  on 
Adams's  diary  read  in  Congress,  49  ; 
on  Jay,  62  ;  condemns  instructions  of 
Congress  as  to  peace  negotiations  of 
1782,  69  ;  service  in  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention,  110;  contribu- 
tions to  the  "Federalist,"  111,  113, 
118;  appointment  as  first  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  137  ;  leader  of  Fed- 
eralists, 144  ;  quarrel  with  Jefferson, 
144  ;  services  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  150;  on  treaty  of  alliance 
with  France,  152  ;  stoned  for  sup- 
porting Jay  treaty,  1794,  162 ;  oppo- 
sition to  President  Adams,  179 ;  on 
the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  201. 

Hammond,  George,  first  British  minis- 


INDEX. 


489 


ter  to  the  United  States,  arrived 
1791,  151). 

Harris,  Townsend,  minister  to  Japan, 
his  valuable  services,  411. 

Harrison,  iicnjaniin,  on  Committee  on 
Forei{,Mi  Attiiirs,  lU,  li). 

Hartford  Convention,  against  the  war 
of  1SI2,  24± 

Hawaii,  recognition  of  tlie  kingdom 
of,  298  ;  protectorate  policy  towards, 
294;  reciprocity  treaty  with,  4;!(). 

Hayes,  President  K.  B.,  his  message  on 
the  isthmus  canal  under  American 
control,  4()1 . 

Holmes,  Dr.  O.  W.,  his  poem  on  the 
friendship  of  Russia,  40."i. 

Holy  Alliance,  the,  of  European  pow- 
ers, one  of  the  causes  of  the  pronml- 
gation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  441. 

Hort;il.z  c't  C"'.,  Beauniarchais'  ficti- 
tious firm,  14. 

Hughes,  Archbishop,  sent  on  a  private 
mission  to  Europe  during  the  Civil 
War,  .-lUS. 

Hiilsemann,  Chevalier,  Austri.an 
charg^,  his  correspondence  with 
Webster  on  Hungarian  revolt,  330; 
suspension  of  intercourse  with,  3->2. 

Hungarian  revolt.  President  Taylor 
sends  a  secret  agent  to  report  on, 
329  ;  Webster  -  Hiilsemann  corre- 
spondence on,  33U ;  visit  of  Kossuth, 
hero  of,  331. 

Impressment  of  seamen,  one  of  the 
causes  of  the  war  of  1812  with  Great 
Britain,  2-'J() ;  Madison  on  its  hard- 
ship, 238 ;  in  the  Webster-Ashbur- 
ton  negotiations,  288. 

Indirect  claims,  rejected  by  the  Ge- 
neva tribunal  of  arbitration,  42('). 

International  law,  state  of,  in  1770,  1  ; 
Grotius's  principles  of,  disregarded, 
1 ;  growth  of,  2  ;  influence  of  United 
States  on,  3  ;  advance  made  in  treaty 
■with  Prussia,  1785,  93;  influence  of 
Continental  Congress  on,  94 ;  pro- 
visions of  treaty  of  1794  with  Great 
Britain  shows  advance  in,  1115  ;  ac- 
tion of  the  United  States  in  natural- 
ization, its  influence  on,  337  ;  British 
proclamation  of  neutrality  in  the 
Civil  War  recognized  as  correct  in, 
3(i(>;  the  three  ruh>s  of  the  Geneva 
arbitration  generally  accepted  as, 
42() ;  influt-nce  of  American  diplo- 
macy on,  437  ;  relation  of  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  to,  438, 477. 


Intervention,  European,  threatened 
during  the  Civil  War,  the  greatest 
danger  to  the  Union,  358  ;  Secretary 
Black's  circular  on,  .359  ;  Kus.sia  op- 
po.ses  joint  action  for,  372,  382  ;  fa- 
vored by  France  and  England,  372, 
378,  38(J,  382. 

Intervention  in  Mexico,  condition  of 
disorder  in  Buchanan's  term,  and  his 
eli'orts  as  to,  .355  ;  tripartite  agree- 
ment as  to,  401  ;  French  occupation, 
402 ;  Seward's  notice  and  French 
■withdrawal,  402  ;  e.xecution  of  Maxi- 
milian, 40-3 ;  relation  to  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  400. 

Izard,  Ralph,  minister  to  Tuscany, 
trouble  with  Franklin,  37  ;  not  re- 
ceived, 50. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  incursion  into  Flor- 
ida, 2.58  ;  nominated  by  Monroe  min- 
ister to  Mexico,  but  declined.  20.5 ; 
conduct  of  foreign  relations  as  Presi- 
dent, 273 ;  on  French  treaty  of  1831, 
279. 

Jackson,  Francis  James,  British  min- 
ister, his  troubles  with  President 
Madison,  220;  his  dismissal,  221. 

Japan,  expedition  of  Commodore  Perry 
and  estiiblishment  of  diplomatic  re- 
lations with,  333  ;  popular  opposition 
in,  to  foreigners,  41 1  ;  Seward's 
friendly  policy  towards,  412;  re- 
establishment  of  the  Mikado's  power 
as  emperor,  413;  Shimonoseki  in- 
demnity and  its  return,  41.3. 

Jay,  John,  on  Committee  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  1775,  4,  10 ;  Secretary  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  7  ;  state  of  living 
as  minister  to  Spain,  7  ;  correspond- 
ence opened.  2()  ;  disa])])roval  of 
Deane's  conduct,  40 ;  minister  to 
Spain,  41  ;  joint  commissioner  to  ne- 
gotiate ■with  Great  Britain,  54 ;  ar- 
rival in  Paris,  opinion  of  the  French, 
59,  8(! ;  objects  to  Oswald's  commis- 
sion, 00,  73  ;  on  Rayneval's  visit  to 
London,  01  ;  departure  of  commis- 
sioners from  instructions  of  Con- 
gress, M,  07,  77  ;  return  to  United 
States  and  appointed  Secretary  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  9(> ;  on  defects  of 
the  Confederation,  KK) ;  contribu- 
tions to  the  "  Federalist,"  100 ;  ap- 
pointed chief  justice,  138  ;  prepares 
a  draft  of  neutrality  proclamation, 
in  179.'1,  1.54;  envoy  extraordinary  to 
Great  Britain,  159  ;  negotiates  treaty 


490 


INDEX. 


of  1794,  161 ;  opposition  to  treaty, 
lUl. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  appointed  joint 
commissioner  to  France,  and  de- 
clined, 2U  ;  his  anecdote  of  Franklin 
and  Lee,  o6 ;  appointed  joint  com- 
missioner to  negotiate  with  Great 
Britain,  and  declined,  55 ;  on  Adams 
and  Franklin,  84,  86  ;  minister  to 
France,  94, 141  ;  appointed  by  Wash- 
ington first  Secretary  of  State,  137  ; 
residence  in  Paris,  influence  on,  138 ; 
opinion  of  the  English,  138 ;  style  of 
living  in  Paris,  139  ;  admiration  of 
America,  140 ;  attitude  as  to  the 
new  Constitution,  141 ;  on  Shays'  re- 
beUiou,  142  ;  out  of  harmony  with 
Washington  and  his  cabinet,  143  ; 
quarrel  with  Hamilton,  144 ;  on 
treaty  of  alliance  with  France.  153  ; 
opposition  to  neutrality  proclama- 
tion of  1793,  155 ;  resignation  as 
secretary,  158 ;  on  invention  of  cot- 
ton gin,  160  ;  on  power  of  House  of 
Representatives  over  the  execution 
of  a  treaty,  169  ;  his  letter  to  Maz- 
zei,  170;  its  effect  on  Washington, 
171 ;  causes  which  promoted  his 
election  as  President,  185  ;  acquisi- 
tion of  Louisiana  his  great  achieve- 
ment, 187 ;  on  the  constitutionality 
of  its  acquisition,  198  ;  his  action  as 
to  Barbary  States,  205 ;  his  social 
customs  as  President,  209 ;  his 
troubles  with  the  diplomatic  corps, 
211  ;  close  of  his  presidency.  231 ; 
on  the  'western  boundary  of  Texas, 
262  ;  on  territorial  expansion,  309  ; 
declaration  anterior  to  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  440  ;  his  approval  of  its 
promulgation,  443. 

Johnson.  Reverdy,  minister  to  Great 
Britain,  negotiated  treaty  for  adjust- 
ment of  Alabama  claims,  rejected 
by  the  Senate,  422. 

Joint  action  with  other  powers  as  to 
China.  291. 

Joint  High  Commission,  respecting  the 
Alabama  claims,  and  other  ques- 
tions. 423. 

Jones,  Commodore,  temporary  occupa- 
tion of  California.  315. 

Jones.  John  Paul,  aided  by  Franklin 
in  France,  51. 

Knox,  Henry,  first  Secretary  of  War, 
137  ;  supports  Hamilton  in  the  Cab- 
inet, 147. 


Kossuth,  Louis,  Hungarian  leader, 
visit  to  the  United  States,  ;i31. 

Lafayette,  Marqtds  de,  leaves  France 
for  America,  17  ;  proposes  expedi- 
tion to  Canada,  76. 

Laurens,  Henry,  minister  to  Holland, 
captured,  27,  43;  appointed  joint 
commissioner  to  negotiate  with  Great 
Britain,  54;  Oswadd  furnished  bail 
for,  57. 

Law  of  nations.  See  International 
law. 

Lecky,  W.,  the  historian,  on  the  treaty 
of  1782,  71. 

Lee,  Arthur,  agent  of  Massachusetts, 
12 ;  enmity  to  Deane,  16 ;  joint 
commissioner  to  France,  20  ;  trouble 
with  Franklin  —  his  character,  35  ; 
dropped  from  diplomatic  service, 
39  ;  attempt  to  visit  Madrid,  50. 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  on  committee  on 
diplomatic  ceremonial,  32. 

Lee,  William,  minister  to  Vienna,  not 
received.  50. 

Lesseps,  F.  de,  his  project  for  the 
Panama  Canal,  461 ;  French  govern- 
ment disavows  any  relation  to  his 
project,  463. 

Lewis  and  Clarke.     See  Expedition  of. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  his  appearance  in 
Congress,  317  ;  elected  President, 
357  ;  his  corrections  of  Seward's  in- 
temperate dispatch,  361  ;  his  action 
on  Seward's  "  Thoughts,"  362  ;  on 
the  Trent  affair,  371  ;  effect  of  his 
proclamation  of  emancipation  in 
England.  392  ;  tributes  of  the  na- 
tions on  death  of,  400. 

Livingston,  Edward,  Secretary  of  State, 
278. 

Livingston,  Robert  R.,  first  Secretary 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  6,  97  ;  minister 
to  France,  instructions  to  open  nego- 
tiations for  purchase  of  Xew  Or- 
leans, 190  ;  his  jealousy  of  Monroe 
in  negotiations.  195. 

Logan  Act.  the,  its  origin.  226  ;  breach 
of,  in  Jefferson's  presidency,  229  ; 
no  convictions  under  it.  230. 

Louisiana,  purchase  of,  187-206 ;  pro- 
test of  Spain  against  its  cession, 
196 ;  extent  of  its  territory,  197 ; 
formal  transfer  of,  202 ;  act  for 
government  of,  203. 

Lovell.  Mr.,  member  of  Committee  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  5. 

Luzerne,  M.,  French  minister  to  the 


INDEX. 


491 


Colonies,  criticised  appointment  of 
AdaniH  to  negotiate  with  Great 
Britain,  54 ;  coiiiniunicates  to  Con- 
gress Verj^'eunes'  complaint  of 
American  commissioners,  <J8 ;  on 
terms  of  treaty  of  1782,  70. 

McDvaine,  Bishop,  sent  on  a  private 
mission  to  Europe  during  tlie  Civil 
^Var,  :VJS. 

MuLaue,  Louis,  minister  to  Great 
Britain,  iiLstructions  a-s  to  British 
commerce,  -70  ;  Secretary  of  iState, 
278. 

McLeod,  the  case  of,  a  Britisli  subject, 
trial  of,  for  connection  with  the  de- 
struction of  tile  Caroline,  287. 

Madison,  James,  condemns  instructions 
of  Congress  as  to  peace  negotiations 
of  1782,  09 ;  services  in  the  Conven- 
tion, and  title  of  "  Father  of  the 
Constitution,"  110,  180;  favored  a 
cabinet,  121;  proposed  in  First  Con- 
gress a  Department  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, 128  ;  attacks  Hamilton's  view 
of  French  treaty,  158  ;  opposition  to 
neutrality  proclamation  of  1798, 
154 ;  appointed  [Secretary  of  tState, 
185 ;  his  social  troubles  with  the 
British  minister.  Merry,  218  ;  later 
troubles  with  the  British  minister, 
Jackson,  220 ;  elected  President, 
233  ;  on  inii)ressment.  288  ;  attitude 
as  to  the  war  of  1812,  240  ;  close  of 
his  public  service,  249  ;  his  approval 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  448. 

Malmesbury,  Lord,  British  ambassa- 
dor in  Russia,  28. 

Maps,  the  battle  of  the,  growing  out 
of  the  Webster-Ashburton  treaty, 
284. 

Marbois,  Barbe,  French  cliarg^  to  the 
Colonies,  his  captured  letter,  02 ; 
participation  in  negotiations  for 
Louisiana,  98 ;  had  an  American 
wife,  284. 

Marcy,  William  L.,  Secretary  of  State 
imder  Pierce,  8;'>5  ;  his  action  on 
Koszta  and  naturalization,  8;!0 ;  ne- 
gotiation of  Canadian  reciprocity 
treaty,  8:'>7 ;  his  diplomatic  dress 
circular,  8:19  ;  his  action  in  the  case 
of  the  Black  Warrior,  844 ;  his 
effort  to  purchase   Cuba,  845 ;    his 

groposed  amendment  of  the  rules  of 
aris  Declaration,  •"i47. 
Marshall,    John,    appointed    commis- 
sioner to  France,  170  ;  Secretary  of 


State,  181  ;  commissioning  "  mid- 
night judges,"  182  ;  appointed  chief 
justice,  his  services  aa  such,  183  ; 
on  Madison,  180. 

Mason,  John  Y.,  minister  to  France, 
joins  in  Ostend  Manifesto,  845  ;  Con- 
fedtM'ate  commissioner,  taken  from 
steamer  Trent,  .807  ;  on  parliamen- 
tary debate  on  cruisers,  8S9. 

Mercier,  Henri,  French  minister,  pro- 
po.ses  mediation  in  the  Civil  War 
888. 

Merry,  Anthony,  British  minister,  his 
social  troubles  with  President  Jeffer- 
son and  Secretary  Madison,  211; 
intrigue  with  Aaron  Burr,  228. 

Mexican  intervention.  See  Interven- 
tion in  Mexico. 

Mexican  ^Var,  the,  814-823;  declared 
by  Congress  to  be  by  act  of  Mexico, 
314 ;  strong  opposition  to,  in  the 
United  States,  81t) ;  Tiists's  peace 
negotiations,  817;  treaty  of  Guada- 
lupe Hidalgo,  818;  protocol  to  the 
treaty,  820  ;  judgment  of  history  on, 
821. 

Mill,  John  Stuart,  friendly  to  the 
Union  during  the  Civil  War,  875. 

Misconduct  of  foreign  diplomatic  re- 
presentatives at  Washington,  reca- 
pitulation of,  484. 

Mississippi  River,  Jay's  negotiation 
for  right  of  free  navigation,  41  ;  in 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  17i"^2-S3, 
55,  04,  79  ;  Franklin  on  its  naviga- 
tion, 188  ;  Jefferson  on,  189. 

Mob  violence,  responsibility  for.  See 
New  Orleans  mob. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  the,  promulgation 
of,  205  ;  enlargement  of,  as  to  isth- 
mus transit,  824  ;  for  full  discussion 
of,  see  chapter  xii.  ;  its  relation  to 
the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  Washington's  Farewell  Address, 
488  ;  its  development,  489 ;  Jeffer- 
son's declarations  of  18(18  and  1820, 
440  ;  events  preceding  its  promul- 
gation, 441  ;  Canning's  proposal  to 
Rush,  442 ;  Jefferson  and  Madison 
on  proposed  promulgation  of  the 
doctrine,  the  text  of,  448  ;  first  para- 
graph as  to  colonization,  an  accom- 
plished fact,  440  ;  scope  of  the  sec- 
ond paragraph,  440  ;  effect  in  Europe 
of  its  promulgation,  447  ;  Canning's 
relation  to,  44S;  application  of,  to 
Cuba,  451,  45s  ;  the  relation  of  the 
Panama  Congress  to,  451 ;    debate 


492 


INDEX. 


in,  and  action  of,  the  United  States 
Congress  on  the  latter,  452  ;  invoked 
by  President  Polk  as  to  Yucatan, 
454 ;  the  Clayton-Biilwer  treaty, 
450  ;  Grant  and  Fish  on,  458  ;  its 
relation  to  tlie  French  intervention 
in  Mexico,  45'J  ;  its  relation  to  the 
Spanish  war  of  186(5  with  South 
American  republics,  460  ;  its  appli- 
cation to  canals  across  the  isthmus, 
461— 466  ;  its  influence  on  the  revolu- 
tion of  18'.*3  in  Brazil,  4'56 ;  its 
application  to  the  British- Venezuela 
boundary  dispute,  467-474  ;  decla- 
ration of  the  American  delegates  to 
the    Hague    Peace    Conference    on, 

475  ;  the  affirmative  declarations  of, 
475 ;    the   negative   declarations  of, 

476  ;  the  established  policy  of  the 
government,  477. 

Monroe,  James,  appointed  minister  to 
France,  17-  ;  recalled  by  Washing- 
ton, 174  ;  publishes  a  vindication  of 
his  conduct,  174;  special  plenipo- 
tentiary to  France  to  negotiate  for 
free  navigation  of  Mississippi  and 
purchase  of  New  Orleans,  101  ;  his 
trouble  with  Livingston,  1U5  ;  minis- 
ter to  England,  265  ;  failure  of  Jef- 
ferson to  ratify  his  treaty,  205 ; 
Secretary  of  State  under  Madison, 
284 ;  succeeds  hira  as  President, 
250  ;  social  customs  at  the  Executive 
Mansion,  26(5 ;  successful  conclusion 
of  his  administration,  2(57  ;  for  Mon- 
roe Doctrine,  see  chapter  xii. 

Moitaudoin,  Sieur,  French  agent  in 
America,  13. 

Moore,  Thomas,  the  poet,  on  the 
troubles  of  the  British  minister  with 
President  Jefferson,  216. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  on  committee  on 
diplomatic  ceremonial,  32  ;  favored 
a  cabinet  in  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion, 121  ;  minister  to  France,  151  ; 
on  treaty  of  alliance  of  1778,  152  ; 
dismissed  by  French  Directory,  172  ; 
on  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  201. 

Morris,  Robert,  on  Committee  of  For- 
eign AfPaira,  10 ;  letter  to  John 
Adams,  70. 

Morton,  Senator  0.  P.,  on  the  removal 
of  Sumner  from  chairmanship  of 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
431. 

Motley,  John  Lothrop,  on  British  pro- 
clamation of  neutrality,  36(5 ;  his 
resignation   as   minister   to  Vienna 


forced  by  President  Johnson,  431 ; 
appointed  by  President  Grant  min- 
ister to  London,  432  ;  his  removal, 
and  bitter  correspondence  with  Sec- 
retary Fish,  432. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  as  First  Consul 
of  France,  part  in  treaty  of  1800, 
179  ;  in  treaty  for  cession  of  Louisi- 
ana of  1803,  192  ;  issues  the  Berlin 
and  Milan  decrees,  238  ;  contest  of 
Great  Britain  with,  its  meaning', 
249  ;  on  the  boundaries  of  Louisi- 
ana, 25(5 ;  motive  of,  for  the  cession 
of  Louisiana,  408. 

Naturalization,  of  British  subjects,  dis- 
regard of,  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
war  of  1812, 236  ;  the  case  of  Koszat, 
and  question  of  doraicil,  336 ;  how 
the  action  of  the  United  States  has 
influenced  international  law,  337. 

Netherlands,  king  of  the,  arbitrator 
of  the  northeast  boundary  dispute, 
282. 

Neutrality,  in  draft  treaty  with  France, 
1776,  19 ;  armed,  of  Northern  Eu- 
rope, 42  ;  recognized  in  treaty  with 
Prussia,  1785,  93  ;  proclamation  of, 
in  1793,  154  ;  opposition  to  proclama- 
tion by  Jefferson  and  Madison,  154  ; 
act  of  Congress  relative  to,  1.55 ; 
influence  of  proclamation  on  inter- 
national law,  156 ;  an  issue  of  the 
war  of  1812,  236;  difficulty  of  en- 
forcing laws  as  to,  280 ;  test  of  effi- 
cacy in  Cuban  troubles,  327,  842  ; 
violation  of,  by  British  minister  and 
consuls,  347  ;  British  proclamation 
of,  in  Civil  War,  365  ;  controversy 
over  and  settlement  of  claim  against 
Great  Britain  for  lax  observance  of, 
during  the  Civil  War,  422-427. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  his  report  of  Sew- 
ard's after-dinner  remarks,  3(54. 

New  Orleans  mob,  against  Spanish 
subjects,  327  ;  Webster  on  responsi- 
bility for  damages  on  account  of, 
328 ;  appropriation  for  damages 
from,  made  by  Congress,  328. 

Olney,  Richard,  Secretary  of  State,  his 
ex]iosition  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in 
correspondence  on  the  Venezuela 
boundary,  4()8  ;  criticism  of  British 
press  on,  470  ;  Lord  Salisbury's  reply 
to,  470. 

Opium  trade,  with  China,  discouraged 
by  the  United  States,  291. 


INDEX. 


493 


Orders  in  Council.     See  Blockade. 

Oregon  bouiidarv,  project  to  concede 
to  Great  Uritain  territory  north  of 
Columbia  liiver,  2\>') ;  negotiation 
for  Settlement  iindLTtakeii  by  ^iccre- 
tary  liiicli:inan,  oO;!,  ;!07  ;  liistory  of 
the  (jiicstion,  '.'i*K> ;  involved  in  the 
presidential  campaign,  3i)i) ;  the 
Senate  consulted  iia  to  terms  of  a 
treaty,  ;5IJS ;  a  coinproniiso  treaty 
made,  ;WS  ;  Benton  on  "  Fifty-four- 
forty,  or  fight,"  -lOH  ;  extent  of  ter- 
ritory acquired  by  treaty,  ;{i;i. 

Ostend  Manifesto,  the,  issued  by 
American  ministers  on  purchase  of 
Cuba,  845. 

Oswald.  Richard,  British  negotiator  of 
preliiiiiiuiry  treaty  of  17S-,  opens  ne- 
gotiations with  Franklin,  54  ;  sketch 
of,  57  ;  map  used  by,  in  negotiations, 
285. 

Paine,  Thomas,  secretary  of  Commit- 
tee of  Foreign  Affaii's,  4  ;  attack  on 
John  Adams's  writings,  145. 

Pahnerston,  Lord,  on  Webster's  posi- 
tion on  the  New  Orleans  mob  dam- 
ages, o2'J  ;  prime  minister,  on  tlie 
Civil  War,  '^t~'A ;  his  part  in  the  par- 
liamentary debate  on  the  Confeder- 
ate cruisers,  l>S9. 

Panama,  congress  of,  its  relation  to 
the  Monroe  Doctrine,  451. 

Panama,  the  isthmus  of,  treaty  of 
1840  with  Coloml)ia  .is  to,  .'W4  ;  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer  treaty,  l>l!(i,  45(3 ;  nego- 
tiations in  Bnchanan's  term  as  to, 
350  ;  relation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
to,  4(;i-4(i(). 

Papal  relations  with  the  United  States 
after  independence,  90. 

Peace  Conference,  International,  at 
the  Hague,  declaration  as  to  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  made  by  the  American 
delegates,  475. 

Peggy  O'Neil  scandal  the,  Van  Bu- 
ren's  relation  to  it,  274. 

Perry,  Commodore  M.  C,  with  fleet 
opens  ports  and  compels  a  treaty  with 
Japan,  ;);U. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  on  Mazzei  letter, 
171  ;  appointed  Secretary  of  State, 
171  ;  controversy  with  Monroe,  174  ; 
dismissed  as  secretary  by  President, 
Adams,  180 ;  violation  of  Logan  Act 
229. 

Pinckney,  C.  C,  appointed  minister  to 
France  and  rejected   by  the  Direc- 


tory, 170  ;  joint  commissioner  to  ne- 
gotiate with,  ]7(i. 

Pinckney,  (,'harles,  minister  to  Spain, 
instructions  of,  as  to  cession  of  Loui- 
siana to  France,  19),   19(). 

Pinckney,  Thomas,  api)ointed  minister 
to  England,  1791,  1.51  ;  on  Jay's  ap- 
pointment ;is  special  envoy,  KiO. 

Pinkney,  \Villiain,  appointed  special 
plenipotentiary  to  negotiate  with 
Monroe  a  treaty  with  Great  Britain, 
205. 

Polk,  James  K.,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent on  Texas  and  Oregon  platform, 
oOU  ;  Oregon  in  his  inaugural  mes- 
sage, 307;  orders  General  Taylor 
into  disputed  Mexican  territory,  .314  ; 
on  the  results  of  the  Mexic;in  War, 
322  ;  success  of  his  administration, 
325  ;  invoked  the  application  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  to  Yucatan,  455. 

Private  agents  sent  to  Europe,  by 
President  Taylor  to  report  on  the 
Hungarian  revolt,  329  ;  by  Secretary 
Seward  during  the  Civil  War,  398  ; 
Adams  on,  399. 

Privateering,  al)olished  in  treaty  with 
Prussia,  1785,  93  ;  in  Declaration  of 
Paris,  ISSn,  and  Maroy's  proposed 
amendment  of,  93,  .347  ;  proposition 
of  British  and  French  governments 
to  Southern  Confederacy  on,  3(37. 

Protocol,  to  the  Mexican  treaty  of 
peace,  320. 

Quitman,  General,  his  filibustering 
plans,  342. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  first  Attorney- 
General,  137;  position  in  Cabinet  of 
Washington,  147  ;  prepares  the  pro- 
clam.ation  of  neutrality  of  1793, 154  ; 
appointed  Secretary  of  State,  158 ; 
downfall  as  secretary,  1(52 ;  his 
"  Vindicati<in."  1(!3. 

Randolph,  John,  "corrupt  bargain" 
charge  and  duel  with  Clay,  2(i9. 

Rayneval,  M.,  secretary  to  Vergennes, 
conferences  with  Jay  and  visit  to 
London,  GO  ;  on  terms  of  treaty  of 
1782,71. 

Reciprocity,  Canadian  treaty  of  1854, 
negotiation  of,;!37;  erroneous  Eng- 
lish statement  of  negotiations,  338; 
terminated  because  of  Canadian  sym- 
pathy with  American  rebellion,  339. 

Recognition  of  Spanish-American  re- 
publics, 2(53. 


494 


INDEX. 


Rodney,  victory  of,  effect  on  negotia- 
tions in  17S2,  56. 

Rose,  Sir  John,  of  the  Canadian  minis- 
try, his  preliminary  negotiations  in 
Washing-ton,  42S. 

Rush,  Richard,  minister  to  Great  Brit- 
ain, negotiates  -with  Gallatin  treaty 
of  1818,  as  to  fisheries  and  bound- 
aries, 255  ;  Canning's  proposition  to, 
as  to  Spanish-American  colonies, 
442 ;  his  action  thereon,  443  ;  his 
opinion  of  Canning's  motives,  449. 

Russell,  Jonathan,  commissioner  to  ne- 
gotiate peace  with  Great  Britain, 
24o. 

Russell,  Lord  John,  British  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  interview  with 
Dallas  on  Civil  War,  360,  .365,  372  ; 
his  conduct  during  the  Civil  War, 
873,  380,  390 ;  acknowledges  his 
mistake  as  to  the  Alabama,  385 ; 
on  the  emancipation  proclamation, 
39.3 ;  denial  of  responsibility  for 
Alabama  and  other  Confederate 
cruisers,  4'_'2. 

Russell,  William  H.,  correspondent  of 
the  London  Times,  his  interview 
with  Seward,  363. 

Russian  friendship,  during  the  Civil 
War,  372,  3S2,  405  ;  mission  of  Mr. 
Fox  on  account  of,  405. 

Salisbury,  Lord,  friendly  to  the  Con- 
federates during  the  Civil  War,  375  ; 
correspondence  with  vSecretary  01- 
ney  on  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  470. 

Samoa,  treaty  for  harbor  of  Pago- 
Pago,  436. 

San  Domingo,  treaty  for  annexation  of, 
rejected  by  the  Senate,  419 ;  appli- 
cation of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  to, 
458. 

Scott,  General  Winfield,  occupation  of 
the  City  of  Mexico,  316 ;  his  treat- 
ment of  Trist,  317. 

Seal  of  the  United  States.  See  Great 
Seal. 

Search  of  neutral  vessels,  right  of,  one 
of  the  issues  of  the  war  of  1812  with 
Great  Britain,  236  ;  in  the  Webster- 
Ashburton  negotiations,  288 ;  final 
abandonment  of  British  claim  to, 
352  ;  affair  of  the  Trent,  relation 
to,  369. 

Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  created, 
6;  report  of,  7  ;  Livingston  first,  6; 
Jay  appointed,  97  ;  ordered  to  sus- 
pend further  negotiations  till  Con- 


gress under  Constitution  assembles, 
103. 

Secretary  of  State,  act  of  Congress 
creating,  124 ;  his  position  in  the 
government,  127  ;  inadequate  salary 
of,  131  ;  Thomas  Jefferson  first  sec- 
retary, 137  ;  Edmund  Randoljjh,  158 ; 
Timothy  Pickering,  171  ;  James 
Madison,  185 ;  Robert  Smith,  233  ; 
James  Monroe,  2.34  ;  J.  Q.  Adams, 
250 ;  Henry  Clay,  268 ;  office  no 
longer  the  stepping-stone  to  the  pre- 
sidency, 272 ;  Martin  Van  Buren, 
273  ;  Edward  Livingston,  278  ;  Louis 
McLane,  278;  John  Forsyth,  278; 
Daniel  Webster,  281 ;  John  C.  Cal- 
houn, 297  ;  James  Buchanan,  303  ; 
William  L.  Marcy,  335  ;  Lewis  Cass, 
349  ;  William  H.  Seward,  357  ;  Jere- 
miah S.  Black,  359  ;  Hamilton  Fish, 
417. 

Seward,  W.  H.,  on  war  powers  of  the 
President,  116  ;  chosen  Secretary  of 
State  by  Lincoln,  357 ;  on  message 
of  1860  by  Buchanan,  359  ;  his  cir- 
cular on  intervention,  359  ;  intem- 
perate dispatch  to  Adams,  minister 
in  London,  360  ;  Pre.sident  Lincoln's 
corrections  of  the  dispatch.  361  ;  his 
"  Thoughts  for  the  President,"  362  ; 
Lincoln's  action  on  this  extraordi- 
nary paper,  363  ;  his  after-dinner  re- 
marks to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle, 
304 ;  his  delusion  as  to  the  Civil 
War,  364 ;  on  British  proclamation 
of  neutrality,  366 ;  on  the  Trent 
affair,  370  ;  refusal  to  receive  British 
and  French  ministers  jointly,  379 ; 
instructions  to  Adams  on  interven- 
tion, 382  ;  his  answer  to  French  pro- 
posal of  mediation,  383  ;  his  relation 
to  President  Johnson  and  his  party, 
403  ;  his  negotiation  for  the  cession 
of  Alaska,  406  ;  his  friendly  policy 
towards  Japan,  412 ;  negotiation  of 
treaty  with  Chinese  Embassy,  415  ; 
his  services  and  fame  as  secretary, 
417. 

Shays'  Rebellion,  effect  of,  on  foreign 
relations,  100  ;  Jefferson  on,  142. 

Shelbume,  Lord,  secretary  in  British 
Cabinet,  opens  negotiations  with 
Franklin  through  Oswald,  54  ;  opin- 
ion of  Oswald,  57  ;  friendly  action  as 
to  the  boundaries,  63,  77  ;  obliga- 
tion of  the  United  States  to,  83. 

Slavery,  how  affected  by  the  invention 
of  the  cotton  gin,  166 ;  evil  influence 


INDEX. 


495 


on  diplomacy,  the  case  of  the  Cre- 
ole, '2S7  ;  Lord  Aberdeen  on  its 
abolition  in  Texas,  ;](X) ;  annexation 
of  Texas  in  the  interest  of,  •■iiHi;  re- 
lation of  M(!xic-an  War  to,  '.'>'2l  ;  in- 
fluence in  abandonment  of  British 
claim  of  rif;lit  of  search,  '■ii')2. 

Smith,  Goldwin,  on  tlie  C'lay-Kandolph 
duel,  270 ;  friendly  to  the  Union 
durinp  the  Civil  War,.')"");  on  the 
cotton  famine  in  England,  . "370 ;  on 
escap(!  of  the  Alabama,  ;{><<>. 

Smith,  Robert,  Secretary  of  State,  se- 
lected l)y  Madison,  2;^:! ;  his  disagree- 
ment with  the  President  and  resig- 
nation, 284. 

Smith,  Sydney,  his  criticism  on  Web- 
ster, oMo. 

Soul^,  Pierre,  minister  to  Spain,  his 
turbulent  character,  ."342 ;  conduct 
in  the  case  of  the  Black  Warrior. 
348  ;  joins  in  Ostend  Manifesto,  845  ; 
indignant  resigTiation,  84(i. 

Sound  dues.     See  Danish  sound  dues. 

Southern  Confederacy,  British  sym- 
pathy for,  8o8 ;  commissioners  of, 
in  Europe,  8()0,  3()7,  8S2  ;  British 
recognition  of  belligerent  rights, 
365 ;  proposition  of  Great  Britain 
and  France  to,  on  Declaration  of 
Paris,  8(i7  ;  financial  standing  of,  in 
Europe,  88S. 

Spanish-American  republics.  See  Re- 
cognition. 

Sparks,  Jared,  his  relation  to  "  The 
Battle  of  the  Maps,"  284. 

Spoliation  Claims,  French,  release  of 
France  from  treaty  of  1800,  180. 

Spurgeon,  Rev.  C.  H.,  his  prayer  for  the 
success  of  the  Union  cause,  894. 

Star  Spangled  Banner,  the,  origin  of, 
248. 

State  Department.  See  Department  of 
State. 

Stoeckl,  Baron,  Russian  minister,  his 
negotiation  with  Secretary  Seward 
for  the  cession  of  Alaska,  40(). 

Storniont,  Lord,  British  ambassador 
in  Paris,  22,  28 ;  Franltlin's  refer- 
ence to,  3'^. 

Story,  Joseph,  jurist,  college  poem  on 
threatened  war  with  France,  178. 

Strachey,  Henry,  of  the  British  Colo- 
nial Office,  on  the  terms  of  peace, 
1782,  tU). 

Sumner,  Senator  Charles,  report  on 
Trist's  services  in  Mexico,  319;  his 
speech   on   the   cession   of   Alaska, 


407  ;  favored  the  withdrawal  of  the 
British  flag  from  Canada,  428  ;  his 
quarrel  with  President  Grant  and 
Secretary  Fish,  480. 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  .States, 
on  power  of  Congress  to  nullify  a 
treaty,  115;  on  the  acquisition  of 
foreign  territory,  201  ;  on  British 
proclamation  of  neutrality  in  the 
Civil  War,  800  ;  on  the  extradition 
of  criminals,  420. 

Talleyrand,  M.,  French  minister,  treat- 
ment of  American  commissioners, 
170  ;  participation  in  Louisiana  ne- 
gotiations,  198. 

Taylor,  General  Zachary,  ordered  by 
President  Polk  to  enter  disputed 
Mexican  territory,  814  ;  elected  Pre- 
sident, 825 ;  sends  secret  agent  to 
report  on  Hungarian  revolt,  829. 

Territory  of  the  United  States,  its 
growth  and  area.  410. 

Texas,  Jefferson  and  J.  Q.  Adams  on 
the  western  boundary  of,  202  ;  re- 
cognition of  independence  of,  280 ; 
President  Van  Buren's  opposition  to 
annexation  of,  281  ;  Webster  on  an- 
nexation, 295  ;  notification  of  Mex- 
ico that  annexation  would  be  a  cause 
of  war,  298 ;  treaty  for  annexation, 
299;  rejection  of  the  treaty  by  the 
Senate,  801  ;  annexation  of,  by  joint 
resolution,  802  ;  final  act  of  annexa- 
tion by  Polk,  814. 

Thornton,  Edward,  secretary  to  the 
British  legation  in  Mexico,  817. 

Treaties,  of  alliance  and  commerce 
with  France,  1778,  ;)0,  151  ;  of  peace 
and  independence  with  Great  Brit:nn, 
1782-88,  chapter  ii.,  81,  88,  158; 
with  Sweden,  1783,  88  ;  with  Prus- 
sia, 1785,  92  ;  relation  of  Continental 
Congress  to  negotiation  of,  98  ;  con- 
sular, with  France,  1788,  149;  Jay 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  1794,  101, 
105; 'with  France,  18(H),  179,  187; 
between  .Spain  and  France  respect- 
ing Louisiana,  188,  190;  for  cession 
of  Louisiana.  1808,  187-2(14:  treaty 
of  peace  of  1814  with  Great  Britain, 
245;  treaty  of  1818,  provision  as  to 
fisheries,  2.55  ;  for  cession  of  Florida, 
1819,  200-204  ;  with  Russia  of  1824. 
respecting  possessions  on  northwest 
coa-st,  205  ;  with  France,  1S81,  diffi- 
culty respecting  indemnity.  278  ; 
with  Great  Britain  of  1842  on  north- 


496 


INDEX. 


east  boundary,  etc.,  2S2  ;  treaty  for 
annexation  of  Texas  rejected  by 
Senate,  oOl ;  with  Great  Britain, 
18411,  as  to  Oregon,  302-308;  of 
peace  of  1S4S  with  Mexico,  318- 
320 ;  with  Colombia  as  to  isthmus 
transit,  324 ;  with  Great  Britain  of 
1850,  as  to  Central  America,  326  ; 
with  Japan,  1854,  334  ;  with  Great 
Britain,  1S54,  for  reciprocity  with 
Canada,  337  ;  with  Russia  for  the 
csssion  of  Alaska,  400  ;  with  Great 
Britain  of  1871,  Alabama  arbitra- 
tion, 423  ;  with  China,  1868,  415 ; 
with  Hawaii,  reciprocity,  435. 

Trent,  the,  a  British  vessel  detained 
by  Captain  Wilkes,  of  United  States 
Navy,  367 ;  approval  of,  in  the 
United  States,  368  ;  action  of  Great 
Britain  on,  368 ;  decision  of  the 
President,  and  surrender  of  Confed- 
erate commissioners,  370. 

Trist,  Nicholas  P.,  special  commis- 
sioner to  negotiate  peace  with  Mex- 
ico. 317  ;  his  recall,  and  suspension 
of  his  accounts,  318. 

Turreau,  General,  French  minister,  his 
knowledge  of  Burr's  conspiracy, 
225. 

Tyler.  John,  President,  his  support  of 
Webster  in  the  northeast  boundary 
question,  283 ;  relations  with  Web- 
ster, 295  ;  his  interest  in  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas,  295,  298 ;  after  rejec- 
tion of  treaty,  recommends  annexa- 
tion by  joint  resolution  of  Congress, 
301 ;  on  benefits  of  annexation,  323. 

Van  Berckel.  Mr.,  first  minister  from 
the  Netherlands,  34. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  appointed  Secre- 
tary of  State  by  Jackson,  273  ;  rela- 
tion to  the  Peggy  O'Neil  scandal, 
274  ;  minister  to  England,  rejected 
by"  the  Senate,  276  ;  as  President, 
279  ;  action  as  to  the  Canadian  in- 
surrection, 280 ;  opposition  to  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  280. 

Vans  Murray,  Wm.,  minister  to  Hol- 
land, appointed  joint  commissioner 
to  France,  178. 

Vaughan,  Benjamin,  private  secretary 
to  Shelburne,  sent  by  Jay  to  Lon- 
don, 61. 

Vergennes,  Count  de.  Minister  of  For- 
eign Affairs  of  France,  letter  to 
king,  12  ;  receives  American  com- 
missioners, 28  ;   complains  of  depar- 


ture of  commissioners  from  instruc- 
tions of  Congress  in  negotiations 
with  Great  Britain,  67,  77  ;  on  terms 
of  treaty  of  1782,  71  ;  French  Direc- 
tory on  conduct  of,  78 ;  conduct  in 
peace  negotiations,  81. 
Visitation,  of  neutral  vessels.  See 
Search,  right  of. 

Walker,  Robert  J.,  on  purchase  of 
Alaska,  404  ;  sent  to  Europe  as  finan- 
cial agent  during  the  Civil  War, 
485. 

Walker,  William,  filibuster  against 
Mexico  and  Nicaragua,  341 ;  final 
effort  against  Nicaragua  and  his 
execution,  350. 

War.  See  War  of  1812 ;  Mexican 
War  ;  Crimean  War  ;  Civil  War. 

War  Hawks,  party  in  Congress  known 
as,  240. 

War  of  1812,  with  Great  Britain, 
causes  of,  235 ;  declared  by  Con- 
gress, 240  ;  opposition  in  New  Eng- 
land to,  241  ;  burning  of  Washing- 
ton, 242  ;  peace  negotiations,  243 ; 
results  of  the  war,  248. 

War  power  of  the  President,  116. 

Washburne,  E.  B.,  minister  to  France, 
credit  gained  during  Franco-German 
war,  419. 

Washington,  George,  objection  to 
French  occupation  of  Canada,  75 ; 
organizes  the  government  under  the 
new  Constitution,  136 ;  letters  to 
Jefferson  and  Hamilton,  appealing 
for  harmony,  145 ;  action  on  neu- 
trality proclamation,  153  ;  Freneau's 
abuse  of,  147,  157 ;  appoints  Jay 
special  envoy  to  Great  Britain,  159 ; 
exchanges  ratification  of  treaty  of 
1794  with  Great  Britain,  H\S;'  de- 
clined to  send  papers  in  treaty  of  1794 
to  House,  108  ;  on  Monroe's  conduct 
in  France,  175 ;  appointed  to  com- 
mand the  army  in  threatened  war 
with  France,  177  ;  his  social  customs 
as  President,  208  ;  his  treatment  of 
Logan,  self  -  constituted  agent  to 
France,  226 ;  relation  of  his  Farewell 
Address  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
438. 

Webster,  Daniel,  opposition  to  Van 
Buren's  nomination  as  minister  to 
Great  Britain,  277  ;  Secretary  of 
State,  appointed  by  Harrison.  281  ; 
northeast  boundary  and  the  TV  eb- 
ster-Ashburton  treaty,  282  ;  his  rela- 


INDEX. 


497 


tion  to  "The  Battle  of  the  Maps," 
284 ;  on  the  McLeod  case,  2.S7  ;  mi 
the  case  of  the  (Creole,  */M7  ;  ou  im- 
preasnient  and  right  of  search,  28y  ; 
estaljlishes  relations  with  Cliina,  and 
policy  towards,  2.sy  ;  recognizes  tlie 
kingdom  of  Hawaii,  '2'.t''> ;  resigna- 
tion, and  cause  of,  '^'M  ;  on  territo- 
rial expansion,  •'5 1 1  ;  opposition  to 
the  Mexican  War,  olG;  recalled  to 
Department  of  State  by  Fillraora, 
320  ;  on  New  Orleans  mob  damages, 
328;  his  IliiLsemanu  com^spondence 
on  the  Hungarian  revolt,  32!) ;  estab- 
lishes diplomatic  intercourse  with 
Japan,  3o3 ;  end  of  his  brilliant 
career,  334  ;  on  the  reception  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  in  the  United  States. 
448. 

Weed,  Tlmrlow.  on  the  effect  of  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle's  report  of  Sew- 
ard's after-dinner  remarks,  -364 ; 
sent  on  a  private  mission  to  Europe, 
398. 

Weems.  Mason,  refused  ordination  by 


Church  of  England,  and  application 
to  Minister  Adams.  91. 

West,  Lord  Sackvilie.  IJritish  minister, 
dismissal  for  intermeddling  in  poli- 
tics, 434. 

Whitman,  Rev.  Marcus,  hia  journey 
from  Oregon  to  Washington,  30.^. 

Wilkes,  Captain,  of  the  United  States 
Navj'.  his  detention  of  the  Trent  and 
seizure  of  commissioners  of  the 
I       Southeni  Confederacy.  308. 

Winslow,  the  extradition  case  of,  419. 

Wives,  American,  of  foreign  diplomats. 
j      284. 

'  Yancey,  B.  C,  on  the  anti-slavery  sen- 
timent in  England,  3fl(i. 
Yrujo,  Carlos  M.  de,  minister  of  Spain, 
protests  against  the  transfer  of 
Louisiana,  190;  his  troubles  with 
Secretaries  Pickering  and  Madison, 
217 ;  intercourse  with  him  sus- 
pended, 219  ;    intrigue  with  Aaron 

I       Burr.  225;  had  an  American  wife, 

1      284. 


Electrotyped  and  printed  by  H.  O.  Houghton  &•  Co- 
Cambridge,  Mass,  U.S.A. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBR.VRY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


N0V2519E9 

DEC  1  4  .^3^ 
FEB  1 7  )9St 

JAN  2  5  196?!^ 


ID 


n 


1973 


^^ 


m 


2  \363 


4fi^UKL  iviAY  iO  iS 


RENEWAL 


Form  L9-100ni-9,'52(A3105 


^  c>^^ 


i.0 


ID 


^    DEC  7- 1973 

Dtu  1-1973 


>m 


m^ 


m 


y\96' 


)444 


^JJ,^.,.^,.,-,. 


AA    000  531  409    i 


58  01104  5373 


hi 
il 


